The significance of language to multiracial individuals and identity part ii final jan18

The Significance of Language to Multiracial Individuals and
to Their Identities, Part II
David L. Brooks1
and Mikio A. Brooks2
1
Associate Professor, Kitasato University 2
Associate Professor, Asia University
Note: The following article is the second part of a multiple-part
research paper. The first part was presented at The Asian
Conference on Education Conference, held Oct 24-29, 2012, at
the Ramada Hotel in Osaka, Japan, and published in the ACE
2012 Conference Proceedings.
Introduction
Multiracial and multiethnic individuals are theorized to have existed since the
beginnings of civilization as groups of people have migrated across geographical
boundaries. Historically, various cultural, ethnic, and racial groups of people have come
into contact with each other over the course of time and have mixed together (Farley,
2012; Jandt, 2013). An analysis of the research literature on multiracial individuals, their
self-definition and the development of their identities reveals that the majority of
research has focused on the following issues and topics: counseling (Cauce et al., 1992;
Wardle, 2000), identity development models (Poston, 1990; Jacob, 1992; Thornton,
1996; Schwartz, 1998), historical perspectives on mixed race individuals (Daniel, 1992;
Nakashima, 1992; Spickard, 1992), and the significance of physical appearance to
identity.
There exists a substantial body of literature which investigates the relationship
between language, intrapersonal identity and ethnic identity (Fishman, 1977; Gudykunst
& Schmidt, 1987; Clement & Noels, 1992; Edwards, 1994; and Liebkind, 1999);
however, one cannot locate very many research studies that focus specifically on the
issues of language among multiracial people or the relationship of language in
multiracial identity development in these two bodies of research. The use of the word
‘language’ may need further elaboration before discussing how language relates to
multiracial individuals and to their identities. ‘Language’ for the purpose of this
investigative paper refers to the choice of language, its use and usage, the developmental
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growth in language proficiency, values, attitudes, practices and policy toward language
use as determined by the family, school and community or national context in which it is
acquired and employed by a biracial or multiracial individual. As researchers, our view
of ‘language’ is not limited to being simply a tool of communication, but is also
understood as a means to develop social relationships, can be highly symbolic, and is
utilized to navigate the self in our world (Hamers & Blanc, 2000, p. 6).
These researchers’ view of language is not only as the medium of identity negotiation,
but also as a source of identity interpretation by others (Joseph, 2006; Warschauer,
2000). Stephan (1992) maintains, “[i]dentities are meanings that the self acquires
through social interaction, and as such, are crucial to an understanding of an individual’s
sense of him or herself” (p.51). A person’s identity is defined by who he or she is through
social interaction with others, through how they are categorized and understood by
others, and possibly through how much a person may or may not internalize the views of
others (Hakuta et al., 1987). It is important to recognize that one’s social relationships
and interactions with others, the extent to which an individual is affected by how others
evaluate him, and how much a role that the perceptions, views, and categorization by the
other people in a society play in how an individual of any background, whether of a
single race or ethnic heritage or of multiple heritages, comes to understand and value
him or herself (Saunders, 1988; Rossell & Baker, 1996).
In several studies (Murphy-Shigematsu, 1986; Hall, 1992; Williams,1992; Wallace,
1998) that utilized a qualitative approach to gather data and gain insight into multiracial
people and their identities, language -- its status, usage, and utility – has emerged as a
factor that was relevant to the participants’ life experiences. Nonetheless, language was
not the central concern that was intended to be examined; nor was it possible to fully
address all the language factors adequately in most studies that have examined
multiracial individuals, their identities, and life experiences (Cheng & Lee, 2009; Renn,
2008; Korgen, 2010). The body of research on multiraciality and on mixed-race
individuals or groups has only briefly explored the role of language and language
development on the formation of their identities. Therefore, we propose that there is a
great need for further qualitative and quantitative research in these areas. The paucity of
research data possibly derives from the reality that issues of language do not always play
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the most significant or an equally important role for all multiracial people alike
(Sengstock, et al, 2009). For certain groups or particular individuals of multiracial
heritage, the issue of language may be highly relevant, but to other multiracials, it may
not be an issue that seems to have a large significance in their identity development.
Some multiracial individuals may be dealing with one or more languages or cultural
heritages in their lives, which may influence how they define their sense of self and their
network of relationships, as well (Leavitt, 2002; Patel, 2012). Taylor (1994) provides
insight into the process of identity formation through how such an individual weaves
together both the external opinions of others and the internal self in writing thusly,
We define our identity always in dialogue with, sometimes in struggle
against, the things our significant others want to see in us…thus in
discovering my own identity doesn’t mean that I work it out in isolation,
but that I negotiate it through dialogue, partly overt, partly internal, with
others (p. 32-33).
However, it is our strong belief that language is a central component in the development
of all individuals whether they may be proficient in a single language or in multiple
languages and deeply influences the perception of and formation of the self-identity of
an individual, and may ultimately affect the social identity of an entire cultural or ethnic
group (Kramsch, 2003; Wallace, 2004; Potowski, 2007)
The goal of this multiple part paper is to create a framework towards understanding
the relationship of language and identity in multiracial individuals. There have been
several questions that have guided our research and process of constructing this inquiry.
The pertinent research questions are: 1) Who are multiracial people? 2) How does
identity form for multiracial people? What kinds of factors are involved in how a
multiracial person grows up? 3) How is language related to identity? How is language
related to ethnicity? 4) What is the significance of language and multilingualism to
multiracial individuals and to the formation of their identity?
Models of Multiracial Identity Formation:
Within the scope of this paper, the authors examine two particular models of
multiracial identity formation: Kich’s (1992) model of Biracial and Bicultural Identity is
a three stage model, while Kerwin and Ponterotto’s (1995) model of Biracial and
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Multiracial Identity Formation is a six stage model. Although one model is more
extensive than the other, both models have certain similarities between them, which may
help to explain or identify common themes or steps that can be generalized for all or the
majority of multiracial people and help explain how their identities or their sense of self
develop over time.
Developmental Process of Asserting a Biracial, Bicultural Identity
Kich (1992) developed this model utilizing his findings from his qualitative study on
15 adults, all of whom were Japanese and White American biracials between the ages of
17 and 60. According to Kich, “it is significant that all biracial people, of whatever racial
background, have had similar early and ongoing experiences of differentness and
dissonance” (p.306). However, the development of a person’s identity does not merely
remain devalued and static but progresses over time where the sense of being an
interracial person later becomes valued and secure. The first stage of Awareness of
Differentness and Dissonance is a period where individuals initially become aware that
being biracial means to be both races, yet neither of them because of how a person is
considered different than those who are not of mixed heritage (p.308). This stage usually
occurs between the ages of 3 and 10 years old. Differentness is based on objective
comparisons while dissonance implies a negative judgment based on difference. These
feelings of differentness and dissonance result from comparisons with others in terms of
their physical appearance, name, birthplace, and parent’s race and by often being asked
“who are you” or “what are you” as the person becomes more involved with social
contexts outside the family such as school, church, and the community. They may not
know how to respond to this type of question. During this stage, a biracial individual
will likely devalue himself or herself because they feel that they stand out or are
ambiguously defined as “other” in terms of their group identity and allegiance. The
feeling of being different does not necessarily mean that individuals will constantly
perceive themselves in a negative way. On the contrary, a secure family environment
where parents are willing to and are involved in discussing issues about differences in
race and identity will be crucial to the development of an individual’s positive self-
concept in the future (p.309).
The second stage of Kich’s model (1992, p. 310), Struggle for Acceptance, occurs
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from the age of 8 through late adolescence or young adulthood. As the individuals
interact more with people outside of the family in settings such as the school and the
community in their life cycle, they are exposed to and become increasingly aware of
how others see them and their families as different. People inquire about the individual’s
background or parents and the biracial individual might respond in varying ways. They
may not want to be recognized or highlighted as being someone different; at the same
time, they may also want to have their racial and ethnic heritages recognized by others.
Kich maintains:
They want to be known yet often are ashamed and outraged at so persistently
judged in their differentness. Biracial people want acceptance, hoping no one
will ask about their different names or appearances. Yet, after they answer the
questions and feel some acceptance by others, there is often only a bittersweet
sense of triumph in this recognition (p.310).
The most notable aspect of this stage can be characterized by the experimentation and
exploration of peer groups and social boundaries. Kich states, “Like all other
adolescents, biracial youth struggle with finding an accepting place outside the home.
But, unlike others, biracial and bicultural people do not find an easy or comfortable
recognition, acceptance, and membership with others like themselves” (p.312). Biracial
individuals search for a peer group where they can mirror their struggles and questions
relating to their own identities. Some biracial people change their allegiances with others
numerous times, while others proclaim self-identity beyond racial boundaries and
identify themselves in terms of a nationality or abilities as a person. Kich found that
many biracial individuals felt they needed to fit in, and a result mimicked the behavior of
others, developing a chameleon-like ability to adapt and to “pass” as a member of a
certain group. However, for many biracial people this form of “acceptance” only
temporarily relieved the feeling of being “both but neither” and did not resolve deeper
questions about who they are and where they belong.
During this stage, many biracial individuals begin to inquire into who they are and
how they relate to the world around them. They may explore their family histories or
cultural heritages by learning the language of their heritage, visiting the country of one
of their parents, and opening up or further developing relationships with their extended
families. According to Kich (1992), biracial individuals at this stage may struggle with
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issues of loyalty and identity in relation to their parents and family. They may have
conflicts over identifying with one parent over another as their relationships with their
parents become ambivalent or turbulent during adolescence. However, as the biracial
person increasingly comes to accept him or herself, the relationship with the parents may
develop towards accepting them as they are and recognizing what the parents’ struggles
may have been as an interracial couple. A growing sense of acceptance of who the
biracial individual may also prompt the use of terms such as biracial, hapa, AmerAsian,
interracial or international citizen to describe his or her self-identities. Simultaneously,
these individuals may seek out other biracial individuals or people who can relate to
their own struggles of identity and to their search for acceptance. Those who come to
realize that their sense of not belonging derives from their socially undefined position in
relation to racial, cultural, ethnic, and national boundaries may come to see that that
being biracial is no longer a personal problem or source of stigmatization. This process
of self-acceptance continues into the third and final stage (p.313).
In the last stage called Self-Acceptance and Assertion of Interracial Identity, the
biracial individual assumes a more positive self-definition of him or herself, reversing
previous conceptions of dissonance, marginality, and low self-worth as a biracial
individual. This process usually occurs after high school, and is more finalized during
young adulthood in college or in a time of occupational transitions after graduation.
Biracial individuals attain the “ability to create congruent self-definitions rather than be
determined by others’ definitions and stereotypes [and this] may be said to be the major
achievement of a biracial and bicultural identity” (p.314). The individual gains
confidence and acceptance of him or herself as they grow and come to value their
parents and their cultural heritages.
Kich found that many biracial individuals became more open to inquiries about who
they were and their personal background and were less defensive and reactive to these
types of questions at this later stage. Unlike the processes of “passing” invisibly and
ignoring recognition of their complex heritages, people at this stage came to see
“passing” in a more positive manner that represented a person’s ability to move between
two different groups because the person possesses an understanding of language, social
behaviors, and cultural norms of the different groups. This ability to exist in two
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different worlds can be considered bicultural competence. “Rather than a process of
dissociating and separating off aspects of the self, the development of a biracial person
who achieves a biracial and bicultural identity is marked by an ongoing integration of
different and sometimes contradictory heritages, histories, and parental, social, and
community messages” (Kich p.317). These people come to understand and affirm
themselves, through both self-acceptance and social acceptance, as biracial, bicultural,
and as individuals who can, not only survive, but be recognized, and even excel in two
different groups or worlds. Most importantly, this assertion enables the individual to
create and to develop a meaningful whole sense of the self. This achievement of self-
acceptance does not merely end here but continues as a process throughout the
development of the biracial individual’s lifetime.
The Kerwin-Ponterotto Model of Biracial/Multiracial Identity Formation
A second useful model consisting of six different stages in the life cycle of a
biracial/multiracial individual is now described. In this initial stage of a preschool age,
(characteristic of the young child up to 5 years of age), biracial children began to
develop a racial awareness. Children between the ages of three to five first begin to
notice the differences in physical characteristics between their parents, themselves, and
with other people outside of the family. Biracial and multiracial children of this age have
a much higher awareness of racial color and skin color than white children, suggesting
that this increased awareness is related to the parents’ heightened awareness of race as a
result of their own interracial marriage or relationship (Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995).
The second stage becomes evident by the age of entering school. In this stage,
biracial children begin to ask explicit questions about their own skin color or that of
other children. Like children who are not biracial, these children have the desire to
categorize and classify others according to social categories. Kerwin and Ponterotto
(1995) suggest that at this age some multiracial children are dependent on the labels used
by their parents, meaning that the parents’ views and ways of processing or categorizing
other people will undoubtedly affect the children in their later years.
The third stage of the Kerwin-Ponterotto model occurs in the preadolescent years
when preteens become increasingly aware of physical differences, skin colors of people,
and possibly recognizing that varying languages spoken signify representative group
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membership. Along with a heightened awareness of the self in relation to other groups of
people, the children become aware of how they differ from or are similar physically and
linguistically to their parents. These types of awareness directly lead a biracial to the
experiences in the next stage.
In the adolescent stage (Kerwin and Ponterotto, 1995) biracial individuals are faced
with challenging moments in their lives when they are asked to choose one racial group
over another. Like all other adolescents, in this stage of their lives they must cope with
the societal and peer pressures around them. This period can be a difficult time,
especially for multiracial individuals, because others question their identities in terms of
loyalty and group membership. Biracial and multiracial people also begin to date other
adolescents, which greatly increases the possibility that they will have to come face to
face with issues having to do with race and with the struggles between self-definition
and public perception.
The fifth stage in the biracial individual’s life is the age of the college years of young
adulthood, according to Kerwin and Ponterotto (1995). Depending on the individual,
continual immersion in one culture may persist while the other culture is rejected.
However, during these young adult years, multiracial individuals are likely to develop a
secure personal identity and become capable of dealing with personal issues having to do
with their complex and unique heritage as a result of self-exploration. When individuals
have managed to go through the previous stages successfully, they can finally come to
recognize both the advantages and disadvantages that are associated with their biracial
heritage.
In the last stage, adulthood, a multiracial individual’s formation of identity does not
come to a complete stop. Development of a multiracial identity is viewed as a life-long
process that will continue to change and be challenged as the individual experiences
various events in their lives. The Kerwin-Ponterotto model (1995) suggests that a
continuing integration of the different facets of biracial identity occurs with the
experiences of adulthood. An enhanced sense of self and an increased flexibility in
interpersonal skills will likely result in a “broader base of experience” on which a
multiracial person can build an ethnic and personal identity (Keith, 2011)
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Comparison of Models and Discussion of Multiracial Identity Development
Kich and Kerwin-Ponterotto discuss the development of a biracial/multiracial identity
as a dynamic and ongoing process. In both models, there is an initial sense of or a
realization of differentness, isolation, marginalization from other people in their lives at
times that can be painful experiences for biracial and multiracial people. However, they
gradually come to accept who they are. They construct a more stable and positive sense
of self through the processes of exploring who they are by discovering, understanding,
and integrating their cultural and ethnic heritages as a part of who they are, by learning
more about the world around them, and by realizing how others socially categorize them
in our societies, and finally by gaining insight and coming to appreciate the experience
(Kich, 1992; Kerwin and Ponterotto, 1995).
These two models are particularly valuable because they both help us see that the
identity formation among multiracial individuals is a lifelong process, rather than being
static and unchanging. These models can help to frame identity among multiracial
individuals as complex, fluid, and dynamic. The self-definition of a multiracial person is
influenced by many factors such as family, peers, physical appearance, and social
perceptions and highlights the fact that one’s selff-definition can be inconsistent or can
change over the course of time in a person’s life (Turner, 2003). Each and every
multiracial individual’s experience along with how they define their selves will be
dynamically unique and a continuous lifelong process. Both sets of researchers suggest
that, even though multiracial individuals may have achieved a coherent and positive
sense of self, if they experience trauma or a significant event in their life, such as a racist
encounter at school or work, the person’s views about who they are can change (Renn,
2012).
Their own multiracial identity can be affected significantly so as to become less
stable, leading to a feeling of vulnerability or confusion, and may cause the person to
reexamine who they are and their relationship to the world around them (Szmanko,
2008). A person who has come to accept who they are, and would be characterized as
belonging to one of the final stages of the models of identity development can go back to
the actions or feelings that may be characteristic of an earlier stage when they are
impacted by a powerful life experience. This suggests two things. First, multiracial
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individuals gradually develop a sense of who they are through a process of progression
and regression that is bi-directional (Lyda, 2008). Second, individuals are influenced by
the views of others and that self-acceptance of one’s identity cannot be easily achieved
without the acceptance of others. A multiracial individual will go through the stages of
exploration in search for identity and seek the acceptance of others during the course of
his or her life; they will also be affected by various factors that contribute to the
development of a multicultural identity (Ponterotto, Utsey & Pedersen, 2006). The
person may passively seek acceptance or may utilize a more active approach to feel a
part of a group by learning the language, culture, behaviors, and histories (Schwartz,
1998).
AmerAsian respondents in Murphy-Shigematsu’s (1986) study, all of whom had
primarily grown up in the United States, developed a more integral sense of self as both
Americans and Japanese through exploring both of their heritage languages and cultures
as young adults. Some traveled to Japan because they felt it was their motherland and
wanted to reestablish ties with their extended family, while others studied Japanese
language and Japanese history during college as a means to resolve the struggles of not
belonging to either group. The experiences of these AmerAsians point to the importance
of language and culture as significant elements that have enabled them to incorporate a
duality of heritages into their identities (p. 117). The exploration of both of their own
ethnic languages, cultures, and histories opens up the opportunities for social
relationships with people of an ethnic group, which in turn can increase social
acceptance into the groups which subsequently leads to a heightened sense of belonging
to a group (Eriksen, 2002, p.56). Thus, access to the language, culture, and people of a
person’s ethnic heritage groups is a crucial component to the development of a
multiracial individual’s identity (Brooks, 2012; Athanasopoulos, 2011).
Conclusion
The degree to which a multiracial individual will gain the ability to navigate his or
herself in more than one cultural context will depend on their degree of bicultural or
multicultural competence. Language becomes vital in the capacity to become highly
culturally competent (Jackson, 2014, p. 207). Through language, a person will
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communicate and interact with others, develop and sustain meaningful social
relationships where an individual can gain cultural knowledge, learn how to behave, and
possibly be supported in, and become more confident in their abilities to communicate to
be a part of the cultural group of context (Fantini, 2012). According to Ofelia Garcia
(2009, p.318), “good pedagogy that ignores the social justice principle is ineffective for
bilingual instruction.” Thus, language is even more critical for multiracial individuals
and their identities because attaining a bicultural competency will enable them to
overcome social marginalization or feelings of differentness or dissonance, and then to
develop a positive, healthier sense of himself or herself as an individual who is part of a
multifaceted and multilingual world. We maintain that a bicultural ability will permit
multiracial individuals to be “all that they can or want to be.” We are not wanting to
force multiracial individuals, their parents, or educators to take measures so as these
bicultural individuals can “perfectly” acquire both or multiple languages, nor are we
calling for these individuals to become complete “experts” in their own heritage cultures
(Miyahira & Petrucci, 2007, p. 258).
We believe that multiracial people should have the freedom to choose and define
himself or herself as either a single identity, as a bicultural identity, or as having multiple
cultural identities. Multiracial people should also not be forced to choose an ethnic or
racial identity for their heritage at all, nor be required to make a decision to self-identify
with a group to which they may not be biologically related. Instead, they deserve the
right of choice to change who they are over time, and to be inconsistent in their decisions
concerning their own identity (National Research Council, 2004). We strongly believe
that all multiracial individuals should be allowed to grow and reach their maximal
potential as human beings, and to have the freedom of choice to be who they want to be
(Byrd Clark & Lamoureux, 2014, p.45). However, their identities are dependent in part
on the views, the social perceptions, and the affirmation of others, and depend also on
the ways in which they navigate their social relationships successfully. How multiracial
individuals become part of a group is also contingent upon their competency in the
language and its culture (Pavlenko, 2006).
The authors believe that the question of how language and identity interrelate is
important to not only multiracial and multiethnic individuals, but to those who are
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multilingual, and multicultural, as well as to the members of educational institutions,
social organizations, and companies in which they learn and work (Shin, 2013, p. 109-
110). The authors hope this current framework and research in the future will not only
address issues that are pertinent to multiracial and multiethnic individuals, but will also
capture the experiences and issues relating to the role of language and the development
of their identities for informing a larger audience.
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