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Tourist Behaviour and the
Contemporary World

ASPECTS OF TOURISM
Series Editors: Chris Cooper, Oxford Brookes University, UK, C. Michael Hall,
University of Canterbury, New Zealand and Dallen J. Timothy Arizona State
University, USA
Aspects of Tourism is an innovative, multifaceted series, which comprises
authoritative reference handbooks on global tourism regions, research vol-
umes, texts and monographs. It is designed to provide readers with the latest
thinking on tourism worldwide and push back the frontiers of tourism
knowledge. The volumes are authoritative, readable and user-friendly, provid-
ing accessible sources for further research. Books in the series are commis-
sioned to probe the relationship between tourism and cognate subject areas
such as strategy, development, retailing, sport and environmental studies.
Full details of all the books in this series and of all our other publications can
be found on http://www.channelviewpublications.com, or by writing to
Channel View Publications, St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol
BS1 2AW, UK.

ASPECTS OF TOURISM
Series Editors: Chris Cooper, Oxford Brookes University, UK, C. Michael Hall,
University of Canterbury, New Zealand and Dallen J. Timothy Arizona State
University, USA
Tourist Behaviour and the
Contemporary World
Philip L. Pearce
CHANNEL VIEW PUBLICATIONS
Bristol • Buffalo • Toronto

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
Pearce, Philip L.
Tourist Behaviour and the Contemporary World/Philip L. Pearce.
Aspects of Tourism: 51
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Travelers--Psychology. 2. Tourism--Psychological aspects. 3. Tourism--Social spects.
I. Title. II. Series.
G155.A1P36218 2011
306.4'819–dc23 2011027892
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN-13: 978-1-84541-222-7 (hbk)
ISBN-13: 978-1-84541-221-0 (pbk)
Channel View Publications
UK: St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.
USA: UTP, 2250 Military Road, Tonawanda, NY 14150, USA.
Canada: UTP, 5201 Dufferin Street, North York, Ontario M3H 5T8, Canada.
Copyright © 2011 Philip L. Pearce.
All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means
without permission in writing from the publisher.
The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are
natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable for-
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Typeset by Techset Composition Ltd., Salisbury, UK.
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Short Run Press Ltd.

Contents
Preface vii
1 Pathways to Understanding 1
Introduction 1
Behaviour and Experience 2
Tourists: The Focus of Our Concern 5
Whose Perspective? 10
Theory and Relevance 11
Paradigms 16
Levels of Analysis 19
Phenomenon Sampling 20
Key Conceptual Schemes 23
Topics to be Explored 24
2 The Digital Tourist 25
Introduction 25
Technology and Tourist Information 26
Technology Insights 30
Additional Dimensions in Information Search 34
On-Site Uses of Technology 36
Facets of Technology 36
Social Communication 38
The Mobile Phone and the Internet 39
Photography 41
Way Finding 44
Mobile Recommender Systems 47
Entertainment and Interpretation 50
Directions 54
3 The Tourist in Trouble 57
Introduction 57
Motivation Theory 57
Attribution Theory 62
Tourist Scams 65
Responsibility and its Implications 68
Crimes against Tourists 70

Directions 75
Health Challenges 76
Directions 80
4 The Tourists’ Footprints 83
Introduction 83
Symbolic Paths 83
Patterns of Tourist Movement 91
Public Movement Patterns 93
Perceived Crowding 94
Fundamental Points in Crowding Management 96
Conceptual Foundations of Crowding Studies 97
Broader Movement Patterns 100
Ecological Footprints 102
Directions 108
5 Dimensions of Personal Change 109
Introduction 109
The Roots of Personal Change 110
Approaches to Identity 114
Tourists and Learning 118
Tourists and Relationships 128
Directions 131
6 Tourists Connecting to Others 135
Introduction 135
Tourists and Others: Reacting to Poverty 135
The Disengaged 137
Compartmentalisation 137
The Lucky Self 138
Empathy, Sympathy and the Self 138
Corrective Actions 139
Volunteer Tourism 141
Humour 145
Directions 149
7 Additional Perspectives 150
Introduction 150
Slow Tourism 150
Spending Behaviour 153
Shopping, Bargaining and Tipping 154
Themed Tourist Behaviour 156
Final Souvenirs 158
References 162
Index 183
vi Tourist Behaviour and the Contemporary World

Preface
The core aim of this book is to review and stimulate interest in a number of
emerging and fresh topics in contemporary tourist behaviour and experience.
In the existing tourism literature there are already many detailed and valu-
able contributions informing major issues such as tourists’ destination selec-
tion and consumer satisfaction. Additionally, there are strong sets of studies
in tourists’ impacts, interpretation for tourists and tourist–local interaction.
The topics covered in this volume are less developed. The work to be reviewed
includes the effects of newer technologies on tourists’ behaviour and experi-
ence, tourists’ experience of safety and the responsibility they bear for their
own well being, individual perspectives on sustainability, and some dimen-
sions of tourists’ personal development and connections to others.
The choice of these topics is inevitably personal and reflects the selec-
tions of one researcher. A key link among the relatively fresh topics chosen
is that at the broad scale they represent powerful contemporary issues shap-
ing the world of tourism today. Some of the key concerns of this volume are
blossoming rapidly into substantial research fields in tourism analysis. Others
are just emerging as new areas of interest.
In this book the topic areas are linked by pursuing a behavioural and
experiential perspective which argues that studies of tourists’ experience
may be likened to attending to the work of a full orchestra. From this per-
spective there are multiple contributions to the ensemble of tourist experi-
ence. In the tourists’ experiential world the contributing components to a
holistic or orchestrated sense of experience are the sensory inputs, the affec-
tive reactions, the cognitive mechanisms used to think about and understand
the setting, the actions undertaken and the relevant relationships which
define the participants’ world. These component parts of the experiential
orchestra all provide different influences over time and situations to achieve
the full effect. Researchers may isolate the components of the experience for
analysis, but when doing so, need to be aware that the full experiential array
may be richer than that described in one focused study. Behaviour and expe-
rience can be studied in an immediate or ongoing sense but more usually by
later recall and analysis. In this book there will be a special emphasis on
vii

tourists’ stories and accounts as a pathway to access the nature of the travel
experience and tourists’ behaviour.
For those who have already read similar volumes – examples might
include my own earlier work in this area, Pearce (2005); the British perspec-
tives on contemporary tourist behaviour offered by Bowen and Clarke (2009);
the edited volumes by Pizam and Mansfeld (2000), Kozak and DeCrop (2009)
or Morgan et al. (2010) – an incentive might be needed to undertake another
tourist behaviour journey and traverse a similar landscape. In addition to the
emphasis on the contemporary topics, three minor but hopefully appealing
features can be promised.
The first somewhat novel feature is the inclusion of some tourists’ tales.
These accounts are extracted from previous research studies, tourists’
websites and travel writing and will be used to enhance the readability of the
text. Typically, they will be short pieces and provide a mix of personal and
colourful accounts of the themes of the section. It will be argued that travel
stories are not a minor entertainment in thinking about tourist experience –
they are in fact at the very core of the analysis and provide insights of sub-
stance (cf. Moscardo, 2010a; Noy, 2005).
The second feature will be the inclusion of select visual material. The
intention of using organising diagrams and select images is of course to
enliven the text and to illustrate key points in the academic analysis. Again
this approach, which appears to be simple, is deceptively complex. The
perspective offered by diagrams and images as illustrations of research
effort constitutes a different kind of language, accessed and recalled more
clearly than pages of text. Readers are encouraged to linger over such mate-
rial so that the possibilities for understanding sub sections of tourists’
behaviour can be enhanced. While the format provided here is entirely
about illustrating research-related issues in the main text, it is possible to
envisage that researchers and readers who are also educators in tourism and
allied courses could use this kind of format as a student exercise. The task
for researchers and students alike is to see in the contexts depicted the
ongoing operation of the ideas and conceptual schemes presented in the
academic literature.
A final but recurring feature to encourage readers lies in the identifica-
tion of research opportunities; that is prompts and suggestions for what can
be done rather than just documenting what we know. These sections are
identified at the end of each chapter under the heading ‘Directions’ but
potential lines of further inquiry are also sometimes noted in the body of
each chapter.
A volume in this rich and complex field by one author has some advan-
tages. One author does have the opportunity to develop ideas across chapters
and this practice has been adopted on this occasion. Such efforts are, how-
ever, never truly solo affairs. I would like to thank many colleagues and
graduate students whose work influences my perspectives. In particular for
viii Tourist Behaviour and the Contemporary World

this specific work I would like to thank those who provided immediate
support; Robyn Yesberg, Huan (Ella) Lu, Tingzhen (Jane) Chen, Maoying
Wu and John Pearce.
Philip L. Pearce
Townsville, James Cook University
Australia, 2011
Preface ix

1
Pathways to Understanding
Introduction
Smart tourists everywhere plan carefully for a successful holiday. They
develop a clear sense of their destination and take with them only the lug-
gage needed for the pursuit of their focused purposes. Astute preparation is
also required to enjoy the benefits of this volume. Readers, in common with
the tourists they study, need to know what locations will be visited and how
the time spent at these destinations will be used. Where will we travel in the
following pages? The major academic destinations in this volume include a
consideration of technology and its influence on tourist behaviour; tourists’
experience of safety and the responsibility they have for their own well
being, individual perspectives on sustainability, and aspects of tourists’ per-
sonal development. Tourists’ concern for connecting to others through vol-
unteering, their perceptions of poverty and the uses of humour will also be
considered. In the final chapter a small set of supplementary topics will be
noted including the experiences tourists have in the area of slow tourism and
patterns of tipping and bargaining. This concluding section will also provide
an overview of the linkages among the topics reviewed.
This chapter offers a gentle guide to this journey by outlining key foun-
dation concepts pertinent to researching tourist behaviour and experience.
The terms behaviour and experience will be considered and their close align-
ment in this volume explained. It will then be suggested that it is desirable
for students and scholars of tourism to think about what constitutes theory
in tourism studies and how researchers in this area approach the topic of
relevance. These concerns will also be reviewed in this chapter together with
an overview of the guiding schemes or paradigms in which research is con-
ducted. Further, it is valuable for all researchers to build a familiarity with
key organising concepts that illuminate much observed tourist behaviour
and experience. Some of the key conceptual schemes used in the book will
be briefly noted in this chapter.
Throughout this volume, key and solid references for many conceptual
schemes of interest will be provided but we will attempt to avoid inundating
the pages with exhaustive citations available in other locations. It is our aim
to travel efficiently but not superficially. In earlier reviews of the psychology
of tourist behaviour it was almost possible to catalogue the full array of
pertinent studies to the many themes. That is no longer possible. The surge
of publications and their availability reflects one key aspect of the world
1

with which we will be concerned – the new levels of information access
which shape how so many people now think and interact in the contempo-
rary world. By adopting a light luggage approach to the journey it is hoped
that readers will find space for their own souvenirs and emerge with fresh
ideas from their reading.
Behaviour and Experience
The title of this volume refers to tourist behaviour and throughout the
volume there is also a consistent concern with the topic of tourist experi-
ences. What if any are the distinctions between these terms? To answer this
question requires a short excursion into the history of psychology and the
more recent rise of tourism studies. When psychology was established as a
separate area of inquiry from philosophy in the late 19th century the new
discipline was built on forging a scientific approach to the study of behaviour
(Boring, 1950). Here the term behaviour included all external actions of
human beings as well as all internal mental processes and reactions to the
world – thus effectively embracing and including the concept of experiences.
The term behaviour was therefore the inclusive or umbrella expression. For
the decades from the 1880s to the 1930s it was unambiguous that the study
of behaviour included the study of experience.
Behaviourism as an approach to the study of psychology commenced in
the 1930s and persisted as a powerful influence until the 1970s. This style of
work, which is most closely associated with the founding figures of Watson
and Skinner, placed its emphasis on studying only externally visible and
readily observed acts. Behaviourists did not disavow the existence of experi-
ence but for them it had no place in a scientific dialogue. Their efforts mud-
died the use of the terms behaviour and experience as the approach they
advocated disassociated behaviour from experience.
The study of tourism emerged as a significant area of academic interest
in the 1970s. For the geographers, sociologists, anthropologists, marketers
and economists who first wrote about tourists and who were largely inter-
ested in the mental world of the tourist, there was wariness about using the
term behaviour because of its restrictive use by some branches of psychology.
While not fully conversant with the changing uses of the term in psychology
they certainly did not want to limit their interests to observable actions. The
concept of experiences became the preferred expression and was reinforced
at the end of the century by the business authors Pine and Gilmore (1999)
writing about the experience economy. This adoption of the new term of
experience was particularly powerful in some parts of Europe. As studies of
tourists’ experience became more popular, some authors stressed that experi-
ence was also embodied, that is there is a need to consider the physical
dimensions of human acts and actions (Morgan et al., 2010; Uriely, 2005). In
2 Tourist Behaviour and the Contemporary World

many ways those who had adopted the term experience recognised that
behaviour mattered as well.
In the last two decades of the 20th century and in contemporary times
the power of the behaviourist movement in psychology has diminished,
some would say all but vanished. In the broad discipline of psychology the
term behaviour has been consistently redeployed in the original way to mean
both observable actions and the internal cognitive and affective world of
individuals. The use of the term behaviour in the title of this volume is in
line with its inclusive meaning. More specifically, the use of the term behav-
iour in this work asserts that we need to look at what people do and how
their bodies function in time and space but we also need to link this exami-
nation with how they think, feel and react to tourism settings. Behaviour
then in this volume will embrace observable actions as well as both the
ongoing and reflective but less observable psychological reactions to all the
contexts and stimuli which tourists may encounter.
Much recent tourism writing uses the term experience as the core expres-
sion to embrace these same areas of interest (Morgan et al., 2010). While our
brief historical review sees this use as redundant if behaviour is used in its
fullest sense, it is the intent of this volume to communicate with all those
interested in tourists’ mental lives and travels so both expressions will be
deployed in subsequent work. In summary, the compass of our interest thus
includes tourists’ sensory systems and emotions, their attitudes and their
understanding as well as how they interact with others and move in space
and time.
As a theme to help readers grasp the approach to experience adopted in
this book the nature of experience may be likened to the music produced by
an orchestra. There are multiple contributing sections, each of which has its
own elements. These sources of influence contribute different component
parts at different times to achieve the full musical effect. In the tourists’
experiential world the contributing components are the sensory inputs, the
affective reactions, the cognitive abilities to react to and understand the set-
ting, the actions undertaken and the relevant relationships which define the
participants’ world. The component parts of these elements are sometimes
more powerful than others such as when smell rather than sight dominates
a food experience. Nevertheless, the totality of the food experience will also
include affective, behavioural, cognitive and relationship contributions.
Behaviour and experience can be studied as they occur or more usually by
later recall and analysis. In the following chapters, the way experiences are
presented in tourists’ stories and accounts will be stressed. This approach
expands upon and provides an alternate and sometimes richer and more
holistic pathway to review how tourists think about their encounters and
settings than relying solely on attitudinal studies (Pearce, 2010). The compo-
nent parts of experience are itemised in Figure 1.1. The sources of this way
of thinking about experience are derived from the work of Ryan (1997),
Pathways to Understanding 3

Key defining
feature
Supportive elements and
components
Major conceptual schemes
employed in this volume
Sensory
elements
Visual
Hearing
Smell
Touch
Taste
Orienting responses
Urry’s Gaze approach
Panksepp’s behavioural responses
to stimuli
Affective
components
A broad range of states
including but not
limited to the basic
emotional categories
(happiness, surprise,
fear, joy, anxiety)
Additional specific
affective states
include excitement,
exhilaration, love,
sympathy, indifference
Panksepp’s core emotional
responses
Frederickson’s broaden and build
theory
Pearce and Lee’s travel career
pattern approach
Ruch’s approach to humour
Cognitive
elements
Perceiving
Thinking
Choosing
Learning
Character strengths
Goffman’s frame analysis
Langer’s mindfulness
Moscovici’s social representations
Zimbardo’s time perception
Attribution theory
Positive psychology approaches
Mundane and existential
authenticity
Behavioural
components
Technology linked
behaviours
Movement in space
Movement over time
Specific behaviours
Sustainable behaviours
Social identity theory,
Pro-social behaviour
Bitgood’s general value principle
Crott’s hotspot theory
Ryan’s routine activities
perspective
Crowding norms
Ecological footprints
Specific sustainability enhancing
behaviours
Relationships Intimate relationships
Developing relationships
Tourist local
relationships
Equity theory
Identity and social identity theory
Social support
Figure 1.1 Linkages among key, supportive and conceptual elements in the
orchestra of tourist experience

Ashcroft (2000), Schmitt (2003), Baerenholdt et al. (2004), Peters (2005),
Pearce (2005) and some of the work of Cutler and Carmichael (2010).
Tourists: The Focus of Our Concern
One reasonably clear and initially satisfying approach to defining tour-
ists, or at least international tourists, is to follow the criteria adopted by the
United Nations World Tourism Organisation. This approach requires an indi-
vidual to have crossed an international boundary for non-remuneration pur-
poses and to have stayed for 24 hours but less than one year in that new
setting. Certain exclusion principles add complexity to the definition
(nomads, refugees and army personnel are not included as tourists nor are
those who are involved in the diplomatic service, those who work across
borders or those who are forced to resettle due to disaster or famine). The
resulting statistics which are collected globally on the basis of this definition
will tend to exaggerate the sheer numbers of tourists in countries which have
many borders and through which many pass en route to other locations.
Consequently tourists’ lengths of stay and expenditure patterns become
more compelling statistics when examining the scale of the tourist presence
in any location (cf. Morrison, 2010).
Domestic tourists are somewhat harder to define. The approach appears
to depend on the purpose of the tourism analyst. Ambiguities revolving
around how far an individual has to travel, their trip purpose and their
length of stay in the visited destination appear to be interpreted differently
in diverse countries (cf. Masberg, 1998). The problem is simplified with an
example. Are the father and the son travelling to another city 100 km away
for the son to play junior sport domestic tourists? What if they stayed for
the weekend? Does this make them more like tourists? And what if they
were visiting a festival and not playing sport – would that also make them
more ‘tourist-like’? The questions raise more questions. Is there really some-
thing out there called a tourist – a species we will all recognise? The answer
takes us into the territory of the nature of what is real (ontology) and how
do we know and study what is real (epistemology) and beyond that to the
paradigms of research which might usefully be employed to study the intri-
cacies of tourists’ experiences (cf. Tribe, 2009: 6). These are all concepts
which must be considered further in the forthcoming phases of this
chapter.
These difficulties have led one group of tourism researchers, and particu-
larly those with a background in sociology or geography, to adopt what has
been termed the new mobilities paradigm (Hall, 2005; Urry, 2000). At core
this approach emphasises the commonalities amongst many travel behav-
iours and sees positive synergy, for example, in researching everyday com-
muting, weekend leisure travel and domestic tourism. It is congruent with
the mobilities paradigm that residents sometimes report feeling like a tourist
in less familiar or intensely structured recreational settings in their own

home towns. These local experiential realizations are additional consider-
ations which will be considered at times as we review tourist behaviour.
More will be made of the use of the term paradigm later in this chapter,
but the value of grouping diverse travel categories together remains uncer-
tain. Aramberri (2010) for example suggests that it is difficult to see that the
mobilities approach adds any value. It is perhaps an example of what has
been rather inelegantly labelled the difference between ‘lumpers’ and ‘split-
ters’ (Gold, 2002). The terms were initially used to describe differences in the
approach to taxonomic work in classifying species but have become more
widely used to describe approaches to identifying similarities or differences
amongst terms within other disciplines. The mobilities paradigm like other
lumping approaches consistently tries to create coherent patterns from much
diversity while splitters, by way of contrast, emphasise differences and prefer
to emphasise context and complexity.
For the purposes of this volume, a constructivist approach to defining
domestic tourists will be pursued. In this linguistic and ontological sense, we
create tourists with our definitions rather than set out to describe a fixed
entity. In particular it can be argued that we impose our definitional bound-
aries on the behaviours of people who travel. In this way we can firstly
identify prototypical tourists; those we see as sharing some but maybe not
all of the behaviours necessary for a meaningful, socially useful category to
exist. Pivotal considerations include being somewhere different, not being
paid for the experience, seeking to fulfil a pattern of predominantly leisure-
related motives and participating in the experience for shorter time periods.
Next, there are also travellers whom we can describe as exhibiting several of
the characteristics of our core domestic tourists. Here the travel to the dif-
ferent place may be shorter and the motives more a hybrid of work and lei-
sure purposes. Finally there are some travellers who at times resemble the
first group of tourists’ motives, on-site activities and outcomes. In such
instances, recurring and repetitive travel to a destination may differentiate
the individuals from those who frequent a destination only occasionally (cf.
Cohen, 1974).
This approach can be conceived as a set of onion rings or concentric cir-
cles with the innermost core comprised of sets of people exhibiting behav-
iours who most would label as typical of tourists whereas the outer rings
describe activities and experiences less commonly seen as warranting the
tourist label. In the more formal mathematical terms of fuzzy set theory,
there are people with high degrees of core membership and others where the
overlap with the core behaviours are tangential and fractional as befits the
notion of graded membership of a group (cf. Smithson & Verkuilen, 2006;
Zadeh, 1998).
Whether or not they acknowledge these conceptual roots, the defini-
tional studies of tourists and tourists’ roles which have been in the academic
literature for some time implicitly depend on these themes of either variation

from a central core or variations in the approach to lumping and splitting on
select variables which produces alternate tourist forms (Cohen, 1974, 1979,
1984; Foo et al., 2004; Gibson & Yiannakis, 2002; Wickens, 2002; Yiannakis
& Gibson, 1992). The fuzzy set theory approach, in particular, offers rich
views of the contrasting meanings of group membership and has been
adopted in some recent as well as some formative tourism research (Cohen,
1974; Pearce, 1982; Woodside & Ahn, 2008).
In brief, the resolution to our fundamental definitional dilemma about
domestic tourists can be seen as simple, if somewhat trite. Within certain
constraints imposed by a sense of linguistic consensus, domestic tourists
are those we want them to be. Certainly for the pragmatic purposes of
tourism industry bodies there appears to be a political agenda to include as
many visitors to a region as possible. In this approach all who are in the
core, as well as all who surround such a symbolic centre, are counted as
domestic tourists. Counting more people as domestic tourists can form
stronger arguments for funding and power. For the management of people
at tourist sites, whether this be in developed or developing countries,
domestic tourists can be all those who visit, irrespective of the length and
duration of their travels (Ghimire, 2001). And in our academic analyses the
ways in which we construct a view of domestic tourists again depends on
the sense of purpose for the studies and our inclination to assign tourists
to full or partial set membership or pursue a lumping or splitting
approach.
A particular consequence of the definitional variability which follows
these choices is that the groups researched in separate studies may be quite
different. For those seeking to understand contradictions in study findings,
the very basis of sampling due to definitional differences is one source of
variation among studies. A second and often overlooked source of difference
across studies, the context of the tourism itself, will be considered in a sub-
sequent section.
Since the term tourist is so central to the purpose of this volume there
are further reasons to be very concerned about how we use the construct. As
McCabe (2009) asserts, the concept of the tourist cannot be used without
recognising that it is commonly associated with pejorative overtones both in
public life and in academic circles. In this context several descriptive phrases,
similes and metaphors creep into the research literature with notions that
tourists swarm, flock to and invade destinations. At a more micro level of
analysis the concept of the intelligent tourist is often viewed as an oxymoron
despite attempts by some authors to advocate responsible and thoughtful
travel behaviours (Horne, 1992; Swarbrooke, 1999). There are also unflatter-
ing descriptions of the physical appearance of many tourist groups. Most of
the common jokes about tourists play on the notion that the tourist is fool-
ish, awkward and opportunistic (refer to Table 1.1).

TABLE 1.1 JOKES ABOUT TOURISTS: THE COMIC VALUE OF THE ROLE
Novel requests
‘Is that room service? Could you please send up a larger room?’
An American, travelling in Europe (asks the driver):
• Where are we?
• In Paris, sir.
• I don’t need details, I mean what country?
Complaints made by holidaymakers to travel agents
On my holiday to Goa in India, I was disgusted to find that almost every
restaurant served curry. I don’t like spicy food at all.
The beach was too sandy.
We bought ‘Ray-Ban’ sunglasses for five Euros [£3.50. $5 USD] from a street
trader, only to find out they were fake.
The brochure stated: ‘No hairdressers at the accommodation’. We’re trainee
hairdressers – will we be OK staying here?
We had to queue outside with no air conditioning.
Queries to guides
On the Grand Canyon National Park
Was this man-made?
What time does the two o’clock bus leave?
On Mesa Verde National Park
Did people build this, or did Indians?
Why did they build the ruins so close to the road?
Do you know of any undiscovered ruins?
Why did the Indians decide to live in Colorado?
Questions to travel agents
Q: In coming to Australia from the USA, will I be able to see kangaroos in the
street?
A: Depends how much you’ve been drinking.
Q: I am from the UK; can I wear high heels in Australia?
A: You are a British politician, right?
Q: I was in Australia in 1969 on R + R, and I want to contact the girl I dated
while I was staying in Kings Cross. Can you help?
A: Yes, and you will still have to pay her by the hour.
Tourist interaction and experience
Westerners are met by some traditional looking primitive tribesmen in a
rainforest setting. One says to his companion I think I will use some sign
language to explain our needs. Just then a cell phone rings; an older
tribesman pulls it from his side and says ‘Ah Sting. How are you? About the
conference ... the dates are looking difficult.’
(continued)

The seeds of these ideas about tourists were planted a long time ago.
Adam Smith, the defining figure in the construction of economic rational-
ism, had this to say about returning tourists in 1770. There is nothing:
More conceited, more unprincipled, more dissipated and more inca-
pable of serious application to either study or business. (in Hibbert,
1969: 224)
It is perhaps a short step from deriding tourists to adopting a superior
tone to those who study them. This is familiar ground for those who explain
academic status in terms of hierarchies of competing tribes and territories
(Becher, 1989). McCabe highlights that these rhetorical uses of the term
tourist, and by implication attitudes to tourism study, are phenomena to be
explored in their own right. A particular implication for this volume and our
immediate concern with the topic of defining tourists lies in being alert to
the intrusion of judgemental and ideological perspectives when the term
tourist is used. Our goal is to study tourists in all their complexity rather
than prejudge behaviours and experiences through lenses shaped by self-
serving status biases. There is of course the possibility of gaining other psy-
chological insights by studying the views of those who hold such strong
perspectives on tourists.
TABLE 1.1 CONTINUED
The aggressive western tourist in China had been complaining a great deal
about the food. He summons the waitress holding out a piece of meat for
inspection, ‘’do you call that pig?’ ‘Which end of the fork, sir?’ the waitress
asks sweetly.
A young male tourist was flying across Europe. Next to him a very attractive
girl sat reading a thick textbook. Seizing a chance to speak to her he asked:
‘What are you studying?’ I’m finishing my thesis about which group of men
gives a woman the most sexual pleasure.’ ‘And what is the conclusion?’ ‘The
two groups are Australians and Indians.’ ‘Nice to meet you, my name is
Bruce Gandhi’
Novel requests http://www.shortjokes.com.au/jokes_Travel-and-tourist-jokes.html
Holiday complaints http://www.guy-sports.com/humor/jokes/jokes_travel_
agent.htm
Queries to guides http://www.jokebuddha.com/web/5cx/Tourist
Questions to travel agents http://www.jokesphotos.com/2008/05/australian-
tourist-jokes.html
Tourist interaction and experience http://www.awordinyoureye.com/
jokes5thset.html; Cohen (2010)

Whose Perspective?
Being alert to ideological and status-driven commentary on tourists is a
useful item to include in our preparation for studying their behaviour and
experiences. The challenge of defining what kinds of researcher perspectives
can be employed in studies about tourists requires further elaboration.
Wiseman (2007) suggests undertaking a small personal test. The task can
be conceived as a brief act of reader involvement. Using the tip of your
finger, trace the capital letter Q on your forehead. Now you have done that;
which way did the tail of the Q face? Was it over your right eye or over your
left eye?
It is suggested that this is a quick test as to how you are oriented to
others. If the tail is over your right eye you have effectively drawn it so you
can read it – possibly indicative of putting your own feelings and needs first.
If you have drawn the tail of the Q facing over your left eye you are already
sensitive to how others see you and perhaps you are thinking about their
perspective. The Q test serves to introduce the fundamental emic and etic
distinction in social science research. The emic view means to adopt the
perspective of the participant, to see the world not from your point of view
but from the point of view of the other. The etic perspective by way of con-
trast consists of imposing your perspective, your definition of reality on the
observed phenomenon. The Q test analogy here is that the emic approach
corresponds to drawing the letter Q so others can read it, while the etic view
is to see the world only through your own eyes.
An emic approach to research, as opposed to an etic approach, was first
suggested in 1967 by Pike, an anthropologist and linguist. The foundation
idea is that emic research should be carried out so insider’s perspectives,
beliefs, thoughts and attitudes can be fully articulated. Pike’s concept was
further elaborated by Berry (1999), Feleppa (1986), Niblo and Jackson (2004),
Walle (1997), Warner (1999) and other researchers in a wide range of areas.
Such work has had a particular impact in observational methods in cross-
cultural psychology and psychological anthropology (Flaherty et al., 1988).
Some scholars have suggested that the emic approach is useful in all cross-
cultural studies, as well as for many studies that deal with human relation-
ships including tourism (Berry, 1999; Niblo & Jackson, 2004).
Cohen was the first researcher in tourism to advocate the emic approach
(Cohen, 1979). He argued that it is not sufficient to study the touristic pro-
cess from the outside, and the emic perspective of the different parties par-
ticipating in the tourism process should hence be given explicit recognition
in research design (Cohen, 1993). In the following years, this research
approach has been supported and incorporated in many research efforts in
the field. Evans-Pritchard (1989) emphasised hosts’ perspectives to explore
how ‘they’ (Native American) see ‘us’ (tourists and tourism in their com-
munities). Pearce et al. (1996) reviewed literature in tourism community

relationships research and reported the domination of survey studies which
were etic in nature. They responded to Cohen’s appeal and, using social rep-
resentation theory, designed several emic studies assessing community reac-
tions to tourism in regional Australia. For example respondents were asked
to rate a list of impacts generated initially from assessing community views.
They further developed the emic character of their work by asking respon-
dents to assess the relative importance of the impacts.
Walle (1997) systematically introduced and compared emic and etic
approaches, and advocated greater adoption of the former. The applicability
of the emic approach to cross cultural research is especially marked. Tao
(2006), in her study of tourism in indigenous communities in Taiwan, notes
that contemporary tourism is primarily a western phenomenon, but it is
imperative that researchers do not make assumptions for other cultures.
Similarly, when examining the construction of post-modern tourist catego-
ries, Maoz and Bekerman (2010) adopted an emic approach to learn about
tourists’ views and self-perception. They argued that contemporary research-
ers using an emic approach should now revisit the previous claims made in
earlier eras from etic perspectives (Maoz & Bekerman, 2010). The emic–etic
distinction neatly addresses whose perspective we are considering as we
approach the study of tourist behaviour. Other questions about our inten-
tions and purposes in seeking to examine tourist behaviour also need to be
addressed (Figure 1.2).
Theory and Relevance
Discussions about theory and relevance raise very fundamental ques-
tions; what do we think we are doing in tourism research and for whom are
we doing it? Several forces shape the answers researchers are likely to give to
these questions. First, there are cultural expectations about what an aca-
demic life should be about. This is not the same in every location and Galtung
(1981) characterizes some of the differences as follows. In his view British
and United States social scientists differ. Neither group, he asserts, is very
strong on theory. Both groups have traditions of being helpful to industry,
with the United States scholars strongly supporting the role of academic
studies as one of informing better management (cf. Gunn, 1994; O’Leary,
2011; Pizam, 2011). Further he suggests British researchers are very concerned
with scholarly documentation while United States social scientists tend to
be more impressed with statistically based models. He suggests that German,
or more broadly Teutonic researchers, seek purely deductive theory and use
relevance principally as a touchstone for assessing their theoretical success
(cf. Mazanec, 2011). French or Gallic researchers and those influenced by
them are more concerned with grand perspectives. For the so-called Gallic
researchers (and the expression might be extended to Spanish and Italian
counterparts) theory matters, and the development and production of

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when the love of country urges them to defend[1584] themselves by
arms, and their wife held prisoner together with their household
gods, they combine[1585] just like wasps (a bristling band, with
weapons all unsheathed along their yellow bodies), when their home
and citadel is assailed. But when care-dispelling peace has returned,
forgetful of labor, commons and fathers together lie buried in
lethargic sleep. A long-protracted and destructive peace[1586] has
therefore been the ruin of the sons of Romulus.[1587]
Thus our tale comes to a close. Henceforth, kind Muse, without
whom life is no pleasure to me, I pray thee warn them that, like the
Lydian of yore, when Smyrna fell,[1588] so now also they may be
ready to emigrate; or else, in line, whatever thou wishest. This only
I beseech thee, goddess! Present not in a pleasing light to
Calenus[1589] the walls of Rome and the Sabines.
Thus much I spake. Then the goddess deigns to reply in few words,
and begins:
"Lay aside thy just fears, my votary. See, the extremity of hate is
menacing him, and by our mouth shall he perish! For we haunt the
laurel groves of Numa,[1590] and the self-same springs, and, with
Egeria for our companion,[1591] deride all vain essays. Live on!
Farewell! Its destined fame awaits the grief that does thee honor.
Such is the promise of the Muses' choir, and of Apollo[1592] that
presides over Rome."
FOOTNOTES:
[1553] Musa. Although about to indite a Satire, Sulpicia declares
her intention of not imitating the Hendecasyllabics of Phalæcus,
the Iambics of Archilochus, or the Scazontics of Hipponax, but of
writing in the good old Heroic metre. She therefore invokes the
aid of Calliope.
[1554] Frequentas. "Celebrare" is often used in the sense of
"crowding in large numbers to a place;" so here, conversely,

frequentare is used in the sense of "frequently celebrating."
[1555] Detexere is properly to "finish off one's weaving." Vid.
Hyg., Fab., 126, "Cum telam detexuero nubam." Plaut., Ps. I., iv.,
7, "Neque ad detexundam telam certos terminos habes."
[1556] Penetrale is applied to the inmost and most sacred
recesses; hence the "Penetrales Dii." Cic., Nat. D., ii., 27. Senec.,
Œdip., 265. So "penetrale sacrificium."—Retractans, in the sense
of going over again with a view to corrections and additions. So
Plin., v. Ep., 8, "Egi graves causas; has destino retractare."
Senec., Ep., 46, "De libro tuo plura scribam cum illum
retractavero."
[1557] Phalæco. Phalæcus is said by Diomedes (iii., 509) and
Terentianus (p. 2440) to have been the inventor of the
Hendecasyllabic metre, which consists of five feet; the first a
Spondee or Iamb., the second a Dactyl, and the three last
Trochees. Many of Catullus's pieces are in this metre. E. g.
"Lugete O Veneres, Cupidinesque." Vid. Hermann, Elem. Doctr.
Metr., p. 264.
[1558] Iambo. The Iambic metre was peculiarly adapted to
Satire. Hence its probable etymology from ἰάπτω, jacio; and
hence the epithet criminosi applied to these verses by Horace (i.,
Od. xvi., 2), and truces by Catullus (xxxvi., 5). Archilochus, the
Parian, who flourished in the eighth century B.C. (Cic., Tusc. Q., i.,
1; Bähr, ad Herod., i., 12), is said to have been the inventor of the
metre, and to have employed it against Lycambes, who had
promised him his daughter Neobule, but afterward retracted. Cf.
Hor., A. P., 79, "Archilochum proprio rabies armavit Iambo." i., Ep.
xix., 23, "Parios ego primus Iambos Ostendi Latio numeros
animosque secutus Archilochi non res et agentia verba
Lycamben." The allusion in the next line is to Hipponax, who
flourished cir. B.C. 540; Ol. lx. He was a native of Ephesus; but
being expelled from his native country by the tyrant Athenagoras,
he settled at Clazomenæ, now the Isle of St. John. The common
story is, that he was so hideously ugly, that the sculptors Bupalus
and Athenis caricatured him. And to avenge this insult, Hipponax
altered the Iambic of Archilochus into a more bitter form by
making the last foot a spondee, which gave the verse a kind of
halting rhythm, and was hence called Scazontic, from σκάζω· or
Choliambic, from χῶλος, "lame." Diomed., iii., 503. [A specimen
may be seen in Martial's bitter epigram against Cato. i., Ep. I,
"Cur in Theatrum Cato severe venisti?"] In this metre he so

bitterly satirized them that they hanged themselves, as Lycambes
had done, in consequence of the ridicule of Archilochus. Hence
Horace, vi., Epod. 13, "Qualis Lycambæ spretus infido gener Aut
acer hostis Bupalo." Pliny (H. N., xxxvi., 5) treats the whole story
as mythical. Cf. Mart., i., Ep. 97, for some good specimens, and
Catull., xxxix. Another form of Choliambic verse is the substitution
of an Antibacchius for the final Iamb.: e. g., "Remitte pallium mihi
quod involasti." Catull., xxv. Two of Hipponax's verses may be
seen, Strabo, lib. xiv., c. 1.
[1559] Cætera. From the high compliment paid to her chastity
and poetical powers by Martial, it is probable that Sulpicia had
composed many poems before the present Satire. From the metre
Martial chooses for his complimentary effusion, and from the
testimony of the old Scholiast, it is probable these verses were in
Hendecasyllabics; or at all events in some lyrical metre. There
was a poetess named Cornificia in the time of Augustus, who
wrote some good Epigrams. She was the sister of Cornificius, the
reputed enemy of Virgil (vid. Clinton, F. H., in ann. B.C. 41), but
as she was not a lyrical poetess, Sulpicia claims the palm to
herself.
[1560] Constanter. The subject is too serious and solemn for
lyrical poetry; she therefore employs the dignity of Heroic verse.
So Juvenal, iv., 34, "Incipe Calliope—non est cantandum, res vera
agitur, narrate puellæ Pierides."
[1561] Descende. Cf. Hor., iii., Od. iv., 1, "Descende cœlo et dic
age tibiâ Regina longum Calliope melos." Calliope, as the Muse of
Heroic poetry, holds the chief place. (Cf. Auson., Id. xx., 7,
"Carmina Calliope libris Heroïca mandat.") Hence "Princeps." So
Hesiod, Theog., 79, Καλλιόπη Θ' ἣ δὲ προφερεστάτη ἐστὶν
ἁπασέων. Dionys., Hymn, i., 6, Μουσῶν προκαθηγέτι τερπνῶν.
The poets assign different provinces to the different Muses.
According to some, Calliope is the Muse of Amatory poetry.
[1562] Ille. So Virg., Æn., ii., 779, "Aut ille sinit regnator Olympi."
[1563] Patria Sæcula. The age of Saturn, when men lived in
primæval barbarism, and all cultivation and refinement was
unknown. Compare the first twelve lines of Juvenal's sixth Satire.
Ov., Met., i., 113.
[1564] Procumbere. Cf. ad Prol. Pers., i.
[1565] Glandibus. Ov., Met., i., 106, "Et quæ deciderant patula
Jovis arbore glandes." Lucret., v., 937, "Glandiferas inter curabant

corpora quercus." Virg., Georg., i., 8, 148. Ov., Am., III., x., 9.
Juv., vi., 10. Sulpicia had probably in view the passage in Horace,
i., Sat. iii., 99," Cum prorepserunt primis animalia terris, Mutum et
turpe pecus glandem atque cubilia propter," etc.
[1566] Exturbat. A technical phrase, "eject." Cf. Cic. pro Rosc., 8,
"Nudum ejicit domo atque focis patriis, Diisque penatibus
præcipitem exturbat." Plaut., Trin., IV., iii., 77. Ov., Met., xv., 175.
Tac., Ann., xi., 12.
[1567] Remuli: the other readings are Remi, and Romi. Cf. Juv.,
x., 73, "Turba Remi." Alumnus is properly a "foundling." Cf. Plin.,
x. Epist., 71, 72.
[1568] Agitata. As though the wars carried on within the
peninsula of Italy had served only to train the Romans in that
military discipline by which they were to subjugate the world. This
universal dominion having been attained, Rome rested from her
labors, like the conqueror left alone in his glory, in the Grecian
games; and having no more enemies against whom she could
turn her arms, had sheathed her sword and applied herself to the
arts of Peace. This seems the most probable interpretation. Dusa
proposes to read Cætera quæ, for Cæteraque, and to place the
line as a parenthesis after socialibus armis: but with the sense
given in the text, the substitution is unnecessary. He supposes
also Victor to apply to a horse that has grown old in the contests
of the circus; the allusion would surely be more simple to a
conqueror in the Pentathlon. The reading exiit is followed in
preference to exilit or exigit.
[1569] Graia inventa. So Livy dates the first introduction of a
fondness for the products of Greek art from the taking of
Syracuse by Marcellus: lib. xxv., 48, "Inde primum initium mirandi
Græcarum artium opera." Cf. xxxiv., 4. Hor., ii., Epist. i., 156,
"Græcia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio."
[1570] Molli ratione. Virg., Æn., vi., 852, "Hæ tibi erunt artes:
pacisque imponere morem, Parcere subjectis et debellare
superbos."
[1571] Aut frustra. An anacoluthon, as the old Scholiast remarks;
stabat evidently referring to Roma. Cf. 1. 50, "An magis adversis
staret."
[1572] Diespiter, i. e., Diei pater. Macrob., Sat., i., 15. Hor., iii.,
Od. ii., 29.

[1573] Imperium. Virg., Æn., i., 279. It is in Jupiter's speech to
Venus, not to Juno, that the line occurs.
[1574] Res Romanas imperat inter. A line untranslatable as it
stands. Various remedies have been proposed—rex for res,
temperat for imperat, impar for inter, Romanos for Romanas. Rex
being, like dominus, generally used in a bad sense by the
Romans, rex Romanos imperat inter would imply the excessive
oppression of Domitian's tyranny. Dusa suggests rex Romanis
temperat inter (taking interrex as one word divided by tmesis),
and supposes Sulpicia meant to assert, that as his reign was to
be so briefly brought to a close, he could only be looked upon in
the light of an Interrex.
[1575] Hominum. As though the Greeks alone deserved the name
of men, and the praise of humanity and refinement.
[1576] Galli. Alluding to the old legend of Brennus casting his
sword into the scale, with the words "Væ victis!" in answer to the
remonstrance of the tribune Q. Sulpicius. Liv., v., 48, 9. "Ensibus"
is preferred to the old reading, "Lancibus." Capitolinus was
properly the agnomen of M. Manlius. Camillus is probably so
called here from his appointing the collegium to celebrate the
Ludi Capitolini, in honor of Jupiter for his preserving the Capitol.
Vid. Liv., v., 50. May there not be a bitter sarcasm in the epithet?
It was only four years before he expelled the philosophers, that
Domitian instituted the Capitoline games. Suet., Vit., 4. (Vid.
Chronology.)
[1577] Palare dicuntur. Wernsdorf adopts this reading; but it is
perhaps the only instance of the active form of palare: and
dicuntur is very weak.
[1578] Rhodio. The old readings were "Rhoido," which is
unintelligible, and that of the old Scholiast, "Rudio," who refers it
to Ennius, born at Rudiæ in Calabria. (Cf. ad Pers., vi., 10.) The
Rhodian is Panætius; he was sprung from distinguished
ancestors, many of whom had served the office of general. He
studied under Crates, Diogenes, and Antipater of Tarsus. The
date of his birth and death are unknown. He was probably
introduced by Diogenes to Scipio, who sent for him from Athens
to accompany him in his embassy to Egypt, B.C. 143. His famous
treatise De Officiis was the groundwork of Cicero's book; who
says that he was in every way worthy of the intimate friendship
with which he was honored by Scipio and Lælius. Cic., de Fin., iv.,
9; Or., i., 11; De Off., pass. Hor., i., Od. xxix., 14. The title of his

book is περὶ τοῦ καθήκοντος. He also wrote De Providentia, De
Magistratibus.
[1579] Bello secundo, i. e., the Second Punic War (from B.C. 218-
201), a period pre-eminently rich in great men. Not to mention
their great generals, Marcellus, Scipio, etc., this age saw M.
Porcius Cato; the historians Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimentus;
the poets Livius Andronicus, Ennius, Nævius, Pacuvius, Plautus,
etc.; and among the Greeks, Archimedes, Chrysippus,
Eratosthenes, Carneades, and the historians Zeno and
Antisthenes.
[1580] Sententia dia. Hor., i., Sat. ii., 31, "Macte Virtute esto,
inquit sententia dia."
[1581] Prisci Catonis. Priscus is, as Dusa shows on the authority
of Plutarch, not the epithet, but the name of Cato, by which he
was distinguished. So Horace, iii. Od., xxi., 11, "Narratur et Prisci
Catonis sæpe mero caluisse virtus." (But cf. Hor., ii., Ep. ii., 117.)
[1582] Catonis. Both Horace and Sulpicia have imitated Lucilius,
"Valerî sententia dia." Fr. incert., 105.
[1583] Staret. Nasica, as Sallust tells us, in spite of Cato's
"Delenda est Carthago," was always in favor of the preservation
of Carthage; as the existence of the rival republic was the noblest
spur to Roman emulation.
[1584] Defendere. Livy shows throughout, that the only periods
of respite from intestine discord were under the immediate
pressure of war from without. The particular allusion here is
probably to the time of Hannibal. So Juv., vi., 286, seq.,
"Proximus Urbi Hannibal et stantes Collinâ in turre mariti." Liv.,
xxvi., 10. Sil. Ital., xii., 541, seq. Sallust has the same sentiment,
"Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat." Bell. Jug., 41.
[1585] Convenit. The next four lines are hopelessly corrupt. The
following emendations have been adopted: domus arxque
movetur for Arce Monetæ: pax secura for apes secura: laborum
for favorum: patresque for mater, or the still older reading, frater;
of which last Dusa says, "Neque istud verbum emissim titivillitio."
[1586] Exitium pax. Juv., vi., 292, "Sævior armis Luxuria incubuit
victumque ulciscitur orbem." Compare the beautiful passage in
Claudian (de Bell. Gild., 96), "Ille diu miles populus qui præfuit
orbi," etc.
[1587] Romulidarum. Cf. ad Pers., i., 31.

[1588] Smyrna peribat. Smyrna was attacked by Gyges, king of
Lydia, but resisted him with success. It was compelled, however,
to yield to his descendant, Alyattes, and in consequence of this
event, it sunk into decay and became deserted for the space of
four hundred years. Alexander formed the project of rebuilding
the town in consequence of a vision. His design was executed by
Antigonus and Lysimachus. Vid. Herod., i., 14-16. Paus., Bœot.,
29. Strabo, xiv., p. 646. (An allusion to Phocæa or Teos would
have been more intelligible. Cf. Herod., i., 165, 168. Hor., Epod.
xvi., 17.) The next three lines are corrupt: the reading followed is,
"Vel denique quid vis: Te, Dea, quæso illud tantum."
[1589] Caleno. Calenus, the husband of Sulpicia, probably derived
his name from Cales in Campania, now Calvi. (Hor., i., Od. xx., 9.
Juv., i., 69.) It was the cognomen of Q. Fufius, consul, B.C. 47.
The readings in the next line vary: pariter ne obverte; pariterque
averte; pariterque adverte. Dusa's explanation is followed in the
text. Sulpicia prays that her husband may not be induced by the
allurements of inglorious ease to remain longer in Rome or its
neighborhood, now that all that is really good and estimable has
been driven from it by the tyranny of the emperor. In line 66,
read ecce for hæc: in ore for honore. If "dignum laude virum
Musa vetat mori," Hor., iv., Od. viii., 28, so he may be said
"Doubly dying to go down to the vile dust from whence he
sprung," who lives only in the sarcasm of the satirist.
[1590] Laureta Numæ. Cf. ad Juv., iii., 12, seq., the description of
Umbritius' departure from Rome.
[1591] Comite Ægeria. It is not impossible there may have been
some allusion to Numa and Egeria in Sulpicia's lost work on
conjugal affection; and hence Mart., x., Ep. xxxv., 13, "Tales
Egeriæ jocos fuisse Udo crediderim Numæ sub antro."
[1592] Apollo. Hor., i., Ep. iii., 17, "Scripta Palatinus quæcunque
recepit Apollo." Juv., vii., 37.

FRAGMENTS OF LUCILIUS.[1593]
INTRODUCTION.
If but little is known of the personal character and life of the other
Satirists of Rome, it is unfortunately still more the case with Lucilius.
Although the research and industry of modern scholars have
collected nearly a hundred passages from ancient writers where his
name is mentioned, the information that can be gleaned from them
with respect to the events of his life is very scanty indeed; and even
of these meagre statements, there is scarcely one that has not been
called in question by one or more critics of later days. It will be
therefore, perhaps, the most satisfactory course to present in a
continuous form the few facts we can gather respecting his personal
history; and to mention afterward the doubts that have been thrown
on these statements, and the attempts of recent editors to reconcile
them with the accredited facts of history.
Caius Lucilius, then, was born, according to the testimony of S.
Hieronymus (in Euseb., Chron.), B.C. 148, in the first year of the
158th Olympiad, and the 606th of the founding of the city (Varronian
Computation), in the consulship of Spurius Posthumius Albinus and
Lucius Calpurnius Piso. There was a plebeian Lucilian gens, as well
as a patrician, but it was to the latter that the family of the poet
undoubtedly belonged. Horace says of himself (ii. Sat, i., 74),
"Quidquid sum ego, quamvis infrà Lucili censum ingeniumque tamen
me cum magnis vixisse invita fatebitur usque Invidia." Porphyrion, in
his commentary on the passage, says Lucilius was the great uncle of
Pompey the Great; Pompey's grandmother being the poet's sister.
But Acron says he was Pompey's grandfather. Velleius Paterculus (ii.,
29), on the other hand, says that Lucilia, the mother of Pompey, was
daughter of the brother of Lucilius and of senatorian family.

His birthplace was Suessa, now Sessa, capital of the Aurunci, in
Campania; hence Juvenal (Sat. i., 19) says, "Cur tamen hoc potius
libeat decurrere campo, per quem magnus equos Auruncæ flexit
alumnus, Si vacat et placidi rationem admittitis edam;" and Ausonius
(Ep. xv.), "Rudes Camænas qui Suessæ prævenis." At the age of
fifteen, B.C. 134, he accompanied his patron, L. Scipio Africanus
Æmilianus, to the Numantine war, where he is said to have served as
eques. Vell. Pat., ii., 9, 4. Here he met with Marius, now about in his
twenty-third year, and the young Jugurtha; who were also serving
under Africanus, and learning, as Velleius says, "that art of war,
which they were afterward to employ against each other." In the
following year Numantia was taken and razed to the ground, and
Lucilius returned with his patron to Rome, shortly after the sedition
and death of Tiberius Gracchus; and lived on terms of the most
familiar friendship with him and C. Lælius, until the death of Scipio,
B.C. 129; and even at that early age had already acquired the
reputation of a distinguished Satirist. According to Pighius (in
Tabulis), he held the office of quæstor, B.C. 127, two years after
Scipio's death, and the prætorship, B.C. 117. Van Heusde is also of
opinion that he acted as publicanus; and from a passage in Cicero
(de Orat., ii., 70), some suppose he kept large flocks of sheep on the
Ager publicus. Besides Africanus and Lælius (with whose father-in-
law Crassus, however, he was not on very good terms, vid. Cic., de
Or., i., 16) he is said to have enjoyed the friendship of the following
distinguished men, Sp. Albinus, L. Ælius Stilo, Q. Vectius, Archelaus,
P. Philocomus, Lælius Decimus, and Q. Granius Præco. He had a
violent quarrel with C. Cælius, for acquitting a man who had libeled
him. He is said to have lived under Velia, where the temple of
Victory afterward stood, in a house built at the public expense for
the son of king Antiochus when hostage at Rome. (Asc. Pedian. in
Ciceron., Orat. c. L. Pisonem, p. 13.) He made a voyage to Sicily, but
for what cause, or at what period of his life, is not stated. His closing
years were spent at Naples, whither he retired to avoid, as some
think, the effects of the hatred of those whom his Satire had
offended; and here he died, B.C. 103, in his forty-sixth year, and was
honored, according to Eusebius, with a public funeral. He had a

faithful slave named Metrophanes, whose honesty and fidelity he
rewarded by writing an epitaph for his tomb, quoted by Martial as an
instance of antique and rugged style of writing, xi. Ep., 90.
"Carmina nulla probas molli quæ limite currunt,
Sed quæ per salebras altaque saxa cadunt:
Et tibi Mæonio res carmine major habetur
Luceili Columella heic situ' Metrophanes."
The name of his mistress is said to have been Collyra, to whom the
sixteenth book of his Satires was inscribed. He wrote thirty books of
Satires, of which the first twenty and the last are in Heroic metre.
The other nine in Iambics or Trochaics. He is not to be confounded
with a comic poet of the same name, mentioned by the Scholiast on
Horace and by Fulgentius.
Such is the traditional, and for a long time currently-believed, story
of Lucilius' life. The greater accuracy, or greater skepticism, of
modern scholars has called into question nearly every one of these
meagre facts. Even the method of spelling his name has been a
subject of fierce controversy. In the best manuscripts, especially
those of Horace, Cicero, and Nonius Marcellus, the name of Lucilius
is invariably spelt with one l. Yet in spite of this testimony, in order to
square with some preconceived notions of orthography, the l was
doubled by Hadrian Turnebe, Claude de Saumaise, Joseph Scaliger,
Lambinus, Jos. Mercer, and Cortius. The propriety, however, of
omitting the second l has been fully established by an appeal to
MSS. and inscriptions; and to Varges and Ellendt the credit is due of
successfully restoring the correct mode of spelling. (Cf. Rhenish
Philolog. Museum for 1835, and Ellendt on Cicero, de Orat, iii., 43.)
Again, his prænomen is by some stated to be Lucius; whereas, not
to mention others, Cicero and Quintilian always speak of him as
Caius.
But far more serious doubts, and with great probability, have been
cast upon the dates assigned by S. Hieronymus for his birth and

death. Bayle, in his Dictionary, was the first to suggest them; and
they were taken up and urged with great zeal and learning by Van
Heusde (in his Studia Critica in C. Lucilium Poetam, 1842), who
accused Jerome of negligence and incorrectness in the dates he
assigns to many other events: e. g., the overthrow of Numantia, the
deaths of Plautus, Horace, Catullus, Lucretius, and Livius the
tragedian, and the birth of Messala Corvinus. The charge against the
chronographer has been repeated, and with some show of truth, by
Ritschel in the Rhenish Museum, 1843. Van Heusde's line of
argument is simply this, that the dates of Hieron. are inconsistent
with what Horace and Velleius say of Lucilius, and with what the
poet says of himself—that it is absurd to suppose that a lad of
fifteen could have served as an eques; or that so young a person
would have been admitted to such intimate familiarity with men like
Scipio Africanus and Lælius; and that at the time of Scipio's death,
when, as it is said, Lucilius had already gained a great reputation as
a Satirist, he could have been barely over nineteen years old; that if
he had died at the age of forty-six, Horace would not have applied to
him the epithet "Senex"—that the year of his birth must be therefore
carried back at least six years, and his death assigned to a much
later period, as he mentions the Leges Liciniæ and Calpurnia, passed
some years after the time fixed by Hieron. for his death at Naples. In
this view Milman coincides: "Notwithstanding the distinctness of this
statement of S. Hieronymus, and the ingenuity with which many
writers have attempted to explain it, it appears to me utterly
irreconcilable with facts." (Personæ Horatianæ, p. 178.) Clinton also
says[1594] (F. H., ann. B.C. 103), "The expression of Horace, Sat., II.,
i., 34, by whom Lucilius is called 'Senex,' implies that he lived to a
later period."
Such are the principal objections to the common accounts. Of those
who hold their accuracy, and endeavor to explain away the
difficulties attaching to them, the chief are Varges and Gerlach. The
principal points will be taken in the order in which they occur.

With regard to the first, Varges shows, in opposition to Bayle, that it
was the custom for young Romans to serve long before the legal
age, either voluntarily, that they might apply themselves sooner to
civil matters, by getting over their period of military service; or
compulsorily, to supply the waste of soldiers caused by the incessant
wars in which Rome was engaged. Hence the necessity for the law
of C. Gracchus to prevent enlistment under the age of seventeen
(νεώτερον ἐτῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα μὴ καταλέγεσθαι στρατιώτην). Cf. Liv.,
xxv., 5. Duk. ad Liv., xxvi., 25. As the equestrian service was the
more honorable, it was probably conceded to Lucilius on account of
his gentle birth and early promise. Gerlach thinks that Tibullus[1595]
was only thirteen when he accompanied M. Valerius Messala
Corvinus in his Aquitanian campaign. Now Tibullus was only of
equestrian family. There is no difficulty, therefore, in supposing that
Lucilius, who was of senatorian family, might have served as eques
at the age of fifteen.[1596]
As to the fact of Scipio and Lælius admitting him to their intimate
friendship at so early an age, a parallel may be found in the case of
Archias the poet. Besides, Scipio and Lælius were the most likely
men to discover and to foster the early talent of the young poet. For
the fact of the intimacy we have the testimony of Horace, Sat., II., i.,
71,
"Quin ubi se a vulgo et scena in secreta remorant
Virtus Scipiadæ et mitis sapientia Lælî
Nugari cum illo et discincti ludere, donec
Decoqueretur olus, soliti."
On which the commentator says, "That the three were on such
intimate terms, that on one occasion Lælius was running round the
sofas in the Triclinium, while Lucilius was chasing him with a twisted
towel to hit him with." This story agrees exactly with the description
given by Cicero[1597] (de Orat., ii., 6) of the conduct of Scipio and
Lælius, who speaks of their retiring together to the country-house of

the former, and to have descended, for the relaxation of their minds,
to the most childish amusements, such as gathering shells on the
shore of Caieta. Who would be more likely than such men as these
to be captivated by the precocious wit and pungent sarcasm of a
sprightly lad?
Again, the character of Lucilius's compositions admits of eminence at
an earlier period of life than the other branches of poetry. And yet
Catullus and Propertius, not to mention many others, attained great
eminence as poets at a very early age; certainly long before their
twentieth year.
The Satiric poetry of Lucilius depending more on a keen perception
of the ludicrous, and shrewd observation of passing events and the
foibles of individuals, would more readily win approbation at an early
age, than compositions whose excellence would consist in the
display of judgment, knowledge of the world, and elaborate finish.
There is, therefore, no reason to suppose that his talent may not,
like that of Cicero, have been developed at an early age, and having
come under the notice, might have won the approbation, of men of
such character in private life as Scipio and Lælius are reported to
have been.
But Horace calls him "senex," ii. Sat., 28, seq.
"Ille (Lucilius) velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim
Credebat libris: neque si male cesserat, unquam
Decurrens alio, neque si bene, quo fit ut omnis
Votivâ pateat veluti descripta tabellâ
Vita Senis—"
To this it is answered: nothing can be more loose and vague than
the employment by Roman writers of terms relating to the different
periods of human life: e. g., "puer, adolescentulus, adolescens,
juvenis, senex." We have seen that Tibullus at the age of forty may
be called "juvenis." Hannibal, at the age of forty-four (i. e., two
years younger than Lucilius at his death), calls himself senex. (Cf.

Liv., xxx., 30, compared with c. 28, and Crevier's note.)[1598] So
Persius (Sat. i., 124) calls Aristophanes "prægrandis senex," though,
as Ranke shows in his Life (p. xc.), he was not of great age. We
might add that Horace himself uses the phrase, "poetarum seniorum
turba" (i. Sat., x., 67), as equivalent to priorum.
In the fourth Fragment of the twentieth book, Lucilius mentions the
Calpurnian Law.
"Calpurnî sævam legem Pisoni' reprendi
Eduxique animam in primoribu' naribus."
This Van Heusde holds to be the Lex Calpurnia, de ambitu, passed
by C. Calpurnius Piso, when consul, A.U.C. 687, B.C. 67, at which
time Lucilius would have been eighty-one years old. But there was
another Lex Calpurnia, de pecuniis repetundis, passed by L.
Calpurnius Piso, tribune, in A.U.C. 604, B.C. 150. Van Heusde says
the former must be meant, because Lucilius applies to it the epithet
sæva, and Cicero (pro Muræna, c. 46) also styles it "severissime
scriptam." He explains the second line of the Fragment to mean,
that Lucilius "all but paid the penalty of death for his animadversions
of the law," but these words more correctly imply the "fierce
snorting of an angry man." So Pers., Sat., v., 91, "Ira cadat naso."
Varro, R. R., ii., 3, 5, "Spiritum naribus ducere." Mart., vi. Ep., 64,
"Rabido nec perditus ore fumantem nasum vivi tentaveris ursi." And
any law whatever would be naturally termed "sæva" by him who
came under the influence of it.
In the 132d of the Fragmenta Incerta, we have (quoted from A.
Gell., Noct. Att., ii., 24) these words, "Legem vitemus Licini." The
object of this law was to give greater sanction to the provisions of
the Lex Fannia, a sumptuary law, which had become nearly obsolete.
If passed by P. Licinius Crassus Dives Lusitanicus, when consul, it
must be referred to the year A.U.C. 657, B.C. 97, six years after the
supposed date of Lucilius's death. But there is no reason why this
law should not have been passed by Licinius when tribune or prætor,

as well as when consul; probably during his prætorship, as nearer
the consulship, though Pighius (Annal., iii., 122), though without
giving any authority, assigns it to his tribuneship.
The Orchian Law was passed by C. Orchius when tribune. The
Fannian and many other sumptuary laws were passed by prætors or
tribunes. The argument therefore derived from the law having been
passed by Licinius, when consul, falls to the ground.
Allowing, however, that Lucilius was alive during the consulship of
Licinius, we have the incidental, and therefore more valuable,
testimony of Cicero, that he must have died very shortly after. In his
"De Oratore," he introduces the speakers in the Dialogue quoting
Lucilius, as one evidently not very recently dead. Now this imaginary
Dialogue is supposed to have taken place B.C. 91.
FOOTNOTES:
[1593] In the Translation, the text and arrangement of Gerlach
have been principally followed. The few Fragments that have not
been translated are omitted, either from their hopelessly corrupt
state, their obscenity, or from their consisting of single, and those
unimportant, words.
[1594] Clinton, in his new Epitome of Chronology (Oxford, 1851),
says, Lucilius was about twenty years of age when serving at
Numantia, B.C. 134.
[1595] But Clinton thinks that the war for which Messala
triumphed was carried on B.C. 28, and that Tibullus was then
about thirty. The war against the Salassi had been carried on B.C.
34. Heyne assigns his birth to B.C. 49. Voss, Passow, and Dissen,
to B.C. 59. Lachman and Paldanus, to B.C. 54. He is called a
"juvenis" at his death, B.C. 18. But Clinton says there is "no
difficulty in this term, which may express forty years of age."
[1596] Cf. Niebuhr's Lectures, vol. i., p. 316. "Slow and gradual
advancement, and a provision for officers in their old age, were
things unknown to the Romans. No one could by law have a
permanent appointment: every one had to give evidence of his
ability. It was, moreover, not necessary to pass through a long

series of subordinate offices. A young Roman noble served as
eques, and the consul had in his cohort the most distinguished to
act as his staff: there they learned enough, and in a few years, a
young man, in the full vigor of life, became a tribune of the
soldiers."
[1597] "Sæpe ex socero meo audivi, quum is diceret, socerum
suum Lælium semper ferè cum Scipione solitum rusticari eosque
incredibiliter repuerascere esse solitos quum rus ex urbe tanquam
è vinculis evolavissent.... Solet narrare Scævola conchas eos et
umbilicos ad Caietam et ad Laurentum legere consuêsse et ad
omnem animi remissionem ludumque descendere." Cf. Val. Max.,
viii., 8, 1.
[1598] These additional authorities have been collected by
Gerlach and Varges. Barth. ad Stat. Sylv., I., ii. 253. Markl. ad
Stat. Sylv., 110. Drakenborch, ad Sil. Ital., i., 634. Eustath., p. 107,
14, on the word γέρων. Heyne's Homer, vol. iv., pp. 270, 606,
620.
BOOK I.[1599]
ARGUMENT.
To the first book there is said to have been annexed an
Epistle to L. Ælius Stilo, the friend of the poet, to
whom in all probability this book was dedicated.
(Fr. 16.) We know from a note of Servius on the
tenth book of the Æneid (l. 104), that the subject
was a council of gods held to deliberate on the
fortune of the Roman state; the result of the
conference being that nothing but the death of
certain obnoxious individuals could possibly rescue
the city from plunging headlong to ruin. It is a
kind of parody on the council of Celestials held in
the first book of the Odyssey, to discuss the
propriety of the return of Ulysses to Greece: and
as Homer represents Neptune, the great enemy of
Ulysses, to have been absent from the meeting, so

here (Fr. 2) we find an allusion to some previous
council, at which Jupiter, by the machinations of
Juno (Fr. 15), was not present. Virgil, as Servius
says, borrowed the idea of his discussion between
Venus, Juno, and Jupiter from this book; only he
translated the language of Lucilius into a type
more suited to the dignity of Heroic verse.
Lucilius's council begin with discussing the affairs
of mankind at large, and then proceed to consider
the best method of prolonging the Roman state
(Fr. 5), which has no greater enemies than its own
corrupt and licentious morals, and the wide-
spreading evils of avarice and luxury. But amid the
growing vices which undermined the state must
especially be reckoned the study of a spurious
kind of philosophy, of rhetoric, and logic, which
not only was the cause of universal indolence and
neglect of all serious duties, but also led men to
lay snares to entrap their neighbors. (Fr. inc. 2.) A
fair instance of these sophistical absurdities is
given (Fr. inc. 12); and the doctrine of the Stoics,
to which Horace alludes (i. Sat., iii., 124), is also
ridiculed. (Fr. inc. 23.) The pernicious effects of
gold are then described, as destructive of all
honesty, good faith, and every religious principle
(Fr. inc. 39-47); the result of which is, that the
state is fast sinking into helpless ruin. (Fr. inc. 50.)
Nor are the evils of luxury less baleful. (Fr. 19-21.)
All this discussion, in the previous conference, had
been nugatory on account of the absence of
Jupiter, and the divisions that had arisen among
the gods themselves. In this debate Neptune had
taken a very considerable part, since we hear that,
discussing some very abstruse and difficult point,
he said it could not be cleared up, even though

Orcus were to permit Carneades himself to revisit
earth. (Fr. 8.) Apollo also was probably one of the
speakers, and expressed a particular dislike to his
cognomen of "the Beautiful." (Fr. inc. 145.)
Perhaps all the gods but Jove (Fr. 3) had been
present; but as they could not agree, the whole
matter was referred to Jupiter; who, expressing
his vexation that he was not present at the first
meeting, blames some and praises others. (Fr. 55,
inc.)
The cause of his absence was probably the same as
that described (Iliad, xiv., 307-327) by Homer:
which passage Lucilius probably meant to ridicule.
(Fr. 15.) The result of the deliberation is a
determination on the part of the gods that the
only way to save the Roman state is by requiring
the expiatory sacrifice of the most flagitious and
impious among the citizens: and the three fixed
upon are P. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, L. Papirius
Carbo, and C. Hostilius Tubulus.
(To this book may perhaps also be referred Fr. inc. 2,
46, 61, 63.)
This book must have been published subsequently to
the death of Carneades, which took place the
same year as that of Scipio, B.C. 129, twenty-six
years after his embassy to Rome.
1 ... held counsel about the affairs of men—
2 I could have wished, could it so have happened.... I could
have wished, at that council of yours before which you
mention, I could have wished, Celestials, to have been
present at your previous council!
3 ... that there is none of us, but without exception is styled
"Best Father of Gods," as Father Neptune, Liber,

Saturn, Father Mars, Janus, Father Quirinus.[1600]
4 Had Tubulus, Lucius, Lupus, or Carbo, that son of
Neptune, believed that there were gods, would he
have been so perjured and impious?[1601]
5 ... in what way it might be possible to preserve longer the
people and city of Rome.
6 ... though many months and days ... yet wicked men
would not admire this age and time.
7 When he had spoken these words he paused—
8 Not even though Orcus should send back Carneades
himself....[1602]
9 ... made ædile by a Satura; who from law may loose....
[1603]
10 ... against whom, should the whole people conspire,
they would be scarce a match for him—
11 ... they might, however, discharge their duty and defend
the walls.
12 ... might put it off, if not longer, at least to this one
lustrum.[1604]
13 I will bring them to supper; and first of all will give each
of them, as they arrive, the bellies of thunny and
heads of acharne.[1605]
14 ...
15 ... so that I could compare [the embraces] of Leda
daughter of Thestius, and the spouse of Ixion.[1606]
16 These things we have sent, written to thee, Lucius
Ælius![1607]
17 ... to creep on, as an evil gangrene, or ulcer, might.

18 A countenance too, like.... death, jaundice, poison.
19 ... to hate the infamous, vile, and disgraceful cook's
shop.[1608]
20 prætextæ and tunics, and all that foul handiwork of the
Lydians.[1609]
21 Velvets and double piles, soft with their thick naps.[1610]
22 ... that, like an angry cur, speaks plainer than a man.
23 ... the common herd stupidly look for a knot in a
bulrush.[1611]
24 ... and legions serve for pay.
25 ... quote prodigies, elephants.
26 ... ladles and ewers.[1612]
27 Vulture.[1613]
28 ... like a fool, you came to dance among the Pathics.
29 Oh the cares of men! Oh how much vanity is there in
human affairs![1614]
FOOTNOTES:
[1599] Book I. Some of the commentators suppose that the thirty
Satires of Lucilius were divided into two books, and that the first
of these books, and not the first Satire only, was dedicated to
Ælius Stilo.
[1600] Fr. 3. "Every god that is worshiped by man must needs in
all solemn rites and invocations be styled 'Father;' not only for
honor's, but also for reason's sake. Since he is both more ancient
than man, and provides man with life and health and food, as a
father doth." Lactant., Inst. Div., iv., 3.
[1601] Tubulus. C. Hostilius Tubulus was elected prætor B.C. 210
(Liv., xxvii., 6), and was prætor peregrinus next year. (Cf. Fr. inc.
97.) He became infamous from his openly receiving bribes, so

that the next year, on the motion of the tribune P. Scævola, he
was impeached by Cnæus Servilius Cæpio the consul, B.C. 203. P.
Cornelius Lentulus Lupus first appears as one of the persons sent
to Rome, to announce the victory over Perseus. (Liv., xliv., 45.) He
afterward served the offices of curule ædile (Fr. 9), and censor
(Fr. 12). He was consul B.C. 156. Carbo is L. Papirius Carbo, the
friend of C. Gracchus. We learn from Aulus Gellius (xv., 21), that
"Son of Neptune" was applied to men of the fiercest and most
blood-thirsty dispositions, who seemed to have so little humanity
about them, that they might have been sprung from the sea.
[1602] Carneades (cf. Diog. Laert., IV., ix.) of Cyrene, disciple of
Chrysippus, and founder of the new Academy, was celebrated for
his great acuteness of intellect, which he displayed to great
advantage when he came as embassador from Athens to Rome,
B.C. 155.
[1603] Ædilem refers to Lupus, who was made curule ædile with
L. Valerius Flaccus, A.U.C. 591 (B.C. 163), and exhibited the Ludi
Megalenses the year Terence's Heauton Timorumenos was
produced. A law was called Satura which contained several
enactments under one bill; hence, according to Diomedes, Satire
derives its name from the variety of its subjects.
A person was said to be legibus solutus who was freed from the
obligation of any one law; afterward the emperors were so styled,
as being above all laws; but at first there was some reservation,
as we find Augustus praying to be freed from the obligation of the
Voconian law. (In the year B.C. 199, C. Valerius Flaccus was
created curule ædile together with C. Cornelius Cethegus. Being
flamen dialis, and therefore not allowed to take an oath, he
prayed, "ut legibus solveretur." The consuls, by a decree of the
senate, got the tribunes to obtain a plebis-scitum, that his brother
Lucius, the prætor elect, might be allowed to take the oath for
him. Liv., xxxi., 50.)
[1604] Fr. 12 refers also to Lupus, for he was censor A.U.C. 607,
with L. Marcius Censorinus.
[1605] Priva. Cf. Liv., xxx., 43, "Ut privos lapides silices, privasque
verbenas secum ferrent." The acharne was a fish known to the
Greeks, the best being caught off Ænos in Thrace. Athenæus
mentions the ἄχαρνος together with θύννου κεφάλαιον, "thunny-
heads" (vii., p. 620, D), in a passage from the Cyclopes of Callias.
Ennius also (ap. Apul. Apolog.) has "calvaria pinguia acharnæ."

[1606] Mercer suggests "coitum" as the missing word, which
Gerlach adopts. Cf. Hom., Il., xiv., 317, οὐδ' ὁπότ' ἠρασάμην
Ἰξιονίης ἀλόχοιο. The lady's name was Dia, daughter of Deioneus.
Contendere, "to compare." Cf. vii., Fr. 6.
[1607] L. Ælius Stilo (vid. arg.) was a Roman knight, a native of
Lanuvium, and was called Stilo, "quod orationes nobilissimo
cuique scribere solebat." He had also the nickname of
Præconinus, because his father had exercised the office of præco.
He was a distinguished grammarian, and a friend of the learned
and great; and, it is said, accompanied Q. Metellus Numidicus
into banishment. Vid. Suet., de Gram. Ill., II., iii. Ernest Clav. Cic.
[1608] Cf. Juv., viii., 172, "Mitte sed in magnâ legatum quære
popina;" and 1. 158; xi., 81, "Qui meminit calidæ sapiat quid
vulva popinæ."
[1609] Prætextæ. Cf. Pers., v., 30, "custos purpura."
[1610] Psilœ, from ψιλὸς, "rasus," with its nap shorn like our
modern velvet (villus, hence vélours). Amphitapæ, from ἀμφί and
τάπης, a thick brocaded dress, like a rich carpet, soft on both
sides.
[1611] Nodum in scirpo facere, or quærere, "to make a difficulty
where there is none." Cf. Ter., And., v., 4, 38. Enn. ap. Fest.,
"Quæritur in scirpo soliti quod dicere nodus." Plaut., Men., II., i.,
22. The modern Italian is equally expressive, "Cercar l'osso nel
fico."
[1612] ἀρύταινα, from ἀρύτω, "any vessel for drawing up water."
[1613] Vulturius is the older Latin form for vultur, which is found
in the days of Virgil. (In Plaut., Curc., II., iii., 77, "Vulturios
quatuor" is a bad throw at dice, like the "damnosa Canicula" of
Persius, iii., 49, and is said to be called so for the same reason,
because vultures devour, i. e., ruin men.)
[1614] Cf. Pers., i., 1.
BOOK II.
ARGUMENT.
On the subject of this book the commentators differ:
some supposing that it was directed against luxury

and effeminacy. But the avarice and licentiousness
of the times form a considerable portion of the
writings of Lucilius, and there are very few of his
Satires in which these are not incidentally glanced
at. From the sixth Fragment, which after all is a
very obscure one, Ellendt supposed it was written
to expose Æmilius Scaurus. Corpet maintains that
it contained the description of a sanguinary brawl,
in which many persons were engaged; that one
person was taken up for dead, his house purified
(Fr. 22), and all preparations made for his funeral,
when some one saw another lying in his bier. Fr. 1.
It is quite clear that Fr. 14, 24, and perhaps 2,
refer to luxury; if by Manlius, in the second
Fragment, is intended Cn. Manlius Vulso. (Vid.
note.)
1 ... whom, when Hortensius and Posthumius had seen, the
rest, too, saw that he was not on his bier, and that
another was lying there.
2 Hostilius ... against the plague and ruin which that halting
Manlius, too, [introduced among] us.[1615]
3 ... which were all removed in two hours, when the sun
set, and was enveloped in darkness.[1616]
4 ... that he, having been ill-treated, attacked the other's
jaws, and beat the breath out of him.
5 Now for the name: next I will tell you what I have got out
of the witnesses, by questioning.[1617]
6 ... which I charm and wrest and elicit from Æmilius.[1618]
7 I say not. Even though he conquer, let him go like a
vagabond into exile, and roam an outlaw.[1619]

8 The prætor is now your friend; but if Gentilis die this year,
he will be mine—[1620]
9 ... if he has left on his posteriors the mark of a thick and
large-headed snake.[1621]
10 Of a rough-actioned, sorry, slow-paced jade—[1622]
11 ... that unclean, shameless, plundering fellow.[1623]
12 Sleeved tunics of gold tissue, scarfs, drawers, turbans.
[1624]
13 What say you? Why was it done? What is that guess of
yours?
14 ... who may now ruin you, Nomentanus, you rascal, in
every thing else!
15 So surrounded was I with all the cakes.[1625]
16 ... to penetrate the hairy purse.[1626]
17 ... for a man scarce alive and a mere shadow.[1627]
18 ... as skilled in law.
19 ... he would lead these herds—
20 ... for what need has he of the amulet and image
attached to him, in order to devour fat bacon and
make rich dishes by stealth.[1628]
21 ... her that shows light by night.[1629]
22 ... purified—expiated—
23 ... a journey from the lowermost (river) to be told, and
heard.
24 Long life to you, gluttons, gormandizers, belly-gods.
[1630]

25 ... him that wanders through inhospitable wastes there
accompanies the greater satisfaction of things
conceived in his mind.[1631]
FOOTNOTES:
[1615] There are two persons of the name of Hostilius mentioned
by Livy, as contemporary with Cn. Manlius Vulso. Hostilius is
Gerlach's reading for the old hostilibus. Cn. Manlius got the
nickname of Vulso from vellendo, plucking out superfluous hairs
to make his body more delicate. (Plin., xiv., 20. Juv., viii., 114; ix.,
14. Pers., iv., 36.) He was consul B.C. 189, and marched into
Gallo-Græcia, and for his conquests was allowed a triumph, B.C.
186. Livy enters into great detail in describing all the various
luxuries which he introduced into Rome, such as sofas, tables,
sideboards, rich and costly vestments and hangings, foreign
musicians, etc. Liv., xxxix., 6. Plin., H. N., xxxiv., 3, 8. Cf. Bekker's
Gallus, p. 294. Catax (quasi cadax a cadendo) is explained by
coxo, "one lame of the hip." There is probably an allusion to his
effeminacy. Corpet considers Manlius Verna to be intended, who
had the sobriquet of Pantolabus, i. e., "grasp-all."
[1616] Leg. obducto tenebris. Dusa's conjecture, adopted by
Gerlach.
[1617] Exsculpo. So Fr. incert. 49, "Esurienti Leoni ex ore
exsculpere prædam." Ter., Eun., IV., iv., 44, "Possumne hodie ego
ex to exsculpere verum."
[1618] All the commentators agree that no sense can be elicited
from this line. Ellendt (vid. sup.) supposes Æmilius Scaurus to be
meant; others, Æmilius the præco, by whom Scipio, when
candidate for the censorship, was conducted to the forum, for
which he was ridiculed by Appius Claudius. Præcantare is applied
to singing magic hymns and incantations by the bed of one sick,
to charm away the disease. Cf. Tibull., I., v. 12, "Carmine cum
magico præcinuisset anus." Macrob., Somn. Scip., II., iii.
Excantare is "to elicit by incantation." Vid. Lucan, vi., 685,
"Excantare deos."
[1619] Corpet says, this obviously refers to Scipio Africanus
major. But, as Gerlach says, it may apply equally well to Scipio
Nasica, or Opimius, who killed the Gracchi; perhaps even better

to the latter than to Scipio Africanus, who went voluntarily into
exile.
[1620] Cf. Ter., Andr., V., vi., 12, "Tuus est nunc Chremes."
Gerlach's reading and punctuation are followed. Gentilis is a
proper name, on the authority of Appuleius.
[1621] Natrix, properly "a venomous water-serpent." Cic., Acad.,
iv., 38. Hence applied by Tiberius to Caligula. (Suet., Calig., xi.) It
means here a thong or whip (scutica), which twists about and
stings like a snake. So Anguilla, Isidor., Orig., v. 27.
[1622] Succussatoris. Gr. ὑποσειστής, "one that shakes the rider
in his seat." Caballi. Vid. Pers., Prol. i., 1.
[1623] Impuratus. Ter., Phorm., IV., iii., 64. Impuno, "one who
dares all, through hope of impunity." Rapister is formed like
magister, sequester, etc.
[1624] Cf. Bähr ad Herod., vii., 61 (which seems to confirm the
conjecture, χειροδύται), and the quotation from Virgil below.
Herod., vi., 72. Schneider's note on Xen., Hell., II., i., 8. Rica is a
covering for the head, such as priestesses used to wear at
sacrifices, generally of purple, square, with a border or fringe; cf.
Varro, L. L., iv., 29; but worn sometimes by men, as Euclides of
Megara used one. A. Gell., vi., 10.
Thoracia. Properly "a covering for the breast," then "an apron"
(Juv., v., 143, "viridem thoraca jubebit afferri"), then "a covering
for the abdomen or thigh," like the fasciæ. Cf. Suet., Aug., 82,
"Hieme quaternis cum pingui togâ tunicis et subuculâ thorace
laneo et feminalibus et tibialibus muniebatur."
Mitra was a high-peaked cap, worn by courtesans and effeminate
men. Vid. Juv., iii., 66, "Ite quibus grata est pictâ lupa barbara
mitrâ." Virg., Æn., ix., 616, "Et tunicæ manicas et habent
redimicula mitræ." iv., 216. Ov., Met., xiv., 654.
[1625] Ferta. Rich cakes, made of flour, wine, honey, etc., which
formed part of the usual offerings. Cf. Pers., ii., 48, "Attamen hic
extis et opimo vincere ferto intendit."
[1626] Bulga is properly "a traveling bag of leather, carried on the
arm." See the amusing Fragment, lib. vi., 1. Hence its obvious
translation to the meaning in lib. xxvi., Fr. 36, and here.
[1627] Monogrammo. A metaphor from painting, "drawn only in
outline." Used here for a very thin emaciated person. (Cf. lib.

xxvii., 17.) Epicurus applied this epithet to the gods (Cic., Nat.
Deor., ii., 23), as being "tenues sine corpore vitæ." Virg., vi., 292.
Cf. Pers., vi., 73, "trama figuræ."
[1628] Mutinus, or Mutunus, is the same deity as Priapus. The
form is cognate with Muto. He appears to have been also called
Mutinus Tutinus, or Tutunus. The emblem was worn as a charm
or phylactery against fascination, and hung round children's
necks. Cf. Lactant., i., 20. August., Civ. D., iv., 7.
Lurcor is "to swallow greedily." Lardum. Cf. Juv., xi., 84,
"Natalitium lardum."
Carnaria is probably the neuter plural of the adjective. Carnarius
homo, is one who delights in flesh. Carnarium is either "an iron
rack with hooks for hanging meat upon," or "a larder where
provisions are kept."
[1629] Noctilucam. An epithet of the moon. Hor., iv., Od. vi., 38,
"Rite crescentem face Noctilucam." (Cf. Var., L. L., v., 68, "Luna
dicta Noctiluca in Palatio, nam ibi noctu lucet templum.") Hence
used for a lantern, and then for a "minion of the moon," a
strumpet, because they suspended lights over their doors or cells.
(Juv., vi., 122. Hor., ii., Sat. vii., 48.) This last appears from Festus
to be the sense intended here.
[1630] Lurco is derived by some from λαῦρος, "voracious;" but by
Festus from Lura, an old word for "the belly." Cf. Plaut., Pers., III.,
iii., 16, "Lurco, edax, furax, fugax." Lurco was the cognomen of
M. Aufidius, who first introduced the art of fattening peacocks, by
which he made a large fortune. Varro, R. R., iii., 6. Plin., x., 20,
23.
[1631] Inhospita tesqua. Horace has copied this sentiment in his
epistle to his Villicus, "Nam quæ deserta et inhospita tesqua
credis, amæna vocat mecum qui sentit." i., Ep. xiv., 19. Tesqua is
derived from δάσκιος, "very wooded." (Lucan, vi., 41, "nemorosa
tesca.") Varro says tesca are "places inclosed and set apart as
templa for the purposes of augury." L. L., vi., 2.
BOOK III.
ARGUMENT.

We have not only much more ample and satisfactory
information respecting the subject of this Satire
from ancient writers, but the Fragments which
have come down to us give sufficient evidence
that their statements are correct. It is the
description of a journey which Lucilius took from
Rome to Capua, and thence to the Straits of
Messina; with an account of some of the halting-
places on his route, and incidents of travel.
Besides this, which was the main subject, he
indulged by the way in a little pleasing raillery
against some of his contemporaries, Ennius,
Pacuvius, Cæcilius, and Terence, according to the
old Scholiast. This Satire formed the model from
which Horace copied his Journey to Brundusium, i,
Sat., v. The special points of imitation will be seen
in the notes; from which it will appear that the
particular incidents mentioned by Horace, are
probably fictitious. As to the journey itself, Varges
and Gerlach are both of opinion that it was a real
one, and undertaken solely for purposes of
pleasure; as it was not unusual for the wealthier
Romans of that day to travel into Campania, or
even to Lucania, and as far as the district of the
Bruttii. (Cf. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 102, seq.) These
journeys were occasionally performed on foot: as
we hear of Cato traveling on foot through the
different cities of Italy, bearing his own arms, and
attended only by a single slave, who carried his
baggage and libation-cup for sacrificing. But
Lucilius probably on this occasion had his hackney
(canterius), like Horace, which carried not only his
master's saddle-bags, but himself also. (Cf. Fr. 9.
Hor., i., Sat. vi., 104.)

It is not quite clear whether the scene described at
Capua was a gladiatorial exhibition, or merely a
drunken brawl that took place in the streets, from
which one of the parties came very badly off.
Several of the "uncertain Fragments" may be fairly
referred to this book; evidently Fr. inc. 27. Cf. Hor.,
i., Sat. v., 85. Probably Fr. inc. 77, 95, 53, 11, 10,
14, 36.
1 ... you will find twice five and eighty full miles; from
Capua too, two hundred and fifty—[1632]
2 ... from the gate to the harbor, a mile; thence to
Salernum.[1633]
3 ... thence to the people of the Dicæarcheans and Delos
the less.[1634]
4 Campanian Capua—
5 ... three miles in length.[1635]
6 ... But there, all these things were mere play—and no
odds. They were no odds, I say, all mere play—and a
joke. The real hard work was, when we came near the
Setine country; goat-clambered mountains; Ætnas all
of them, rugged Athosès.[1636]
7 Besides, the whole of this way is toilsome and muddy—
[1637]
8 Moreover, the scoundrel, like a rascally muleteer, knocked
against all the stones—[1638]
9 My portmanteau galled my hackney's ribs by its weight.
[1639]
10 We pass the promontory of Minerva with oars—[1640]

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