The value of context

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The value of context,
or what qualitative research can learn from behavioural economics
Opinion LeaderResearch excellence

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Qualitative research is uniquely positioned
to uncover the true drivers of consumer
behaviour, but can only do so if it starts to
look beyond our articulated wants and needs
This report is based on an original paper first delivered at ESOMAR and subsequently the winner of the
prestigious WPP Research in Practice Atticus Award in 2013.

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A successful city trader walks into a fashionable New York City bar.
As he scans the bottles of spirits behind the bartender, he is excited to
see a rare bottle of single malt: his signature brand with a distinct taste
that he believes makes it the best whisky ever distilled. It’s expensive but
within his price range. However, when the bartender asks what he would
like, he pauses for a moment and orders a bottle of Johnnie Walker Black
Label instead. He also asks for four glasses.

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In New Delhi, a woman makes her way purposefully along the aisle of a
supermarket, quickly and efficiently picking out her regular purchases and
adding them to her basket. Next to the section filled with instant teas and
coffees, she pauses. She picks up a jar of Horlicks from the shelf, studies it
for a moment and then replaces it on the shelf and moves on.

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Another woman packs up her belongings at her desk in an office in
central London. She scoops up a gym bag from beside her chair, looks
at it and sighs. Then she walks downstairs, heads for the tube station,
and goes straight home.

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Situations such as these illustrate an issue with which qualitative
researchers are very familiar: the fact that that behavioural
intention, such as going to the gym, losing weight and staying
healthy, does not always translate into actual behaviour; that
strong, personal brand preferences do not always translate into
brand choices. Qualitative research offers marketers the greatest
opportunity for revealing why such intentions do not produce
the behaviour that we might expect. But its ability to deliver the
correct explanation depends on where it looks for the answers.

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Tell me what you want, what you really,
really want
Most qualitative research today starts from a
psychoanalytical view of human behaviour that is
derived from Freud and considers that apparently
contradictory behaviour results from hidden emotions,
wants and needs. Researchers prompt interviewees to
think in more detail about why they fail to make the
decisions their stated preferences suggest they should,
seeking to uncover deeper motivations or beliefs that
might explain the behaviour.
In the case of our whisky connoisseur, the deeper
belief that emerges might be a conviction that his
favourite whisky is best suited to quiet, contemplative
evenings at home rather than lively, buzzing nights
out. For our would-be gym-goer, the explanation
could be that she believes she is not in the best state
to visit the gym after long taxing days at work and
instead needs to unwind, recharge and visit in the
morning. For our supermarket shopper, the subject of
a test interview conducted by TNS to demonstrate the
results delivered by different approaches to qualitative
research, the answer lay in the fact that she used to
love Horlicks as a child or a young woman but she is
now an adult, and no longer ‘needs’ the ‘fattening’
milk that is the main ingredient in a Horlicks drink.

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Good answers, incomplete questions
Inviting consumers to consider more deeply the
reasons for their actions almost always produces
an answer. And if we ask the right questions we are
often able to avoid superficial, rationalised responses
and touch hidden layers of needs and motivations. The
problem, as advances in neuroscience and behavioural
economics keep reminding us, is that needs and
motivations are at best only half the picture.
There are few more powerful fits with motivations
than a gym and the desire that it embodies to be fit,
attractive and healthy – but many people still do not
go to the gym despite spending a lot of money on
their membership. There are other mental forces at
work that are not apparent to a needs-based approach
and cannot be revealed simply by exploring feelings
more deeply. In fact, they rarely feature in spontaneous
answers at all.
Behavioural economics teaches us that human
behaviour is often automatic and unthinking, and
is shaped far more heavily by momentary contextual
factors than we realise. These contexts can be both
internal and external. They include our automatic
habitual responses, the heuristics or rules of thumb
that we follow every day, and the constraints of the
physical environment. The problem for qualitative
researchers is that these factors, which we adapt to
without thinking, are not easily brought to mind when
we are asked to think about why we behave the way
that we do.

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What Freud wouldn’t do: the lessons of
behavioural economics
In this way, the ‘unconscious’ factors that often trigger
behaviour are not a pool of deep desires and feelings
such as that conceived of by Freud, but an active,
adaptive management system, focused on navigating
life and responding to the physical environment as
efficiently and effectively as possible. One frequently
observed outcome is that people do not usually seek
out ideal solutions; instead they ‘satisfice’, adopting
choices that are ‘good enough’ but avoid them
expending angst and energy seeking something better.
Our whisky connoisseur is a satisficer in action,
modifying his own strong personal convictions
because, in this situation, he is buying a bottle for a
group of four colleagues to share and his governing
heuristic or rule of thumb is to buy the bottle that
everyone will like – and consider suitably upmarket.
Setting aside his own preferences, he goes for the
brand that he knows everybody else is most likely
to approve of.
‘Fridge fit’ is a well-known example of a satisficing
heuristic that leads shoppers to make unexpected
choices in categories like salad dressing. They choose
their dressing not based on how well it fits with their
beliefs about food and nutrition, but on how well
it fits into their fridge. Rustic, wholesome, organic
brands which use rustic-looking, squat, wide bottles
for their dressing, often fall foul of this heuristic.
Qualitative research has traditionally focused on
understanding the needs and emotions associated
with brands and categories: the connoisseurship
and distinction associated with single malt whisky,
the nostalgia and nurturance in a mug of Horlicks,
the warmth and homeliness of a rustic brand of
salad dressing. This approach aligns with the human
brain’s inherent striving for meaning, interpreting,
categorising and generally making sense of our
actions for future reference.
The need for rustic, wholesome dressing is in no
way less ‘real’ or ‘true’ than the inclination to buy
something that will fit in the fridge, but it is not the
full picture. And if we are to influence behaviour in
desired directions we need as full a picture as possible.
This is the real lesson of behavioural economics: the
importance of focusing on real choices; what people
really do, not just how they feel.
Focusing on needs and motivations helps us
identify positioning opportunities, shape brand
identities and give them meaning, and craft
compelling communication. Focusing on behaviour
helps unravel habits, shape usage and influence
choices at the point of purchase. Both are essential
for a complete understanding of how we make the
choices that we do – and for qualitative research to
make the fullest possible contribution to brand and
product strategies.

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Analysing the adaptive unconscious
In his book ‘Strangers to Ourselves’, psychologist
Timothy Wilson talks about how “It can be fruitless
to try to examine the adaptive unconscious by looking
inward.” Wilson argues instead that “It is often better
to deduce the nature of our hidden minds by looking
outward at our behaviour (…) and coming up with a
good narrative.”
Since habits and heuristics are shaped by contextual
factors, understanding their influence often requires us
to observe or recreate the contexts in which choices are
made. Diary formats and observation of live behaviour
are good ways of capturing behaviour in context, as
it unfolds. And where the behaviour of interest is not
current, it is vital to find ways of reconstructing past
events and behaviour in as vivid and accurate a manner
as possible. In this area, qualitative researchers can make
great progress by borrowing techniques from another
profession that involves a lot of similar questioning.
Police interviewing and unreliable eyewitnesses
Eyewitnesses who have unsuspectingly witnessed the
events surrounding a crime have often been exposed
to trivial details, which have since acquired vital
importance. The problem is, they had little interest in
recording or remembering these details at the time:
What was the number plate of the car that drove
past as they were walking down the street at 8 pm?
Was the window they passed open or closed? Whose
were the voices they heard as they passed a door?
Were they arguing or merely excited? Such details
were not accompanied by any emotional charge when
they were first experienced, to help lay down strong,
readily recalled memories. And in the absence of
those memories, officers must use other techniques to
activate the neural connections around the everyday
details that witnesses observed.

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Recreating context
The technique that police officers use to achieve this
is known as cognitive interviewing. It was developed
in the 1970s by the researchers Ronald Fisher and
Edward Geiselman and adopted by police forces
worldwide when it was shown to improve the
quality and accuracy of eyewitness recall.
Cognitive interviewing is based on
the idea that a failure to remember
something is a failure of recall rather
than a failure of encryption: once
something has been encoded in our
long-term memory, it is there to be
found, if we know where to look. An
analogy is a lost computer file: if we
have the right codes to retrieve it, we
will be able to do so.
The codes that cognitive interviewing uses to achieve
this are contextual: an event is stored in memory
along with the images, sounds, emotions and inner
states of being that accompanied it. Any one of these
contextual factors can help to bring back a memory –
think of the flood of memories we can unexpectedly
experience when we visit a childhood home, smell a
familiar perfume or hear a ‘forgotten’ piece of music.
The closer we can take the mind to a state in which it
originally experienced something, the more likely the
memory is to return. There is even evidence that an
event experienced when you are drunk is more likely
to be remembered if you become drunk again.

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The case for cognitive interviewing
Applying these cognitive interviewing techniques to
qualitative research can provide interviewers with
the tools to access the details of habitual behaviour
and heuristic-driven decisions that their subjects
do not consciously think about. Doing so requires
a patient, narrative-building approach to interview,
which follows the subject’s story and allows it to
proceed in a free-flowing manner that enables
contextual connections to emerge. And it requires
an interviewer with particular qualities: the ability
to allow meandering and avoid interruption, being
comfortable with silence, and above all, having deep
reserves of patience.
When TNS asked the lapsed Horlicks drinker to
describe her daily routine in this way, no longer
focusing directly on explanations for lapsing, other
clearly important factors started to emerge. Rather
than declining, her emotional need for Horlicks had
actually increased with the pressures of work – and
she deeply missed drinking it. Rather than changing
needs or motivations, the explanation for her change
of behaviour in fact lay in changing contexts and
internal and external cues: working long hours and
getting home late meant she did not have the time
or patience to make herself a cup of Horlicks late at
night; she had switched to drinking green tea as part
of a fitness regimen, and this started to spill over into
her evenings since the drink was easier to make; she
had also switched to soya milk to lose weight and
her occasional inclination to make a cup of Horlicks
at home was squashed because only soya milk was
available in her fridge; she had taken up smoking and
savouring her first cigarette of the day in the morning
did not leave her time to make Horlicks; besides, tea
went better with a cigarette than Horlicks did and
was easier to make as well. The heuristic that green
tea was more convenient to make became a habit
that triggered her to drink it in almost every situation,
despite the fact that on balance, she expresses a
strong preference for a comforting drink like Horlicks
on several of these occasions. Ironically, the need to
be healthy should have given a ‘health beverage’ like
Horlicks a firmer place in her repertoire of beverages.
However, the habits and heuristics resulting from new
contexts for her consumption pushed Horlicks out of
the picture entirely.

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The presence or absence of contextual cues often
lies behind changes of behaviour that individuals
themselves have trouble explaining. Our would-be
gym-goer, for example, is frustrated because she
knows that in her last job, when she worked in an
office with a gym downstairs, she worked out almost
every evening. Why can she not bring herself to do so
now? After all, the nearest gym is only a stop away
on the tube. The answer lies in a contextual cue that
has been removed. At her last workplace, colleagues
were always stopping by her desk on the way to the
gym. This provided a stable context and a regularly
repeated cue for her to go. When it was removed, in
an environment where colleagues no longer go to the
gym as a group, the gym-going behaviour ceased. The
strength of her motivation has not changed, but the
triggers for her behaviour have.
For Horlicks, the recommendations that emerge from
this approach are very different from those revealed by
focusing on the brand’s fit with the user’s needs and
motivations. Rather than re-engineering the product or
brand identity in an attempt to make it more relevant,
(it is already very close to this woman’s ideal), Horlicks
should focus on making it easier for our shopper to
drink it: communicating behaviour and consumption
contexts that fit with her current life: making Horlicks
available in the right format for the constraints of her
time and the physical environment (via office vending
machines or as single-serve sachets for example), or
suggesting the possibility of using soya milk as an
ingredient.

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Committing to interpretation
Techniques such as cognitive interviewing can make
an immensely valuable contribution to understanding
consumer behaviour and developing strategies to
influence it. However, it is a contribution that requires
commitment on the part of qualitative researchers
themselves: a commitment to the interpretative role
of expert interviewers. Fragments of consumer
contexts need a researcher to string them together
into a coherent narrative, and the answers rarely
come directly from respondents’ own analysis of
events. Taking people’s responses and self-diagnoses
at face value is a trap that too much qualitative
research is starting to fall into. To understand
consumer choices in a meaningful way, we must
commit to a role for techniques that can add crucial
additional perspective by revealing the role of our
adaptive unconscious. Otherwise, the true threats
and opportunities for brandswill continue to remain
something of a mystery.

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About In Focus
In Focus is part of a regular series of articles that takes an in-depth look at a particular subject, region or
demographic in more detail. All articles are written by TNS consultants and based on their expertise gathered
through working on client assignments in over 80 markets globally, with additional insights gained through
TNS proprietary studies such as Digital Life, Mobile Life and The Commitment Economy.
About TNS
TNS advises clients on specific growth strategies around new market entry, innovation, brand switching and
stakeholder management, based on long-established expertise and market-leading solutions. With a presence
in over 80 countries, TNS has more conversations with the world’s consumers than anyone else and understands
individual human behaviours and attitudes across every cultural, economic and political region of the world.
TNS is part of Kantar, one of the world’s largest insight, information and consultancy groups.
Please visit www.tnsglobal.com for more information.
Get in touch
If you would like to talk to us about anything you have read in this report, please get in touch via
enquiries@tnsglobal.com or via Twitter @tns_global
About the author
Anjali Puri is Managing Director, TNS Qualitative,
Asia-Pacific. A seasoned qualitative researcher
with over two decades in the industry, Anjali has
been active in the development of new qualitative
methodologies, and has contributed to shaping
contemporary thinking in qualitative research
globally, particularly in the areas of consumer
choices, behaviour change and social media.
Passionate about understanding cultures and
how they shape our relationships with brands,
Anjali is currently working on understanding how
archetypal needs translate across cultures.
Anjali is a frequent presenter at ESOMAR and other
industry forums, and has received multiple awards,
including the ‘Best New Thinking’ award by the
UK MRS as well as the prestigious Atticus Award in
2013 in the ‘Research in Practice’ category.
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