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9. Wodek K. Gawronski
Jet Propulsion Laboratory
California Institute of Technology
Pasadena, CA 91109, USA
wodek.k.gawronski@jpl.nasa.gov
Series Editor
Frederick F. Ling
Ernest F. Gloyna Regents Chair in Engineering, Emeritus
Department of Mechanical Engineering
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX 78712-1063, USA
and
William Howard Hart Professor Emeritus
Department of Mechanical Engineering,
Aeronautical Engineering and Mechanics
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
Troy, NY 12180-3590, USA
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Gawronski, Wodek, 1944–
Advanced structural dynamics and active control of structures/Wodek Gawronski.
p. cm. — (Mechanical engineering series)
ISBN 0-387-40649-2 (alk. paper)
1. Structural dynamics. 2. Structural control (Engineering) I. Title. II. Mechanical
engineering series (Berlin, Germany)
TA654.G36 2004
624.1′71—dc22 2003058443
Based on Dynamics and Control of Structures: A Modal Approach, by Wodek K. Gawronski, 1998
Springer-Verlag New York, Inc.
ISBN 0-387-40649-2 Printed on acid-free paper.
2004 Springer-Verlag New York, Inc.
All rights reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written
permission of the publisher (Springer-Verlag New York, Inc., 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010,
USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection
with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by
similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden.
The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they
are not identified as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are
subject to proprietary rights.
Printed in the United States of America.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 SPIN 10943243
www.springer-ny.com
Springer-Verlag New York Berlin Heidelberg
A member of BertelsmannSpringer Science+Business Media GmbH
10. To my friends—
Jan Kruszewski and
Hans Günther Natke
—scholars of dedication and imagination
Although this may seem a paradox,
all exact science is dominated by the idea of approximation.
—Bertrand Russell
12. Mechanical Engineering Series
Frederick F. Ling
Series Editor
The Mechanical Engineering Series features graduate texts and research mono-
graphs to address the need for information in contemporary mechanical engineer-
ing, including areas of concentration of applied mechanics, biomechanics, compu-
tational mechanics, dynamical systems and control, energetics, mechanics of
materials, processing, production systems, thermal science, and tribology.
Advisory Board
Applied Mechanics F.A. Leckie
University of California,
Santa Barbara
Biomechanics V.C. Mow
Columbia University
Computational Mechanics H.T. Yang
University of California,
Santa Barbara
Dynamical Systems and Control K.M. Marshek
University of Texas, Austin
Energetics J.R. Welty
University of Oregon, Eugene
Mechanics of Materials I. Finnie
University of California, Berkeley
Processing K.K. Wang
Cornell University
Production Systems G.-A. Klutke
Texas AM University
Thermal Science A.E. Bergles
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
Tribology W.O. Winer
Georgia Institute of Technology
14. Preface
Science is for those who learn;
poetry for those who know.
—Joseph Roux
This book is a continuation of my previous book, Dynamics and Control of
Structures [44]. The expanded book includes three additional chapters and an
additional appendix: Chapter 3, “Special Models”; Chapter 8, “Modal Actuators and
Sensors”; and Chapter 9, “System Identification.” Other chapters have been
significantly revised and supplemented with new topics, including discrete-time
models of structures, limited-time and -frequency grammians and reduction, almost-
balanced modal models, simultaneous placement of sensors and actuators, and
structural damage detection. The appendices have also been updated and expanded.
Appendix A consists of thirteen new Matlab programs. Appendix B is a new
addition and includes eleven Matlab programs that solve examples from each
chapter. In Appendix C model data are given.
Several books on structural dynamics and control have been published.
Meirovitch’s textbook [108] covers methods of structural dynamics (virtual work,
d’Alambert’s principle, Hamilton’s principle, Lagrange’s and Hamilton’s equations,
and modal analysis of structures) and control (pole placement methods, LQG design,
and modal control). Ewins’s book [33] presents methods of modal testing of
structures. Natke’s book [111] on structural identification also contains excellent
material on structural dynamics. Fuller, Elliot, and Nelson [40] cover problems of
structural active control and structural acoustic control. Inman’s book [79]
introduces the basic concepts of vibration control, while Preumont in [120] presents
modern approaches to structural control, including LQG controllers, sensors, and
actuator placement, and piezoelectric materials with numerous applications in
aerospace and civil engineering. The Junkins and Kim book [87] is a graduate-level
textbook, while the Porter and Crossley book [119] is one of the first books on
modal control. Skelton’s work [125] (although on control of general linear systems)
introduces methods designed specifically for the control of flexible structures. For
example, the component cost approach to model or controller reduction is a tool
frequently used in this field. The monograph by Joshi [83] presents developments on
15. x Preface
dissipative and LQG controllers supported by numerous applications. Genta’s book
[65] includes rotor dynamics; the book by Kwon and Bang [92] is dedicated mainly
to structural finite-element models, but a part of it is dedicated to structural
dynamics and control. The work by Hatch [70] explains vibrations and dynamics
problems in practical ways, is illustrated with numerous examples, and supplies
Matlab programs to solve vibration problems. The Maia and Silva book [107] is a
study on modal analysis and testing, while the Heylen, Lammens, and Sas book [71]
is an up-to-date and attractive presentation of modal analysis. The De Silva book
[26] is a comprehensive source on vibration analysis and testing. Clark, Saunders,
and Gibbs [17] present recent developments in dynamics and control of structures;
and Elliott [31] applies structural dynamics and control problems to acoustics. My
book [47] deals with structural dynamics and control problems in balanced
coordinates. The recent advances in structural dynamics and control can be found in
[121].
This book describes comparatively new areas of structural dynamics and control
that emerged from recent developments. Thus:
x State-space models and modal methods are used in structural dynamics as well
as in control analysis. Typically, structural dynamics problems are solved using
second-order differential equations.
x Control system methods (such as the state-space approach, controllability and
observability, system norms, Markov parameters, and grammians) are applied to
solve structural dynamics problems (such as sensor and actuator placement,
identification, or damage detection).
x Structural methods (such as modal models and modal independence) are used to
solve control problems (e.g., the design of LQG and Hf controllers), providing
new insight into well-known control laws.
x The methods described are based on practical applications. They originated from
developing, testing, and applying techniques of structural dynamics,
identification, and control to antennas and radiotelescopes. More on the
dynamics and control problems of the NASA Deep Space Network antennas can
be found at http://tmo.jpl.nasa.gov/tmo/progress_report/.
x This book uses approximate analysis, which is helpful in two ways. First, it
simplifies analysis of large structural models (e.g., obtaining Hankel singular
values for a structure with thousands of degrees of freedom). Second,
approximate values (as opposed to exact ones) are given in closed form, giving
an opportunity to conduct a parametric study of structural properties.
This book requires introductory knowledge of structural dynamics and of linear
control; thus it is addressed to the more advanced student. It can be used in graduate
courses on vibration and structural dynamics, and in control system courses with
application to structural control. It is also useful for engineers who deal with
structural dynamics and control.
Readers who would like to contact me with comments and questions are invited to
do so. My e-mail address is Wodek.K.Gawronski@jpl.nasa.gov. Electronic versions
16. Preface xi
of Matlab programs from Appendix A, examples from Appendix B, and data from
Appendix C can also be obtained from this address.
I would like to acknowledge the contributions of my colleagues who have had an
influence on this work: Kyong Lim, NASA Langley Research Center
(sensor/actuator placement, filter design, discrete-time grammians, and Hf controller
analysis); Hagop Panossian, Boeing North American, Inc., Rocketdyne
(sensor/actuator placement of the International Space Station structure); Jer-Nan
Juang, NASA Langley Research Center (model identification of the Deep Space
Network antenna); Lucas Horta, NASA Langley Research Center (frequency-
dependent grammians for discrete-time systems); Jerzy Sawicki, Cleveland State
University (modal error estimation of nonproportional damping); Abner Bernardo,
Jet Propulsion Laboratory, California Institute of Technology (antenna data
collection); and Angel Martin, the antenna control system supervisor at the NASA
Madrid Deep Space Communication Complex (Spain) for his interest and
encouragement. I thank Mark Gatti, Scott Morgan, Daniel Rascoe, and Christopher
Yung, managers at the Communications Ground Systems Section, Jet Propulsion
Laboratory, for their support of the Deep Space Network antenna study, some of
which is included in this book. A portion of the research described in this book was
carried out at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, California Institute of Technology,
under contract with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
Wodek K. Gawronski
Pasadena, California
January 2004
24. List of Symbols
Each equation in the book
... would halve the sales.
—Stephen Hawking
General
T
A transpose of matrix A
*
A complex-conjugate transpose of matrix A
1
A
inverse of square nonsingular matrix A
tr(A) trace of a matrix A, tr( ) ii
i
A a
¦
2
A Euclidean (Frobenius) norm of a real-valued matrix A:
2
2 ,
tr( )
T
ij
i j
A a A
¦ A
diag( )
i
a diagonal matrix with elements along the diagonal
i
a
eig(A) eigenvalue of a square matrix A
( )
i A
O ith eigenvalue of a square matrix A
max ( )
A
O maximal eigenvalue of a square matrix A
( )
i A
V ith singular value of a matrix A
max ( )
A
V maximal singular value of a matrix A
n
I identity matrix, n u n
0n m
u zero matrix, n u m
25. xx List of Symbols
Linear Systems
(A,B,C,D) quadruple of the system state-space representation
(A,B,C) triple of the system state-space representation
( , , )
d d d
A B C discrete-time state-space representation
( , ,
lqg lqg lqg
A B C )
)
LQG controller state-space representation
( , ,
A B C
f f f Hf controller state-space representation
( , , )
o o o
A B C closed-loop state-space representation
G transfer function
d
G discrete-time transfer function
1
H Hankel matrix
2
H shifted Hankel matrix
k
h kth Markov parameter
U input measurement matrix
Y output measurement matrix
x system state
e
x system estimated state
u system (control) input
y system (measured) output
z performance output
w disturbance input
1
B matrix of disturbance inputs
2
B matrix of control inputs
1
C matrix of performance outputs
2
C matrix of measured outputs
2
G continuous-time system H2 norm
G f
continuous-time system Hf norm
h
G continuous-time system Hankel norm
2
d
G discrete-time system H2 norm
d
G f
discrete-time system Hf norm
d h
G discrete-time system Hankel norm
controllability matrix
' observability matrix
c
W controllability grammian
o
W observability grammian
i
J ith Hankel singular value
max
J the largest Hankel singular value of a system
* matrix of Hankel singular values
CARE controller algebraic Riccati equation
FARE filter (or estimator) algebraic Riccati equation
HCARE Hf controller algebraic Riccati equation
26. List of Symbols xxi
HFARE Hf filter (or estimator) algebraic Riccati equation
c
S solution of CARE
e
S solution of FARE
c
Sf solution of HCARE
e
Sf solution of HFARE
i
P ith LQG singular value
i
Pf ith Hf singular value
0 matrix of the LQG singular values, diag( )
i
P
0
f
0 matrix of the Hf singular values, diag( )
i
P
f f
0
U parameter of the Hf controller
c
K controller gain
e
K estimator gain
H tracking error
t time sequence
t
' sampling time
N number of states
s number of inputs
r number of outputs
Structures
D damping matrix
K stiffness matrix
M mass matrix
m
D modal damping matrix
m
K modal stiffness matrix
m
M modal mass matrix
q structural displacement (nodal)
m
q structural displacement (modal)
ab
q structural displacement (almost-balanced)
i
q displacement of the ith degree of freedom
mi
q displacement of the ith mode
abi
q displacement of the ith almost-balanced mode
i
I ith structural mode
abi
I almost-balanced ith structural mode
) modal matrix
ab
) almost-balanced modal matrix
i
Z ith natural frequency
: matrix of natural frequencies
27. xxii List of Symbols
i
] ith modal damping
= matrix of modal damping coefficients
o
B nodal input matrix
oq
C nodal displacement output matrix
ov
C nodal velocity output matrix
m
B modal input matrix
mq
C modal displacement output matrix
mv
C modal velocity output matrix
m
C modal output matrix, 1
m mq m
C C C
: v
mi
b input matrix of the ith mode, ith row of m
B
mi
c output matrix of the ith mode, ith column of m
C
2
m
B modal input gain
2
m
C modal output gain,
2
2 2
1
2 2
2
m mq mv
C C C
:
2
mi
b input gain of the ith mode
2
mi
c output gain of the ith mode
i
Z
' ith half-power frequency, 2
i i i
Z ] Z
'
2ij
V H2 placement index for the ith actuator (sensor)
and the kth mode
ij
Vf Hf placement index for the ith actuator (sensor)
and the kth mode
2
6 H2 placement matrix
f
6 Hf placement matrix
( )
I k membership index of the kth sensor
i
E pole shift factor
d
n number of degrees of freedom
n number of modes
N number of states
s number of inputs
r number of outputs
S number of candidate actuator locations
R number of candidate sensor locations
28. 1
Introduction to Structures
ª examples, definition, and properties
A vibration is a motion
that can't make up its mind
which way it wants to go.
—From Science Exam
Flexible structures in motion have specific features that are not a secret to a
structural engineer. One of them is resonance—strong amplification of the motion at
a specific frequency, called natural frequency. There are several frequencies that
structures resonate at. A structure movement at these frequencies is harmonic, or
sinusoidal, and remains at the same pattern of deformation. This pattern is called a
mode shape, or mode. The modes are not coupled, and being independent they can
be excited separately. More interesting, the total structural response is a sum of
responses of individual modes. Another feature—structural poles—are complex
conjugate. Their real parts (representing modal damping) are typically small, and
their distance from the origin is the natural frequency of a structure.
1.1 Examples
In this book we investigate several examples of flexible structures. This includes a
simple structure, composed of three lumped masses, a two-dimensional (2D) truss
and a three-dimensional (3D) truss, a beam, the Deep Space Network antenna, and
the International Space Station structure. They represent different levels of
complexity.
1.1.1 A Simple Structure
A three-mass system—a simple structure—is used mainly for illustration purposes,
and to make examples easy to follow. Its simplicity allows for easy analysis, and for
29. 2 Chapter 1
straightforward interpretation. Also, solution properties and numerical data can be
displayed in a compact form.
The system is shown in Fig. 1.1. In this figure m1, m2, and m3 represent system
masses, k1, k2, k3, and k4, are stiffness coefficients, while d1, d2, d3, and d4, are
damping coefficients. This structure has six states, or three degrees of freedom.
1
m 2
m 3
m
1
d
4
k
3
k
2
k
2
d 3
d 4
d
1 1
,
f q 2 2
,
f q 3 3
,
f q
1
k
Figure 1.1. A simple structure.
1.1.2 A 2D Truss
The truss structure in Fig. 1.2 is a more complex example of a structure, which can
still easily be simulated by the reader, if necessary. For this structure, l1=15 cm,
l2=20 cm are dimensions of truss components. Each truss has a cross-sectional area
of 1 cm2
, elastic modulus of 2.0u107
N/cm2
, and mass density of 0.00786 kg/cm3
.
This structure has 32 states (or 16 degrees of freedom). Its stiffness and mass
matrices are given in Appendix C.1.
Figure 1.2. A 2D truss structure.
2
l
10
9
1
6 7
2
8
4
3
1
l
5
1.1.3 A 3D Truss
A 3D truss is shown in Fig. 1.3. For this truss, the length is 60 cm, the width 8 cm,
the height 10 cm, the elastic modulus is 2.1u107
N/cm2
, and the mass density is
0.00392 kg/cm3
. The truss has 72 degrees of freedom (or 144 states).
30. Introduction to Structures 3
14
1
26
27
28
25
24
23
22
21
20
19
18
17
16
15
13
8
11
12
10
9
4
5
6
7
3
2
Figure 1.3. A 3D truss structure.
1.1.4 A Beam
A clamped beam is shown in Fig. 1.4. It is divided into n elements, with n–1 nodes,
and two fixed nodes. In some cases later in this book we use n=15 elements for
simple illustration, and sometimes n=60 or n=100 elements for more sophisticated
examples of beam dynamics. Each node has three degrees of freedom: horizontal
displacement, x, vertical displacement, y, and in plane rotation, T. In total it has
3(n–1) degrees of freedom. The beam is 150 cm long, with a cross-section of 1 cm2
.
The external (filled) nodes are clamped. The beam mass and stiffness matrices for
n=15 are given in Appendix C.2.
1 2
0 3 n2 n1 n
Figure 1.4. A beam divided into n finite elements.
1.1.5 The Deep Space Network Antenna
The NASA Deep Space Network antenna structure illustrates a real-world flexible
structure. The Deep Space Network antennas, operated by the Jet Propulsion
Laboratory, consist of several antenna types and are located at Goldstone
(California), Madrid (Spain), and Canberra (Australia). The Deep Space Network
serves as a communication tool for space exploration. A new generation of Deep
Space Network antenna with a 34-m dish is shown in Fig. 1.5. This antenna is an
articulated large flexible structure, which can rotate around azimuth (vertical) and
elevation (horizontal) axes. The rotation is controlled by azimuth and elevation
servos, as shown in Fig. 1.6. The combination of the antenna structure and its
azimuth and elevation drives is the open-loop model of the antenna. The open-loop
plant has two inputs (azimuth and elevation rates) and two outputs (azimuth and
elevation position), and the position loop is closed between the encoder outputs and
the rate inputs. The drives consist of gearboxes, electric motors, amplifiers, and
31. 4 Chapter 1
tachometers. For more details about the antenna and its control systems, see [59] and
[42], or visit the web page http://ipnpr.jpl.nasa.gov/. The finite-element model of the
antenna structure consists of about 5000 degrees of freedom, with some nonlinear
properties (dry friction, backlash, and limits imposed on its rates, and accelerations).
However, the model of the structure and the drives used in this book are linear, and
are obtained from the field test data using system identification procedures.
Figure 1.5. The Deep Space Network antenna at Goldstone, California (courtesy of
NASA/JPL/Caltech, Pasadena, California). It can rotate with respect to azimuth (vertical)
axis, and the dish with respect to elevation (horizontal axis).
In the following we briefly describe the field test. We tested the antenna using a
white noise input signal of sampling frequency 30.6 Hz, as shown in Fig. 1.7(a). The
antenna elevation encoder output record is shown in Fig. 1.7(b). From these records
we determined the transfer function, from the antenna rate input to the encoder
output, see Fig. 1.8(a),(b), dashed line. Next, we used the Eigensystem Realization
Algorithm (ERA) identification algorithm (see [84], and Chapter 9 of this book) to
determine the antenna state-space representation. For this representation we obtained
the plot of the transfer function plot as shown in Fig. 1.8(a),(b), solid line. The plot
displays good coincidence between the measured and identified transfer function.
32. Introduction to Structures 5
The flexible properties are clearly visible in the identified model. The identified
state-space representation of the antenna model is given in Appendix C.3.
EL torque
ELEVATION
DRIVE
AZIMUTH
DRIVE ANTENNA
STRUCTURE
XEL error
EL error
AZ encoder
EL encoder
AZ torque
EL rate
AZ rate
wind
AZ pinion rate
EL pinion rate
Figure 1.6. The open-loop model of the Deep Space Network antenna (AZ = azimuth, EL =
elevation, XEL = cross-elevation): The AZ and EL positions are measured with encoders, EL
and XEL errors are RF beam pointing errors.
0.4
(a)
0.2
rate
input,
V
0
–0.2
–0.4
0 100 200 300
time, s
400 500 600
0.04
(b)
0.03
encoder,
deg
0.02
0.01
0
0 100 200
time, s
300 400 500 600
Figure 1.7. Signals in the identification of the antenna model: (a) Input white noise
(voltage); and (b) output–antenna position measured by the encoder.
33. 6 Chapter 1
10
–1
10
frequency, Hz
0
10
–3
10
–2
10
–1
(a)
0
10
magnitude
frequency, Hz
10
–1
10
0
(b)
–100
phase,
deg
–200
–300
Figure 1.8. The antenna transfer functions obtained from the data (dashed line), and
obtained from the identified model (solid line): (a) Magnitude; and (b) phase.
1.1.6 The International Space Station Structure
The Z1 module of the International Space Station structure is a large structure of a
cubical shape with a basic truss frame, and with numerous appendages and
attachments such as control moment gyros and a cable tray. Its finite-element model
is shown in Fig. 1.9. The total mass of the structure is around 14,000 kg. The finite-
element model of the structure consists of 11,804 degrees of freedom with 56
modes, of natural frequencies below 70 Hz. This structure was analyzed for the
preparation of the modal tests. The determination of the optimal locations of shakers
and accelerometers is presented in Chapter 7.
1.2 Definition
The term flexible structure or, briefly, structure has different interpretations and
definitions, depending on source and on application. For the purposes of this book
we define a structure as a linear system, which is
x finite-dimensional;
x controllable and observable;
x its poles are complex with small real parts; and
x its poles are nonclustered.
34. Introduction to Structures 7
Beam
Control moment gyros
Cable tray
Antenna boom
Figure 1.9. The finite-element model of the International Space Station structure.
Based on this definition, we derive many interesting properties of structures and
their controllers later in this book.
The above conditions are somehow restrictive, and introduced to justify the
mathematical approach used in this book. However, our experience shows that even
if these conditions are violated or extended the derived properties still hold. For
example, for structures with heavy damping (with larger real parts of complex
poles), or with some of the poles close to each other, the analysis results in many
cases still apply.
1.3 Properties
In this section we briefly describe the properties of flexible structures. The
properties of a typical structure are illustrated in Fig. 1.10.
x Motion of a flexible structure can be described in independent coordinates,
called modes. One can excite a single mode without excitation of the remaining
ones. Displacement of each point of structure is sinusoidal of fixed frequency.
The shape of modal deformation is called a modal shape, or mode. The
frequency of modal motion is called natural frequency.
x Poles of a flexible structure are complex conjugate, with small real parts; their
locations are shown in Fig. 1.10(a).
35. 8 Chapter 1
Figure 1.10. Properties of a typical flexible structure: (a) Poles are complex with small real
parts; (b) magnitude of a transfer function shows resonant peaks; (c) impulse response is
composed of harmonic components; and (d) phase of a transfer function displays 180 deg
shifts at resonant frequencies.
Figure 1.11. Structure response depends strongly on damping: (a) Poles of a structure with
small (x) and larger (u) damping – damping impacts the real parts; (b) impulse response for
small (solid line) and larger (dashed line) damping – damping impacts the transient time; (c)
magnitude of the transfer function for small (solid line) and larger (dashed line) damping –
damping impacts the resonance peaks; and (d) response to the white noise input for small
(solid line) and larger damping (dashed line) – damping impacts the rms of the response.
–0.02
–15
(a)
–0.01
real
0
–10
–5
0
5
10
15
10 –1
10 0
10
frequency, rad/s
1
(b)
10 2
10 2
magnitude
imaginary
10 0
10–2
–1
(c)
10
–100
–1
10 0
10
frequency, rad/s
1
(d)
100
1
impulse
response
50
0.5
phase,
deg
0 0
–0.5 –50
0 5 10
time, s
15 20 10 2
–0.4
–15
(a)
15
–1
(b)
1
10
impulse
response
0.5
5
imaginary
0 0
–5 –0.5
–10
–0.3 –0.2
real
–0.1 0 0 5 10
time, s
15 20
10 2
10 0
–0.5
0
0.5
1
(c) (d)
response
–1
magnitude
10 0
10–2
0 10 20 30
time, s
frequency, rad/s
36. Introduction to Structures 9
x The magnitude of a flexible structure transfer function is characterized by the
presence of resonance peaks; see Fig. 1.10(b).
x The impulse response of a flexible structure consists of harmonic components,
related to complex poles, or to resonance peaks; this is shown in Fig. 1.10(c).
x The phase of a transfer function of a flexible structure shows 180 degree shifts at
natural frequencies, see Fig. 1.10(d).
Poles of a flexible structure are complex conjugate. Each complex conjugate pair
represents a structural mode. The real part of a pole represents damping of the mode.
The absolute value of the pole represents the natural frequency of the mode.
Consider two different structures, as in Fig. 1.11(a). The first one has poles
denoted with black circles (x), the second one with crosses (u). The locations of the
poles indicate that they have the same natural frequencies, but different damping.
The structure with poles marked with black circles has larger damping than the one
with poles marked with the crosses. The figure illustrates that structural response
depends greatly on the structural damping. For small damping the impulse response
of a structure decays slower than the response for larger damping, see Fig. 1.11(b).
Also, the magnitude of the response is visible in the plots of the magnitude of the
transfer function in Fig. 1.11(c). For small damping the resonance peak is larger than
that for larger damping. Finally, the damping impacts the root-mean-square (rms) of
the response to white noise. For example, Fig. 1.11(d) shows that for small damping
the rms response of a structure is larger than the response for larger damping.
When a structure is excited by a harmonic force, its response shows maximal
amplitude at natural frequencies. This is a resonance phenomenon – a strong
amplification of the motion at natural frequency. There are several frequencies that
structures resonate at. A structure movement at these frequencies is harmonic, or
sinusoidal, and remains at the same pattern of deformation. This pattern is called a
mode shape, or mode. The resonance phenomenon leads to an additional property –
the independence of each mode. Each mode is excited almost independently, and the
total structural response is the sum of modal responses. For example, let a structure
be excited by a white noise. Its response is shown in Fig. 1.12(a). Also, let each
mode be excited by the same noise. Their responses are shown in Fig.
1.12(b),(c),(d). The spectrum of the structural response is shown in Fig. 1.13(a), and
the spectra of responses of each individual mode are shown in Fig. 1.13(b),(c),(d).
Comparing Fig1.13a with Fig.1.13b,c,d we see that the resonance peak for each
natural frequency is the same, either it was total structure excited, or individual
mode excited. This shows that the impact of each mode on each other is negligible.
The independence of the modes also manifests itself in a possibility of exciting
each individual mode. One can find a special input configuration that excites a
selected mode. For example, for the simple structure presented above we found an
excitation that the impulse response has only one harmonic, see Fig. 1.14(a), and the
magnitude of the transfer function of the structure shows a single resonance peak,
see Fig. 1.14(b). However, there is no such input configuration that is able to excite
a single node (or selected point) of a structure. Thus structural modes are
independent, while structural nodes are not.
37. 10 Chapter 1
Figure 1.12. Response to the white noise input: (a) Total structure response is composed of
three modal responses; (b) mode 1 response of the first natural frequency; (c) mode 2
response of the second natural frequency; and (d) mode 3 response of the third natural
frequency.
Figure 1.13. Spectra of the response to the white noise input: (a) Total structure spectrum
consists of three modal spectra; (b) mode 1 spectrum of the first natural frequency; (c) mode
2 spectrum of the second natural frequency; and (d) mode 3 spectrum of the third natural
frequency.
0 5 10
time, s
15
–0.5
(a)
20
–1
1
0 5 10
time, s
15
–0.5
(b)
–1
20
1
mode
1
response
structure
response
0.5 0.5
0 0
(c)
0 5 10
time, s
15
–0.5
20
–1
1
0
0.5
mode
2
response
(d)
0 5 10
time, s
15
–0.5
–1
20
1
mode
3
response
0.5
0
0
0
(a)
15
0
0
(b)
15
structure
spectrum
mode
1
spectrum
10 10
5 5
5 10
frequency, rad/s
15 5 10
frequency, rad/s
15
(c)
0
0
15
(d)
0
0
15
mode
2
spectrum
mode
3
spectrum
10 10
5 5
5 10
frequency, rad/s
15 5 10
frequency, rad/s
15
38. Introduction to Structures 11
0.4
(a)
0.2
impulse
response
0
–0.2
–0.4
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
time, s
(b)
1
magnitude
0.01
1 10
frequency, rad/s
Figure 1.14. An input configuration that excites a single mode: (a) Impulse response; and (b)
magnitude of the transfer function.
40. 2
Standard Models
ª how to describe typical structures
Equation Chapter 2 Section 1
The best model of a cat is another, or
preferably the same, cat.
—Arturo Rosenblueth with Norbert Wiener
In this and the following chapter we explain structural models that describe standard
—or more common—structures. The standard models include structures that are
stable, linear, continuous-time, and with proportional damping.
We derive the structural analytical models either from physical laws, such as
Newton’s motion laws, Lagrange’s equations of motion, or D’Alembert’s principle
[108], [111]; or from finite-element models; or from test data using system
identification methods. The models are represented either in time domain
(differential equations), or in frequency domain (transfer functions).
We use linear differential equations to represent linear structural models in time
domain, either in the form of second-order differential equations or in the form of
first-order differential equations (as a state-space representation). In the first case,
we use the degrees of freedom of a structure to describe structural dynamics. In the
second case we use the system states to describe the dynamics. Structural engineers
prefer degrees of freedom and the second-order differential equations of structural
dynamics; this is not a surprise, since they have a series of useful mathematical and
physical properties. This representation has a long tradition and using it many
important results have been derived. The state-space model, on the other hand, is a
standard model used by control engineers. Most linear control system analyses and
design methods are given in the state-space form. The state-space standardization of
structural models allows for the extension of known control system properties into
structural dynamics. In this chapter we use both second-order and state-space
models, and show their interrelations.
41. 14 Chapter 2
Besides the choice of form of equations, we represent the analytical model in
different coordinates. The choice of coordinates in which the system model is
represented is rather arbitrary. However, two coordinate systems, nodal and modal,
are commonly used. Nodal coordinates are defined through displacements and
velocities of selected structural locations, called nodes; and modal coordinates are
defined through the displacements and velocities of structural (or natural) modes. In
this book we use both coordinate systems; however, we put more weight on the
modal coordinate system.
At the beginning of this chapter we present a generic state-space system model
and its transfer function; next, structural state-space models follow the second-order
models of flexible structures.
2.1 Models of a Linear System
Models of a linear system are described by linear differential equations. The
equations can be organized in a standard form called state-space representation. This
form is a set of first-order differential equations with unit coefficient at the first
derivative. The models can also be represented in the form of a transfer function,
after applying the Laplace or Fourier transformation. The state-space representation
carries information about the internal structure (represented by states) of the model,
while the transfer function describes the model in terms of its input–output
properties (although its internal state can be somehow recovered). Also, the state-
space models are more convenient and create less numerical difficulties than transfer
functions when one deals with high-order models.
2.1.1 State-Space Representation
A linear time-invariant system of finite dimensions is described by the following
linear constant coefficient differential equations:
,
,
x Ax Bu
y Cx
(2.1)
with the initial state (0) o
x x . In the above equations the N-dimensional vector x is
called the state vector, o
x is the initial condition of the state, the s-dimensional
vector u is the system input, and the r-dimensional vector y is the system output. The
A, B, and C matrices are real constant matrices of appropriate dimensions (A is NuN,
B is Nus, and C is ruN). We call the triple the system state-space
representation.
( , , )
A B C
Every linear system, or system of linear-time invariant differential equations can
be presented in the above form (with some exceptions discussed in Chapter 3). It is
important to have a unique form as a standard form in order to develop
42. Standard Models 15
interchangeable software and compatible methods of analysis. However, for the
same system presented by the state equations (2.1) the matrices A, B, C and the state
vector are not unique: different representations can give an identical input–
output relationship. Indeed, one can introduce a new state variable,
( , , )
A B C
,
n
x such that
,
n
x Rx (2.2)
where R is a nonsingular transformation matrix. Introducing x from (2.2) to (2.1) we
obtain the new state equations
,
,
n n n n
n n
x A x B u
y C x
(2.3)
where
. (2.4)
1 1
, ,
n n n
A R AR B R B C CR
Note that u and y are identical in (2.1) and (2.3); i.e., the input–output relationship is
identical in the new representation ( and in the original representation
(A,B,C). This might suggest that there is no difference as to what coordinates we use
for a system analysis. But this is not necessarily true. Although input–output
relations remain invariant, it makes a difference for system analysis or controller
design what state or representation is chosen. For example, some representations
have useful physical interpretations; others are more convenient for analysis and
design.
, , )
n n n
A B C
2.1.2 Transfer Function
Besides the state-space representation a linear system can be alternatively
represented by its transfer function. The transfer function G(s) is defined as a
complex gain between y(s) and u(s),
( ) ( ) ( ),
y s G s u s (2.5)
where y(s) and u(s) are the Laplace transforms of the output y(t) and input u(t),
respectively. Using the Laplace transformation of (2.1) for the zero initial condition,
x(0) = 0, we express the transfer function in terms of the state parameters (A,B,C),
(2.6)
1
( ) ( ) .
G s C sI A B
The transfer function is invariant under the coordinate transformation (i.e.,
, which can be checked by introducing (2.4) into
the above equation.
1
( ) ( )
n n
C sI A B C sI A B
1
n
43. 16 Chapter 2
2.2 Second-Order Structural Models
In this and the following sections we will discuss the structural models. One of them
is the second-order structural model. It is represented by the second-order linear
differential equations, and is commonly used in the analysis of structural dynamics.
Similarly to the state-space models the second-order models also depend on the
choice of coordinates. Typically, the second-order models are represented either in
the nodal coordinates, and are called nodal models, or in the modal coordinates, and
are called modal models.
2.2.1 Nodal Models
The nodal models are derived in nodal coordinates, in terms of nodal displacements,
velocities, and accelerations. The model is characterized by the mass, stiffness, and
damping matrices, and by the sensors and actuators locations. These models are
typically obtained from the finite-element codes or from other Computer-Aided-
Design-type software.
As a convention, we denote a dot as a first derivative with respect to time (i.e.,
/
x dx dt
), and a double dot as a second derivative with respect to time (i.e.,
2
/ 2
x d x dt
). Let be a number of degrees of freedom of the system (linearly
independent coordinates describing the finite-dimensional structure), let r be a
number of outputs, and let s be a number of inputs. A flexible structure in nodal
coordinates is represented by the following second-order matrix differential
equation:
d
n
,
.
o
oq ov
Mq+ Dq+ Kq= B u
y = C q+C q
(2.7)
In this equation q is the 1
d
n u nodal displacement vector; is the nodal
velocity vector; is the
q
1
d
n u
q
1
d
n u nodal acceleration vector; u is the 1
s u input vector;
y is the output vector, ; M is the mass matrix,
1
r u d d
n n
u ; D is the damping matrix,
; and K is the stiffness matrix,
d d
n n
u d d
n n
u . The input matrix o
B is , the
output displacement matrix is
d
n s
u
oq
C d
r n
u , and the output velocity matrix is
. The mass matrix is positive definite (all its eigenvalues are positive), and the
stiffness and damping matrices are positive semidefinite (all their eigenvalues are
nonnegative).
ov
C
d
r n
u
Example 2.1. Determine the nodal model for a simple system from Fig. 1.1. For
this system we selected masses 1 2 3 1,
m m m stiffness 1 2 3 3,
k k k
and a damping matrix proportional to the stiffness matrix, D = 0.01K, or
4 0,
k
44. Standard Models 17
0.01
i
d i
k , i = 1, 2, 3, 4. There is a single input force at mass 3, and three outputs:
displacement and velocity of mass 1 and velocity of mass 3.
For this system the mass matrix is 1 2 3
( , , ),
M diag m m m thus 3
M I . The
stiffness and damping matrices are
1 2 2
2 2 3 3
3 3 4
0
0
k k k
K k k k k
k k k
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
,
1 2 2
2 2 3 3
3 3 4
0
0
d d d
D d d d d
d d d
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
,
therefore,
6 3 0
3 6 3
0 3 3
K
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
, and
0.06 0.03 0.00
0.03 0.06 0.03
0.00 0.03 0.03
D
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
.
The input and output matrices are
,
0
0
1
o
B
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
1 0 0
0 0 0
0 0 0
oq
C
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
, and
0 0 0
1 0 0
0 0 1
ov
C
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
.
On details of the derivation of this type of equation, see [70], [120].
2.2.2 Modal Models
The second-order models are defined in modal coordinates. These coordinates are
often used in the dynamics analysis of complex structures modeled by the finite
elements to reduce the order of a system. It is also used in the system identification
procedures, where modal representation is a natural outcome of the test.
Modal models of structures are the models expressed in modal coordinates. Since
these coordinates are independent, it leads to a series of useful properties that
simplify the analysis (as will be shown later in this book). The modal coordinate
representation can be obtained by the transformation of the nodal models. This
transformation is derived using a modal matrix, which is determined as follows.
Consider free vibrations of a structure without damping, i.e., a structure without
external excitation (u { 0) and with the damping matrix D = 0. The equation of
motion (2.7) in this case turns into the following equation:
(2.8)
0.
Mq+ Kq =
45. 18 Chapter 2
The solution of the above equation is j t
q e Z
I . Hence, the second derivative of the
solution is 2 j t
q e Z
Z I
. Introducing the latter q and into (2.8) gives
q
2
( ) j t
K M e Z
Z I 0.
(2.9)
This is a set of homogeneous equations, for which a nontrivial solution exists if the
determinant of is zero,
2
K Z
M
2
det( ) 0.
K M
Z
(2.10)
The above determinant equation is satisfied for a set of n values of frequency Z.
These frequencies are denoted 1 2
, ,..., n
Z Z Z , and their number n does not exceed the
number of degrees of freedom, i.e., d
n n
d . The frequency i
Z is called the ith
natural frequency.
Substituting i
Z into (2.9) yields the corresponding set of vectors ^ `
1 2
, ,..., n
I I I
that satisfy this equation. The ith vector i
I corresponding to the ith natural
frequency is called the ith natural mode, or ith mode shape. The natural modes are
not unique, since they can be arbitrarily scaled. Indeed, if i
I satisfies (2.9), so does
i
DI , where D is an arbitrary scalar.
For a notational convenience define the matrix of natural frequencies
1
2
0 0
0 0
0 0 n
Z
Z
Z
ª º
« »
« »
:
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
(2.11)
and the matrix of mode shapes, or modal matrix ) , of dimensions which
consists of n natural modes of a structure
,
d
n n
u
@
11 21 1
12 22 2
1 2
1 2
...
d d d
n
n
n
n n nn
I I I
I I I
I I I
I I I
ª º
« »
« »
)
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
!
!
!
, (2.12)
where ij
I is the jth displacement of the ith mode, that is,
46. Standard Models 19
1
2
i
i
i
in
I
I
I
I
½
° °
° °
® ¾
° °
° °
¯ ¿
#
. (2.13)
The modal matrix ) has an interesting property: it diagonalizes mass and stiffness
matrices M and K,
,
T
m
M M
) ) (2.14)
.
T
m
K K
) ) (2.15)
The obtained diagonal matrices are called modal mass matrix and modal
stiffness matrix ( The same transformation, applied to the damping matrix
( )
m
M
).
m
K
,
T
m
D D
) ) (2.16)
gives the modal damping matrix , which is not always obtained as a diagonal
matrix. However, in some cases, it is possible to obtain diagonal. In these cases
the damping matrix is called a matrix of proportional damping. The proportionality
of damping is commonly assumed for analytical convenience. This approach is
justified by the fact that the nature of damping is not known exactly, that its values
are rather roughly approximated, and that the off-diagonal terms in most cases—as
will be shown later—have negligible impact on the structural dynamics. The
damping proportionality is often achieved by assuming the damping matrix as a
linear combination of the stiffness and mass matrices; see [18], [70],
m
D
m
D
1 2
D K M
D D
, (2.17)
where 1
D and 2
D are nonnegative scalars.
Modal models of structures are the models expressed in modal coordinates. In
order to do so we use a modal matrix to introduce a new variable, , called modal
displacement. This is a variable that satisfies the following equation:
m
q
.
m
q q
) (2.18)
In order to obtain the equations of motion for this new variable, we introduce (2.18)
to (2.7) and additionally left-multiply (2.7) by ,
T
) obtaining
,
.
T T T T
m m m
oq m ov m
o
M q D q K q B
y C q C q
) ) ) ) ) ) )
) )
u
47. 20 Chapter 2
Assuming a proportional damping, and using (2.14), (2.15), and (2.16) we obtain the
above equation in the following form:
,
.
T
m m m m m m o
oq m ov m
M q D q K q B u
y C q C q
)
) )
Next, we multiply (from the left) the latter equation by 1
m
M
, which gives
1 1 1
,
.
T
m m m m m m m m o
oq m ov m
q M D q M K q M B u
y C q C q
)
) )
The obtained equations look quite messy, but the introduction of appropriate
notations simplifies them,
(2.19)
2
2 ,
.
m m m
mq m mv m
q q q B
y C q C q
=: :
mu
In (2.19) : is a diagonal matrix of natural frequencies, as defined before. Note,
however, that this is obtained from the modal mass and stiffness matrices as follows:
2 1
.
m m
M K
: (2.20)
In (2.19) is the modal damping matrix. It is a diagonal matrix of modal damping,
=
1
2
0 0
0 0
0 0 n
]
]
]
ª º
« »
« »
=
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
, (2.21)
where i
] is the damping of the ith mode. We obtain this matrix using the following
relationship , thus,
1
2
m m
M D
=:
1 1
2 2
1 1
0.5 0.5
m m m m m
M D M K
= : D . (2.22)
Next, we introduce the modal input matrix m
B in (2.19),
1
.
T
m m o
B M B
) (2.23)
Finally, in (2.19) we use the following notations for the modal displacement and rate
matrices:
48. Standard Models 21
,
mq oq
C C ) (2.24)
.
mv ov
C C ) (2.25)
Note that (2.19) (a modal representation of a structure) is a set of uncoupled
equations. Indeed, due to the diagonality of : and = , this set of equations can be
written, equivalently, as
(2.26)
2
1
2
, 1, ,
,
mi i i mi i mi mi
i mqi mi mvi mi
n
i
i
q q q b u
y c q c q i n
y y
] Z Z
¦
! ,
where is the ith row of
mi
b m
B and are the ith columns of and
, respectively. The coefficient
,
mqi
c mvi
c mq
C
mv
C i
] is called a modal damping of the ith mode. In
the above equations is the system output due to the ith mode dynamics, and the
quadruple
i
y
( , , , )
i i mi mi
b c
Z ] represents the properties of the ith natural mode. Note
that the structural response y is a sum of modal responses yi, which is a key property
used to derive structural properties in modal coordinates.
This completes the modal model description. In the following we introduce the
transfer function obtained from the modal equations. The generic transfer function is
obtained from the state-space representation using (2.6). For structures in modal
coordinates it has a specific form.
Transfer Function of a Structure. The transfer function of a structure is derived
from (2.19),
(2.27)
2 2 1
( ) ( )( 2 ) .
mq mv n m
G C j C I j Z B
Z Z Z Z
: :
However, this can be presented in a more useful form, since the matrices : and =
are diagonal, allowing for representation of each single mode.
Transfer Function of a Mode. The transfer function of the ith mode is obtained
from (2.26),
2 2
( )
( ) .
2
mqi mvi mi
mi
i i
c j c b
G
j
Z
Z
i
Z Z ] Z Z
(2.28)
The structural and modal transfer functions are related as follows:
49. 22 Chapter 2
Property 2.1. Transfer Function in Modal Coordinates. The structural
transfer function is a sum of modal transfer functions
(a)
1
( ) ( )
n
mi
i
G G
Z Z
¦ (2.29)
or, in other words,
2 2
1
( )
( ) ,
2
n
mqi mvi mi
i i
i
c j c b
G
j
Z
Z
i
Z Z ] Z Z
¦ (2.30)
and the structural transfer function at the ith resonant frequency is approximately
equal to the ith modal transfer function at this frequency
(b) 2
( )
( ) ( )
2
mqi i mvi mi
i mi i
i i
jc c b
G G
Z
Z Z
] Z
# , 1, , .
i n
! (2.31)
Proof. By inspection of (2.27) and (2.28). ‹
Structural Poles. The poles of a structure are the zeros of the characteristic
equations (2.26). The equation 2
2 i i i
s s
] Z Z2
0
is the characteristic equation of
the ith mode. For small damping the poles are complex conjugate, and in the
following form:
2
1
2
2
1 ,
1 .
i i i i
i i i i
s j
s j
] Z Z ]
] Z Z ]
(2.32)
The plot of the poles is shown in Fig. 2.1, which shows how the location of a pole
relates to the natural frequency and modal damping.
Example 2.2. Determine the modal model of a simple structure from Example 2.1.
The natural frequency matrix is
3.1210 0 0
0 2.1598 0
0 0 0.7708
ª º
« »
: « »
« »
¬ ¼
,
and the modal matrix is
50. Standard Models 23
(a)
0.5910 0.7370 0.3280
0.7370 0.3280 0.5910
0.3280 0.5910 0.7370
ª º
« »
)
« »
« »
¬ ¼
.
The modes are shown in Fig. 2.2.
i i
] Z
arcsin( )
i i
D ]
i
Z
Im
0 Re
s2
s1
2
1
i i
Z ]
2
1
i i
Z ]
i
Z
Figure 2.1. Pole location of the ith mode of a lightly damped structure: It is a complex pair
with the real part proportional to the ith modal damping; the imaginary part approximately
equal to the ith natural frequency; and the radius is the exact natural frequency.
The modal mass is 3
m
M I , the modal stiffness is 2
m
K : , and the modal
damping, from (2.22), is
0.0156 0 0
0 0.0108 0
0 0 0.0039
ª º
« »
= « »
« »
¬ ¼
.
We obtain the modal input and output matrices from (2.23), (2.24), and (2.25):
0.3280
0.5910 ,
0.7370
m
B
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
51. 24 Chapter 2
0.5910 0.7370 0.3280
0 0 0
0 0 0
mq
C
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
,
and
0 0 0
0.5910 0.7370 0.3280
0.3280 0.5910 0.7370
mv
C
ª º
« »
« »
« »
¬ ¼
.
0.591
1
m 2
m 3
m
0.328 0.591 0.737
1
m 2
m 3
m
0.737 0.328 –0.591
1
m 2
m 3
m
2
m 3
m
1
m
–0.737 0.328
equilibrium
1
I —mode 1
2
I —mode 2
3
I —mode 3
Figure 2.2. Modes of a simple system: For each mode the mass displacements are sinusoidal
and have the same frequency, and the displacements are shown at their extreme values (see
the equation (a)).
Example 2.3. Determine the first four natural modes and frequencies of the beam
presented in Fig. 1.5.
Using the finite-element model we find the modes, which are shown in Fig. 2.3.
For the first mode the natural frequency is 1 72.6
Z rad/s, for the second mode the
52. Standard Models 25
natural frequency is 2 198.8
Z rad/s, for the third mode the natural frequency is
3 386.0
Z rad/s, and for the fourth mode the natural frequency is 4 629.7
Z rad/s.
–1
–0.5
0
0.5
1
mode 3
mode 1
mode 2
mode 4
displacement,
y-dir.
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14
node number
Figure 2.3. Beam modes: For each mode the beam displacements are sinusoidal and have the
same frequency, and the displacements are shown at their extreme values.
Example 2.4. Determine the first four natural modes and frequencies of the antenna
presented in Fig. 1.6.
We used the finite-element model of the antenna to solve this problem. The
modes are shown in Fig. 2.4. For the first mode the natural frequency is
1 13.2
Z rad/s, for the second mode the natural frequency is 2 18.1
Z rad/s, for the
third mode the natural frequency is 3 18.8
Z rad/s, and for the fourth mode the
natural frequency is 4 24.3
Z rad/s.
Example 2.5. The Matlab code for this example is in Appendix B. For the simple
system from Fig. 1.1 determine the natural frequencies and modes, the system
transfer function, and transfer functions of each mode. Also determine the system
impulse response and the impulse responses of each mode. Assume the system
masses stiffnesses
1 2 3 1,
m m m 1 2 3 3
k k k , 4 0
k , and the damping
matrix proportional to the stiffness matrix, D = 0.01K or 0.01
i
d i
k , i = 1, 2, 3, 4.
There is a single input force at mass 3 and a single output: velocity of mass 1.
We determine the transfer function from (2.27), using data from Example 2.2. The
magnitude and phase of the transfer function are plotted in Fig. 2.5. The magnitude
plot shows resonance peaks at natural frequencies 1 0.7708
Z rad/s, 2 2.1598
Z
rad/s, and 3 3.1210
Z rad/s. The phase plot shows a 180-degree phase change at
each resonant frequency.
53. 26 Chapter 2
(b)
(c) (d)
(a)
Figure 2.4. Antenna modes: (a) First mode (of natural frequency 2.10 Hz); (b) second mode
(of natural frequency 2.87 Hz); (c) third mode (of natural frequency 2.99 Hz); and (d) fourth
mode (of natural frequency 3.87 Hz). For each mode the nodal displacements are sinusoidal,
have the same frequency, and the displacements are shown at their extreme values. Gray
color denotes undeformed state.
We determine the transfer functions of modes 1, 2, and 3 from (2.28), and their
magnitudes and phases are shown in Fig. 2.6. According to Property 2.1, the transfer
function of the entire structure is a sum of the modal transfer functions, and this is
shown in Fig. 2.6, where the transfer function of the structure was constructed as a
sum of transfer functions of individual modes.
The impulse response of the structure is shown in Fig. 2.7; it was obtained from
(2.19). It consists of three harmonics (or responses of three modes) of natural
frequencies 1 0.7708
Z rad/s, 2 2.1598
Z rad/s, and 3 3.1210
Z rad/s. The
54. Standard Models 27
harmonics are shown on the impulse response plot, but are more explicit at the
impulse response spectrum plot, Fig. 2.7, as the spectrum peaks at these frequencies.
Impulse response is the time-domain associate of the transfer function (through
the Parseval theorem); therefore, Property 2.1 can be written in time domain as
1
( ) ( )
n
i
i
h t h t
¦
where h(t) is the impulse response of a structure and is the impulse response of
the ith mode. Thus, the structural impulse response is a sum of modal responses.
This is illustrated in Fig. 2.8, where impulse responses of modes 1, 2, and 3 are
plotted. Clearly the total response as in Fig. 2.7 is a sum of the individual responses.
Note that each response is a sinusoid of frequency equal to the natural frequency,
and of exponentially decayed amplitude, proportional to the modal damping
( )
i
h t
i
] .
Note also that the higher-frequency responses decay faster.
10
–1
10
0
10
1
10
–2
10
–1
10
0
10
1
10
2
2
Z
frequency, rad/s
10
–1
10
0
–400
–200
0
200
2
Z
1
Z
1
Z (b)
(a)
3
Z
3
Z
10
1
magnitude
phase,
deg
frequency, rad/s
Figure 2.5. Transfer function of a simple system: (a) Magnitude shows three resonance
peaks; and (b) phase shows three shifts of 180 degrees; 1 2
, ,
Z Z and 3
Z denote the natural
frequencies.
56. with God's help, to justify our guardianship if need be against all
who would silence them.'
This kind of language, so different from that usually used by Eastern
politicians in their conversations with Europeans, impressed me very
deeply, and I made a strong mental contrast between Arabi and that
other champion of liberty whom I had met and talked with at
Damascus, Midhat Pasha, altogether in Arabi's favour. Here was no
nonsense about railroads and canals and tramways as nostrums that
could redeem the East, but words that went to the root of things
and fixed the responsibility of good government on the shoulders
which alone could bear it. I felt that even in the incredulous and
trifling atmosphere of the House of Commons words like these would
be listened to—if only they could be heard there!
With regard to the Sultan and the connection of Egypt with Turkey,
Arabi was equally explicit. He had no love, he told me, for the Turks
who had mis-governed Egypt for centuries, and he would not hear of
interference from Constantinople in the internal affairs of the
country. But he made a distinction between the Ottoman
Government and the religious authority of the Sultan, whom, as Emir
el Mumenin, he was bound, as long as he ruled justly, to obey and
honour. Also the example of Tunis, which the French had first
detached from the Empire, and then taken possession of, showed
how necessary it was to preserve the connection of Egypt with the
Head of the Moslem world. We are all, he said, children of the
Sultan, and live together like a family in one house. But, just as in
families, we have, each of us provinces of the Empire, our separate
room which is our own to arrange as we will and where even the
Sovereign must not wantonly intrude. Egypt has gained this
independent position through the Firmans granted, and we will take
care that she preserves it. To ask for more than this would be to run
a foolish risk, and perhaps lose our liberty altogether.[7] I asked him
rather bluntly whether he had been, as was then currently asserted,
in personal communication with Constantinople, and I noticed that
he was reserved in answering and did so evasively. Doubtless the
57. recollection of his conversation with Ahmed Ratib, of which I then
knew nothing, crossed his mind and caused his hesitation, but he did
not allude to it.
Finally we talked of the relations of Egypt with the Dual Government
of France and England. As to this he admitted the good that had
been done by freeing the country of Ismaïl and regularizing the
finances, but they must not, he said, stand in the way of the
National regeneration by supporting the Khedive's absolute rule or
the old Circassian Pashas against them. He looked to England rather
than to France for sympathy in their struggle for freedom, and
especially to Mr. Gladstone, who had shown himself the friend of
liberty everywhere—this in response to what I had explained to him
of Gladstone's views—but like everybody else just then at Cairo he
distrusted Malet. I did what I could to ease his mind on this point,
and so we parted. This first interview gave me so favourable an
opinion of the fellah Colonel that I went immediately to my friend,
Sheykh Mohammed Abdu, to tell him how he had impressed me, and
suggested that a program, in the sense of what Arabi had told me,
ought to be drawn up which I might send to Mr. Gladstone, as I felt
certain that if he knew the truth as to the National aspirations, in an
authoritative way, he could not fail to be impressed by it in a sense
favourable to them. I spoke, too, to Malet on the same subject, and
he agreed that it might do good, and I consequently, in conjunction
with Sheykh Mohammed Abdu and others of the civilian leaders,
drew up, Sabunji being our scribe, a manifesto embodying succinctly
the views of the National party. This Mohammed Abdu took to
Mahmud Pasha Sami, who was once again Minister of War, and
gained his adhesion to it, and it was also shown to and approved by
Arabi. This done I forwarded it, with Malet's knowledge and
approval, to Gladstone, explaining to him the whole situation and
inviting his sympathy for a movement so very much in accordance
with his avowed principles. I cannot understand, I said, in
concluding my letter to Gladstone, that these are sentiments to be
deplored or actions to be crushed by an English Liberal Government.
Both may be easily guided. And I think the lovers of Western
58. progress should rather congratulate themselves on this strange and
unlooked for sign of political life in a land which has hitherto been
reproached by them as the least thinking portion of the stagnant
East. You, sir, I think, once expressed to me your belief that the
nations of the East could only regenerate themselves by a
spontaneous resumption of their lost national Will, and behold in
Egypt that Will has arisen and is now struggling to find words which
may persuade Europe of its existence.
While sending this Program of the National Party to Gladstone, I
also at the same time, by Sir William Gregory's advice, sent it to the
Times. Of this course Malet disapproved as he thought it might
complicate matters at Constantinople, an idea strongly fixed in his
cautious diplomatic mind. But Gregory insisted that it ought to be
published, as otherwise it might be pigeon-holed at Downing Street
and overlooked; and I think he was right. Gregory was a personal
friend of the then excellent editor of the Times, Chenery, whose
services to the National cause in Egypt at this date were very great.
Chenery was a man of a large mind on Eastern affairs, being a
considerable Arabic scholar, and had published a most admirable
English translation of the Assemblies of Hariri; and he was able
thus to take a wider view of the Egyptian question than the common
journalistic one that it was a question primarily concerning the
London Stock Exchange—this although he was himself an Egyptian
Bondholder. He consequently gave every prominence to the letters
Gregory and I wrote to him during the next few months in support
of the National movement, and to the last, even when the war
came, continued that favour. In the present instance, indeed,
Chenery somewhat overdid his welcome to our program, stating that
it had been received from Arabi himself, an inaccuracy which
enabled Malet, who knew the facts, to disown it through Reuter's
Agency as an authentic document.
It will perhaps be as well to explain here the way in which the
London Press and especially Reuter's News Agency was at this time
manipulated officially at Cairo and made subservient to the intrigues
59. of diplomacy. Very few London newspapers had any regular
correspondent in Egypt, the Times and the Pall Mall Gazette
being, as far as I know, the only two that were thus provided. Both,
as far as politics were concerned, were practically in the hands of Sir
Auckland Colvin, the English Financial Controller, an astute Indian
official, with the traditions of Indian diplomacy strongly developed in
his political practice. He had some experience of journalism, having
been connected with the Pioneer in India, an Anglo-Indian journal
of pronounced imperialistic type with which he was still in
correspondence. He was also Morley's regular correspondent in the
Pall Mall Gazette, and had through him the ear of the Government.
The importance of this unavowed connection will be seen later when
he made it his business to bring about English intervention. Lastly,
on all important diplomatic matters he inspired the Times, whose
regular correspondent, Scott, depended on him for his information.
With regard to Reuter and Havas, the Telegraphic Agencies, both
were heavily subventioned by the Anglo-French Financial Control,
receiving £1,000 a year each, charged on the thin resources of the
Egyptian Budget. Reuter especially was the servant and mouthpiece
of the English Agency, and the telegrams despatched to London
were under Malet's censorship. This sort of manipulation of the
organs of public news in the interests of our diplomacy exists in
nearly all the capitals where our agents reside, and is a potent
instrument for misleading the home public. The influence is not as a
rule exercised by any direct payment, but by favour given in regard
to secret and valuable information, and also largely by social
amenities. In Egypt it has always within my knowledge been
supreme, except at moments of extreme crisis when the body of
special Press correspondents at Cairo or Alexandria has been too
numerous to be kept under official control. In ordinary times our
officials have had complete authority both as to what news should
be sent to London, and what news, received from London, should be
published in Egypt. It is very necessary that this, the true condition
of things, should be steadily borne in mind by historians when they
consult the newspaper files of these years in search of information.
60. Down, however, to near the end of the year 1881, except for this
small difference of opinion, my relations with Malet remained
perfectly and intimately friendly. He made me the confidant of his
doubts and troubles, his anxiety to follow out the exact wishes of the
Foreign Office, and his fears lest in so difficult a situation he should
do anything which should not gain an official approval. He professed
himself, and I think he was, in full sympathy with my view of the
National case, and he leaned on me as on one able, at any rate, to
act as buffer between him and any new violent trouble while waiting
a decision in Downing Street as to clear policy. Thus I find a note
that on the 19th December I was asked by him and Sir Auckland
Colvin, whose acquaintance I had now made and who affected views
hardly less favourable than Malet's to the Nationalists, to help them
in a difficulty they were in about the Army Estimates.
It was the time of year when the new Budget was being drafted,
and the Nationalist Minister of War, Mahmud Sami, had demanded
£600,000 as the amount of the year's estimates for his department.
It was an increase of I forget how many thousand pounds over the
estimate of 1881, and was necessitated, Mahmud Sami said, by the
Khedive's promise of raising the army to the full number of men
allowed by the Firman, 18,000. The Minister had explained his
insistence on the plea that a refusal would or might cause a new
military demonstration, the bug-bear of those days; and I was asked
to find out what sum the army would really be satisfied with for their
estimates. Colvin authorized me to go as far as £522,000, and to tell
Arabi and the officers that it was financially impossible to give more.
He had no objection, he said, to the army's being increased so long
as the estimates were not exceeded. He thought, however, the sum
proposed would suffice for an increase up to 15,000 men. I
consequently went to Arabi and argued the matter with him and
others of the officers; and persuaded them, on my assurance that
Colvin's word could be trusted, to withdraw all further objection.
They said they would accept the increased sum of £522,000 as
sufficient, and make it go as far in the increase of soldiers as it
could. They meant to economize, they said, in other ways, and
61. hoped to get their full complement of men out of the balance. They
promised me, too, on this occasion to have patience and make no
further armed demonstrations, a promise which to the end they
faithfully fulfilled. Arabi's last words to me on this occasion were
men sabber dhaffer, he who has patience conquers. I sent a
note the same day to Colvin informing him of the result, and I was
also thanked by Malet for having helped them both out of a
considerable difficulty.
Nevertheless Malet, about a week later, surprised me one afternoon,
28th December, when I had been playing lawn tennis with him, as I
often did at the Agency, by showing me the draft of a despatch he
had just sent to the Foreign Office mentioning my visit to Egypt and
the encouragement I had given to the Nationalists, and without
mentioning what I had done to help him, complaining only of my
having sent the Program against his wishes to the Times. As we
had up to that moment been acting in perfect cordiality together,
and nothing whatever had occurred beyond the publication of the
manifesto, I took him pretty roundly to task for his ill faith in
concealing my other services rendered to his diplomacy, and insisted
that he should cancel this misleading despatch, and with such
energy that he wrote in my presence a cancelling telegram, and also
a second despatch repairing in some measure the injustice he had
done me. I have never quite understood what Malet's motive was in
this curious manœuvre. I took it at the time to be a passing fit of
jealousy, a dislike to the idea that it should be known at the Foreign
Office that he owed anything to me in the comparatively good
relations he had succeeded in establishing with the Nationalists; but
on reflection I have come to the conclusion, as one more in
accordance with his cautious character, that he was merely guarding
himself officially against public responsibility of any kind being fixed
on him for my Nationalist views, should these be condemned in
Downing Street. It is the more likely explanation because his private
conscience evidently pricked him about it to the extent of avowing to
me what he had officially done. The insincerity, however, though
repented of, was a warning to me which I did not forget, and while I
62. continued for some weeks more to go to the Agency it was always
with a feeling of possible betrayal at Malet's hands. I was ready,
nevertheless, to help him, and it was not long before he was again
obliged, by the extreme circumstances of his political isolation at
Cairo, to resort to my good offices, and, finding himself in flood
water altogether beyond his depth, to send me once more as his
messenger of peace to Arabi and the other Nationalist leaders.
All had gone well so far, as far as any of us knew, in the political
situation at Cairo down to the end of the year, and during the first
week of the new year, 1882. There was a good understanding now
between all parties in Egypt, the army was quiescent, the Press was
moderate under Mohammed Abdu's popular censorship, and the
Nationalist Ministers, undisturbed by menace from any quarter, were
preparing the draft of the Organic Law which was to give the
country its civil liberties. On the 26th of December, the Chamber of
Delegates summoned to discuss the articles of the promised
Constitution had met at Cairo, and had been opened formally with a
reassuring speech by the Khedive in person, whose attitude was so
changed for the better towards the popular movement that Malet
was able, on the 2nd of January, to write home to Lord Granville: I
found His Highness, for the first time since my return in September,
cheerful in mood and taking a hopeful view of the situation. The
change was very noticeable. His Highness appears to have frankly
accepted the situation. Arabi had ceased to busy himself personally
with the redress of grievances, and it had been arranged with the
approval of the French and English agents that Arabi should, as they
expressed it, regularize his position and accept the responsibility of
his acknowledged political influence by taking office as Under-
Secretary at the War Office. This it had been thought would be
putting the dangerous free lance in uniform and securing him to the
cause of order.
The only doubtful point was now the attitude of the Deputies in
regard to the details of the Constitution they had been assembled to
discuss; and the majority of them, as were my reforming friends at
63. the Azhar, seemed disposed to moderation. We have waited, said
Sheykh Mohammed Abdu, so many hundred years for our freedom
that we can well afford now to wait some months. Certainly at that
date Malet and Colvin, and I think also Sinkiewicz, were favourably
disposed to the claim of the Nationalists to have a true Parliament.
They had begun to see that it was the universal national desire, and
would act as a safety-valve for ideas more dangerous. A frank public
declaration of goodwill at that moment on the part of the English
and French Governments towards the popular hopes would have
secured a workable arrangement between the Nationalist
Government and the Dual Control, which would have safeguarded
the bondholders' interests no less than it would have secured to
Egypt its liberty. Nor did we think that this would be long delayed.
On the first day of the New Year the National Program I had sent to
Mr. Gladstone was published in the Times, with a leading article
and approving comments, and in spite of Malet's prognostication of
evil had been well received in Europe, and even at Constantinople
where it had drawn down no kind of thunderbolt. Its tone was so
studiously moderate, and its reasoning so frank and logical that it
seemed impossible the position in Egypt should any longer be
misunderstood. Especially in England, with an immense Liberal
majority in the House of Commons, and Mr. Gladstone at the head of
affairs, it was almost inconceivable that it should not be met in a
friendly spirit—quite inconceivable to us who were waiting anxiously
for Gladstone's answer at Cairo, that at that very moment the
English Foreign Office should be proceeding to acts of menace and
the language of armed intervention. Unfortunately, however, though
none of us, not even Malet, at the time knew it, the decision,
adverse to the Egyptian hopes, had already been half taken. The
program reached Mr. Gladstone, as nearly as I can calculate it, a
fortnight too late. We were all expecting a message of peace, when,
like thunder in a clear sky, the ill-omened Joint Note of January 6th,
1882, was launched upon us. It upset all our hopes and calculations
and threw back Egypt once more into a sea of troubles.
64. It is right that the genesis of this most mischievous document, to
which is directly due the whole of the misfortunes during the year,
with the loss to Egypt of her liberty, to Mr. Gladstone of his honour,
and to France of her secular position of influence on the Nile, should
be truly told. Something regarding it may be learned from the
published documents, both French and English, but only indirectly,
and not all; and I am perhaps the only person not officially
concerned in its drafting who am in a position to put all the dots
with any precision on the i's. In Egypt it has not unnaturally been
supposed that, because in the event it turned to the advantage of
English aggression, it was therefore an instrument forged for its own
purposes at our Foreign Office, but in reality the reverse is true and
the note was drafted not in Downing Street but at the Quai d'Orsay,
and in the interests, so far as these were political—for they were
also financial—of French ambition.
I have told already how I travelled with Sir Charles Dilke from
London to Paris, and of our conversation on the way and of the
impression left on me by it that he would sell Egypt for his
Commercial Treaty; and this is precisely what in fact had happened.
The dates as far as I can fix them were these: On the 15th of
November St. Hilaire had gone out of office, and had been
succeeded by Gambetta, who found himself faced with a general
Mohammedan revolt against the French Government in Tunis and
Algeria. He was alarmed at the Pan-Islamic character it was taking,
and attributed it largely to the Sultan Abdul Hamid's propaganda,
and he thought he saw the same influence at work in the National
movement in Egypt, as well as the intrigues of Ismaïl, Halim, and
others. France had been traditionally hostile to the sovereign claims
of the Porte in North Africa, and Gambetta came into office
determined to thwart and deal with them by vigorous measures. He
was besides, through his Jewish origin, closely connected with the
haute finance of the Paris Bourse, and was intimate with the
Rothschilds and other capitalists, who had their millions invested in
Egyptian Bonds. Nubar Pasha and Rivers Wilson were then both
living at Paris, and his close friends and advisers in regard to
65. Egyptian matters, and it was from them that he took his view of the
situation.
He had, therefore, not been more than a few days in office before
he entered into communication with our Foreign Office, with the
object of getting England to join him in vigorous action against the
National movement, as a crusade of civilization and a support to the
established order at Cairo of Financial things. In London at the same
time there was a strong desire to get the Commercial Treaty, which
was about to expire, renewed with France as speedily as possible,
and advantage was taken at the Foreign Office of Sir Charles Dilke's
personal intimacy with the new French Premier to get the
negotiation for it finished. A commission for this purpose, of which
Dilke and Wilson were the two English members, had been sitting at
Paris since the month of May, and so far without result. Dilke's visit
to Paris was in connection with both matters, and was resolved on
within a week of Gambetta's accession to power. Reference to
newspapers of that date, November 1881, will show that the
negotiations between the two Governments about the Commercial
Treaty were just then in a highly critical state, and it was even
reported that they had been broken off. Dilke's presence, however,
gave them new life, or at least prevented their demise. Between the
22nd of November and the 15th of December he passed to and fro
between the two capitals; and at the latter date we find Gambetta
(Blue Book Egypt 5, 1882, page 21) approaching Lord Lyons, our
Ambassador at Paris, with a proposal to take common action in
Egypt. He considers it to be extremely important to strengthen the
authority of Tewfik Pasha; every endeavour should be made to
inspire him with confidence in the support of France and England,
and to infuse into him firmness and energy. The adherents of Ismaïl
and Halim and the Egyptians generally should be made to
understand that France and England would not acquiesce in his
being deposed.... It would be advisable to cut short the intrigues of
Constantinople, etc. This language is communicated by Lord Lyons
to the Foreign Office, and on the 19th Lord Granville agrees in
thinking that the time has come when the two Governments should
66. consider what course had better be adopted, etc. Thus encouraged,
Gambetta on the 24th proposes to take occasion of the meeting of
the Egyptian Notables to make a distinct manifestation of union
between France and England so as to strengthen the position of
Tewfik Pasha and discourage the promoters of disorder. The
Egyptian Chamber meets on the 26th, and on the 28th Dilke, who
has returned the day before to Paris, has a long conversation with
Gambetta about the Treaty of Commerce (Times), while on
precisely the same day Lord Granville agrees to give assurance to
Tewfik Pasha of the sympathy and support of France and England,
and to encourage His Highness to maintain and assert his proper
authority.
This identity of date alone suffices to fix the connection between the
two negotiations, and shows the precise moment at which the fatal
agreement was come to, and that my communication of the National
Program to Gladstone, which was posted on the 20th, must have
been just too late to prevent the disaster. Letters then took a week
to reach London, and Gladstone was away for the Christmas
holidays, and cannot have had time, however much he may have
been inclined to do so, to forward it on to the Foreign Office. Our
Government thus committed to Gambetta's policy, Gambetta on the
31st (Blue Book Egypt 5, 1882) presents to Lyons the draft, drawn
up with his own hand, of the Joint Note to be despatched to Cairo in
the sense of his previous communication of the 24th—and, be it
noted, on the same day negotiations for a renewal of the
Commercial Treaty are announced as formally renewed. On the 1st
of January the Paris correspondent of the Times sends a précis of
the Joint Note to London, explaining that he only now forwards it,
having been instructed by M. Gambetta only to divulge it at the
proper moment. This is understood to mean the final success of
Dilke's commercial mission, and the following day, 2nd January, he
returns to London. I trace, nevertheless, the influence of my appeal
to Gladstone in the delay of five days, still made by Granville before
he unwillingly signs the Note, and the reservation he stipulates for
on the part of Her Majesty's Government that Her Majesty's
67. Government must not be considered as committing themselves
thereby to any particular mode of action, a postscript typical of
Granville's character, and, as I think too, of a conflict in ideas,
afterwards very noticeable, between the Foreign Office, pushed on
by Dilke, and Gladstone as Prime Minister.
Such is the evidence which, intelligently read, can be gathered from
the published documents of the day. I have, however, a letter from
Sir Rivers Wilson dated a few days later, 13th January, in answer to
one of mine, which explains in a few words the whole situation. I
am above all pleased, he writes, at the interest you are taking in
Egyptian politics. You confirm what I believe to be the case in two
particulars at least, viz., that the soldiers express the feeling of the
population, and that Tewfik has been working with the Sultan. As
regards the latter circumstance I must say there is nothing surprising
in it. Six weeks ago Gambetta said to me, 'Le Khedive est aux
genoux du Sultan.' But the reason is plain. Tewfik is weak and
cowardly. His army is against him. The Harems hate him. He found
no support there where he naturally might have looked for it, viz., at
the hands of the English and French Governments, and so he turned
to the only quarter where sympathy and perhaps material assistance
were forthcoming. It was to remedy this state of things that the idea
of the Joint Declaration was conceived, whatever gloss or
subsequent explanation may be now put forward, and I shall be
disappointed if it does not produce the desired effect and cause the
officers, Ulemas, and Notables to understand that renewed
disturbance means armed intervention in Europe. Our Government
may not like it, but they are bound now by formal engagement to
France and cannot withdraw.
This letter, coming from Wilson at Paris, holding the official position
there he did, and being, as he was, on intimate terms both with
Dilke and Gambetta, is a document of the highest historical
importance, and fixes beyond the possibility of doubt on the French
Government the initiative in the designed intervention, though the
Yellow Books also are not altogether silent. These, though most
68. defective in their information, do not hide Gambetta's initial
responsibility. I heard at the time, and I believe that the form of joint
intervention he designed for Egypt was that England should
demonstrate with a fleet at Alexandria while France should land
troops. Had that come to pass we cannot doubt that French
influence would now be supreme in Egypt. It was only frustrated
that winter by the accident of Gambetta's unlooked-for fall from
power by an adverse vote on some domestic matter in the Chamber
at the end of the month, for Gladstone at that time was far too
averse from violent measures to have sent an English fleet with a
French army, and the landing of troops would have been certainly
needed.
There is more than one moral to be drawn from this historic episode,
and the most instructive is, perhaps, the fact that neither of the two
Ministers, with all their cleverness and in spite of their apparent
success each in his own scheme, really effected his purpose.
Gambetta and Granville in the first weeks of January doubtless
plumed themselves on having gained an important object and
strengthened the friendly link between their two Governments by a
common agreement. Gambetta had got his note, Granville his treaty.
But neither rogue was really able to bring home his booty.
Gambetta, though he exerted all his influence with the Chamber to
get the Commercial Treaty with England renewed, failed to obtain a
majority and the treaty lapsed, and with it the Liberal argument that
Free Trade was not isolating England. On the other hand, though he
had got Granville unwillingly to sign the Note, which he intended to
use for the glory of France, Gambetta found that he had forged a
weapon which he could not himself wield and which within six
months passed into his rival's hand, while the friendly arrangement
proved almost as soon as it was come to, to be the destruction of all
cordial feeling between the two nations for close on a generation.
Personally, in the disappointment of the two intriguers and the rival
interest of the two nations, I am able to hold a detached attitude.
What seems to me tragic in the matter is that for the sake of their
paltry ambitions and paltrier greeds a great national hope was
69. wrecked, and the cause of reform for a great religion postponed for
many years. The opportunity of good thrown away by the two
statesmen between them can hardly recur again in another half
century.
The effect of Gambetta's menace to the National Party was
disastrous at Cairo to the cause of peace. I was with Malet soon
after the note arrived, and he gave it me to read and asked me what
I thought of it. I said: They will take it as a declaration of war. He
answered: It is not meant in a hostile sense, and explained to me
how it might be interpreted in a way favourable to the National
hopes. He asked me to go to the Kasr el Nil and persuade Arabi, who
had just been made Under-Secretary of War, to accept it thus,
authorizing me to say, that the meaning of the Note as understood
by the British Government was that the English Government would
not permit any interference of the Sultan with Egypt, and would also
not allow the Khedive to go back from his promises or molest the
Parliament. He also told me, though he did not authorize me to
repeat this on his authority, that he hoped to get leave to add to the
Note a written explanation in the sense just given. I know that he
telegraphed repeatedly for some such permission, and that he wrote
strongly condemning the note as impolitic and dangerous. Not a
word, however, of these important protests and requests is to be
found in the Blue Books, though the Blue Books show that Lord
Granville must have paid attention to them to the extent of
expressing himself willing to give some such explanation of the Note
but being prevented from doing so by Gambetta. Sinkiewicz seems
also to have asked his Government to be allowed to explain the
Note, but was forbidden. Sir Auckland Colvin, too, condemned the
Note in conversation with me quite as strongly as Malet had done.
I went accordingly to the Kasr el Nil about noon on the 9th (the text
of the Note had reached us on the 8th) and found Arabi alone in his
official room. For the first and only time I have seen him so, he was
angry. His face was like a thundercloud, and there was a peculiar
gleam in his eye. He had seen the text of the Note though it had not
70. been published—indeed, it had only as yet been telegraphed—and I
asked him how he understood it. Tell me, rather, he said, how you
understand it. I then delivered my message. He said: Sir Edward
Malet must really think us children who do not know the meaning of
words. In the first place, he said, it is the language of menace.
There is no clerk in this office who would use such words with such
a meaning. He alluded to the reference to the Notables made in the
first paragraph of the Note. That, he said, is a menace to our
liberties. Next, the declaration that French and English policy were
one meant that, as France had invaded Tunis, so England would
invade Egypt. Let them come, he said, every man and child in
Egypt will fight them. It is contrary to our principles to strike the first
blow, but we shall know how to return it. Lastly, as to the
guarantee of Tewfik Pasha's throne. The throne, he said, if there
is one, is the Sultan's. The Khedive needs no foreign guarantees.
You may tell me what you will, but I know the meaning of words
better than Mr. Malet does. In truth, Malet's explanation was
nonsense, and I felt a fool before Arabi and ashamed of having
made myself the bearer of such rubbish. But I assured him I had
delivered the message as Sir Edward had given it me. He asks you
to believe it, I said, and I ask you to believe him. At leaving he
softened, took me by the arm to lead me down and invited me still
to come as before to his house. I said: I shall only come back when
I have better news for you, by which I intended to hint at a possible
explanation of the Note such as Malet had telegraphed for
permission to give. None however came. Nor did I see Arabi again
till more than three weeks later, when a letter from Mr. Gladstone
reached me which I interpreted in a more hopeful sense and which
caused us great rejoicing.
On returning to the Residency, Malet asked me how I had fared.
They are irreconcilable now, I answered. The Note has thrown
them into the arms of the Sultan. Such indeed was the effect, and
not with the soldiers alone, but as soon as the Note was published
with all sections of the National Party, even with the Khedive.
Gambetta, if he had expected to strengthen Tewfik's hands, had
71. missed his mark entirely. The timid Khedive was only frightened, and
the Nationalists, instead of being frightened, were enraged. The
Egyptians for the first time found themselves quite united. Sheykh
Mohammed Abdu and the cautious Azhar reformers from that point
threw in their lot wholly with the advanced party. All, even the
Circassians, resented the threat of foreign intervention, and on the
other hand the most anti-Turkish of the Nationalists, such as my
friend Hajrasi, saw that Arabi had been right in secretly leaning upon
the Sultan. Arabi thus gained immensely in popularity and respect,
and for many days after this I hardly heard anything from my
Egyptian friends but the language of Pan-Islamism. It was a
Roustan[8] policy over again, they said.
I did my best to smooth down matters with them till the explanation
should arrive which Malet had promised us; but I found my efforts
useless. It was an alarming three weeks for us all, from the delivery
of the Note till Gambetta's fall. News came that a French force was
being assembled for embarkation at Toulon, and that was the form
of intervention generally expected. Indeed, I think it is not too much
to say that Gambetta's resignation on 31st January alone saved
Egypt from the misfortune, even greater perhaps than what
afterwards befell her, of a French invasion avowedly anti-
Mohammedan and in purely European interests.
72. FOOTNOTES:
[7] Sir William Gregory, who saw Arabi about the same date as I
did, has recorded in the Times very similar language as used by
him.
[8] Roustan was the French diplomatist at Tunis who had
engineered the French designs on the Regency.
73. CHAPTER IX
FALL OF SHERIF PASHA
The political crisis at Cairo, by the middle of January, was evidently
approaching fast. Indeed it had become inevitable. The publication
of the Joint Note happened to coincide with the drafting of the new
Leyha or Organic Law, which was to define the power of the
Representative Chamber in the promised Parliament. In regard to
this, the Financial Controllers had been insisting with the Ministry
that the power they had been exercising for the last two years of
drawing up the yearly Budget, according to their own view of the
economic requirements of the country, should remain intact, that is
to say, that it should not be subject to discussion or a vote in the
Chamber; and to this Sherif Pasha had agreed, and had already
drafted his project of law without assigning to the Chamber any right
in money matters. The majority of the delegates, however, were not
unnaturally dissatisfied at this, arguing that the Foreign Financial
Control, having its sole status in the country as guardian of the
foreign obligations, and as the interest on the debt amounted only to
one-half of the revenue, the remaining half ought to be at the
disposal of the nation.
Nevertheless, there is no reason to suppose that the point would not
have been conceded by them, especially as Sultan Pasha, who had
been named their President, was with Sherif in considering it
prudent to yield, had things remained during the month as they
were at the beginning. It has been seen how readily the War Office
had come to terms with the Controllers in the matter of the Army
Estimates. Now, however, under the menace of the Note, the
Notables were no longer in a mood of conciliation, and met Sherif's
draft with a counterdraft of their own, adding a number of new
articles to the Leyha, largely extending the Parliamentary powers,
74. and subjecting the half of the Budget not affected to the interest of
the debt to vote by the Chamber. This brought the Controllers into
active conflict with them, M. de Blignières taking the lead in it and
bringing Colvin into line with him. The Controllers declared it
absolutely necessary that the Budget should remain whole and
undivided in their hands, and denounced the counter-draft as being
a project, not of a Parliament, but of a Convention. The phrase,
founded on memories of the French Revolution, was doubtless de
Blignières', but it was adopted by Colvin, and pressed by him on
Malet. The dispute was a serious one, and might lead to just such
mischief as Malet feared, and give excuse to the French Government
for the intervention it was seeking. Sherif having already committed
himself to the Controllers' view, was being persuaded by them to
stand firm, and the Khedive's attitude was doubtful. A quarrel
between the Khedive and his Parliament on a financial question
involving European bondholding interests was just such a case as
the French Government—for Gambetta was still in office—might be
expected to take advantage of for harm.
In this emergency Malet—and Colvin, who though he wished to get
his way as Financial Controller had no mind for French intervention—
joined in asking me yet once again to help them, and to make a last
effort to induce the extreme party among the Notables to yield
something of their pretensions, and after consultation with Sheykh
Mohammed Abdu, who as usual was for prudence and conciliation, it
was arranged that I should have a private conference at his house
with a deputation from them, and argue the case with them, and
show them the probable consequences of their resistance—namely,
armed intervention. Accordingly, I got up the case of the Controllers
with Colvin, and drew up with Malet the different points of the
argument I was to use. These I have by me in a paper headed,
Notes of what I have to say to the Members of the Egyptian
Parliament, 17th January, 1882.
According to this my instructions were to represent to the Members
of the Deputation that the existing procedure respecting the Budget
75. was an international affair, which neither Sherif nor the Parliament
had any right to touch without gaining the consent of the two
controlling Governments. I was to recite the history of the Control's
establishment, and show them a private Note which had been
appended by Malet and Monge (the French Consul-General), 15th
November, 1879, to the Decree instituting it. I was to invite the
members to consider whether an alteration in the form of
determining the Budget was not an international matter, and, as
such, outside the sphere of their action. They had admitted that
international matters must be left untouched by them. The control of
the Budget was an international matter. Therefore it should be left
untouched by them. I was, however, authorized by Colvin to say that
personally he had no objection to a slight modification of the present
arrangement, such as should give the Parliament a consultative voice
which might later become a right of voting. Should they accept such
a compromise, Malet would represent the matter favourably to his
Government, though he had no authority to promise its acceptance
by France or England. All other differences with Sherif they must
settle with him themselves, etc., etc.
On this basis, with Sabunji's help and Mohammed Abdu's, I argued
the case thoroughly with them, and convinced myself that there was
no possibility of their yielding. They agreed, indeed, to modify three
or four of the articles which the Controllers had principally objected
to as giving the Chamber powers of a Convention, and the
amendments I proposed in these were in fact incorporated later in
the published Leyha. But on the Article of the Budget they were
quite obdurate, notwithstanding the support Sheykh Mohammed
Abdu gave me. They would not yield a line of it, and I returned
crestfallen to report my failure, nor did I again undertake any
mission of mediation between Malet and the Nationalists. I had done
my best to help him to a peaceful solution of his difficulties, but our
points of view from this time forth became too divergent for me any
longer to be able to work with him. Although I had done my very
best to persuade the Notables to give way—for I was then firmly
convinced that they were menaced with intervention—I could not
76. help in my inner mind agreeing with them in their claim of
controlling the free half of the Budget as a sound one, if
Parliamentary Government was to be a reality for them, not a sham.
Malet's despatches of the time show that they were all of one mind
on this point, and even Sultan Pasha, who was a timid man and
easily frightened, declared roundly that Sherif's draft was like a
drum; it made a great sound but was hollow inside. As between
Sherif and the Notables in the quarrel which followed, my anti-
Turkish sympathies put me on their side rather than on his. At
Malet's suggestion I had a little before called on Sherif and had
discussed the matter with him, and had been unfavourably
impressed.
Sherif was a Europeanized Turk of good breeding and excellent
manners, but with all that arrogant contempt of the fellahin which
distinguished his class in Egypt. Malet had a high opinion of him
because he was a good French scholar and so was easy to deal with
in the ordinary diplomatic way, but to me he showed himself for this
very reason in disagreeable contrast with the sincere and high-
minded men who were the real backbone of the National movement,
and for whom he expressed nothing but the superior scorn of a fine
French gentleman. He was cheerfully convinced of his own fitness to
govern them and of their incapacity. The Egyptians, he told me,
are children and must be treated like children. I have offered them
a Constitution which is good enough for them, and if they are not
content with it they must do without one. It was I who created the
National Party, and they will find that they cannot get on without
me. These peasants want guidance. When, therefore, a fortnight
later the quarrel became an open one between him and them I had
no difficulty in deciding which way my sympathies lay.
I was no longer at Cairo when the news of Sherif's resignation on
the 2nd of February reached me. The failure of my negotiation, just
described, with the Notables, had depressed my spirits. I felt that by
undertaking it I had risked much of my popularity with my European
friends, and that they perhaps distrusted me for the pains I had
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