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CHAPTER 10
EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
CHAPTER-AT-A-GLANCE
Chapter Outline Instruction Ideas Supplements
Functions of Emotions pp. 401–405
Emotions and Cognitive Processing •
Emotions and Social Behavior • Emotions and
Health • Other Features of the Functionalist
Approach
Learning Objective 10.1
Learning Activity 10.1
Ask Yourself p. 405
Test Bank Items 1–18, 131
Please contact your Pearson publisher’s
representative for a wide range of video
offerings available to adopters.
Development of Emotional Expression
pp. 405–413
Basic Emotions • Self-Conscious Emotions •
Emotional Self-Regulation • Acquiring
Emotional Display Rules
Learning Objectives 10.2–10.3
Learning Activities 10.2–10.4
Ask Yourself p. 413
Test Bank Items 19–44, 132–133
Understanding and Responding to the
Emotions of Others pp. 414–418, 419
Social Referencing • Emotional Understanding
in Childhood • Empathy and Sympathy
Ask Yourself p. 418
Test Bank Items 45–61
Temperament and Development pp. 418–428
The Structure of Temperament • Measuring
Temperament • Stability of Temperament •
Genetic and Environmental Influences •
Temperament as a Predictor of Children’s
Behavior • Temperament and Child Rearing:
The Goodness-of-Fit Model
Lecture Enhancement 10.1
Ask Yourself p. 428
Test Bank Items 62–88, 134
Development of Attachment pp. 428–441
Bowlby’s Ethological Theory • Measuring the
Security of Attachment • Stability of
Attachment • Cultural Variations • Factors
That Affect Attachment Security • Multiple
Attachments • Attachment and Later
Development
Lecture Enhancements 10.2–10.4
Learning Activities 10.6–10.7
Ask Yourself p. 441
Test Bank Items 89–124, 135–136
Attachment, Parental Employment, and
Child Care pp. 441–444
Learning Objective 10.11
Ask Yourself p. 444
Test Bank Items 125–130
Copyright © 2013 Pearson Education, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 209

Instructor’s Resource Manual for Berk / Child Development, 9e
BRIEF CHAPTER SUMMARY
Emotion—a rapid appraisal of the personal significance of a situation—prepares us for action. The functionalist approach to
emotion emphasizes that the broad function of emotions is to energize behavior aimed at attaining personal goals. In this view,
emotions are central in all human endeavors; emotions also contribute to the emergence of self-awareness and help babies forge
a sense of self-efficacy. Emotional self-regulation is essential for adaptation to the child’s physical and social worlds.
Emotional reactions lead to learning that is essential for survival, as seen in the impact of anxiety levels on performance. In
early infancy, a bidirectional relationship between emotion and cognition is already under way. Children’s emotional signals
affect others’ behavior, and the emotional responses of others, in turn, regulate children’s social behavior.
Emotions influence children’s physical well-being, as seen in two childhood growth disorders—growth faltering and
psychosocial dwarfism—that result from emotional deprivation. Children exposed to chronic stress as a result of prolonged
early rearing in deprived orphanages show extreme reactivity to stress. However, stress reactivity can be reduced by sensitive
adult care.
Basic emotions—happiness, interest, surprise, fear, anger, sadness, disgust—are universal in humans and other primates
and have a long evolutionary history of promoting survival. The infant’s early arousal states of attraction and withdrawal
gradually become clear, well-organized signals as the central nervous system develops and the child’s goals and experiences
change. Happiness, first expressed in the baby’s smiles, binds parent and child into a warm, supportive relationship that fosters
the infant’s developing competence. Angry reactions, which increase with age into the second year, motivate caregivers to ease
a baby’s distress. Sadness occurs in response to deprivation of a familiar, loving caregiver. Fear, most frequently expressed as
stranger anxiety, arises in the second half of the first year but eventually declines. Higher-order self-conscious emotions,
including shame, embarrassment, guilt, envy, and pride, involve injury to our sense of self and appear at the end of the second
year, varying in expression from culture to culture. Children must develop emotional self-regulation—strategies for adjusting
emotional states to a comfortable level of intensity, which requires effortful management of emotions—and must learn to
follow the emotional display rules of their society.
Children’s emotional expressiveness begins with an infant’s social referencing—relying on another person’s emotional
reaction to appraise an uncertain situation. Emotional understanding expands rapidly in the preschool years. Gradually, children
develop empathy, which leads to the development of sympathy. Temperament and parenting both play a role in the
development and expression of empathy.
Temperament includes early-appearing, stable individual differences in emotional reactivity and self-regulation. Thomas
and Chess identified three types of children—easy, difficult, and slow-to-warm-up—based on nine dimensions of temperament.
Rothbart developed a second model of temperament that looks at effortful control, the self-regulatory aspect of temperament,
which involves suppressing a dominant response in favor of a more adaptive one. Temperament is only moderately stable; it
develops with age and is affected by both genetic and environmental influences. The goodness-of-fit model describes how
temperament and environment together can produce favorable outcomes.
Attachment is the strong affectionate tie that develops between infants and the familiar people who respond to their needs.
Bowlby’s ethological theory of attachment recognizes the infant’s emotional tie to the caregiver as an evolved response that
promotes survival. As attachment develops, babies display separation anxiety when the primary caregiver leaves. Eventually,
children depend less on the physical proximity of caregivers. Instead, an image of the caregiver serves as an internal working
model, which becomes a vital part of the child’s personality, guiding future close relationships.
Attachment security is influenced by several factors, including early availability of a consistent caregiver, quality of
caregiving, infant characteristics, and the parents’ own internal working models. Sensitive caregiving by fathers, like that of
mothers, predicts secure attachment. Today, nearly 2.4 million U.S. children live with their grandparents but apart from parents,
in so-called skipped-generation families. Warm grandparent–grandchild bonds help protect children from adjustment problems.
Contrary evidence exists about the relationship between secure attachment in infancy and later cognitive, emotional, and social
competence. Continuity of caregiving appears to be a key factor in this relationship.
As mothers of young children have increasingly entered the workforce, controversy has emerged over the impact of child
care on attachment. Evidence suggests that quality of care is crucially important.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After reading this chapter, you should be able to answer the following:
10.1 Describe the functionalist approach to emotional development. (pp. 401–405)
210 Copyright © 2013 Pearson Education, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

Chapter 10 Emotional Development
10.2 How does the expression of basic emotions change during infancy? (pp. 405–408)
10.3 Describe the development of self-conscious emotions, emotional self-regulation, and conformity to emotional display
rules. (pp. 408–413)
10.4 Describe the development of emotional understanding from infancy through middle childhood. (pp. 414–416)
10.5 Describe the development of empathy from infancy into adolescence, noting individual differences. (pp. 416–418, 419)
10.6 What is temperament, and how is it measured? (pp. 418–423)
10.7 Discuss the roles of heredity and environment in the stability of temperament, the relationship of temperament to
cognitive and social functioning, and the goodness-of-fit model. (pp. 423–427)
10.8 What are the unique features of ethological theory of attachment? (pp. 428–430)
10.9 Describe how researchers measure the security of attachment, and discuss the stability of attachment patterns.
(pp. 430–437)
10.10 Discuss infants’ formation of multiple attachments and the role of early attachment quality in later development.
(pp. 437–441)
10.11 Discuss the implications of parental employment and child care for attachment security and early psychological
development. (pp. 441–443)
LECTURE OUTLINE
I. FUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONS (pp. 401–405)
A. Emotion is a rapid appraisal of the personal significance of a situation, which prepares you for action.
1. Happiness, for example, leads you to approach a situation and sadness to passively withdraw.
2. An emotion expresses your readiness to establish, maintain, or change your relation to the environment on a
matter of importance to you.
B. The functionalist approach to emotion emphasizes that the broad function of emotions is to energize behavior aimed
at attaining personal goals.
1. Emotions arise from ongoing exchanges between the person and the environment.
2. In this view, emotions are central in all our endeavors.
C. Emotions and Cognitive Processing (p. 402)
1. Emotional reactions can lead to learning that is essential for survival.
2. The emotion–cognition relationship is evident in the impact of anxiety on performance.
3. The emotion–cognition relationship is bidirectional—an interplay already under way in early infancy.
D. Emotions and Social Behavior (pp. 402–403, 404)
1. Children’s emotional signals powerfully affect the behavior of others, whose emotional reactions, in turn, regulate
children’s social behavior.
2. By age 3 months, a complex caregiver–infant communication system is in place in which each partner responds in
an appropriate and carefully timed fashion to the other’s cues.
3. With age, infants begin to initiate, as well as respond to, emotional expressions.
4. When faced with unfamiliar people, objects, or events, older infants engage in social referencing, using their
caregiver’s affect as a guide to how to respond.
E. Emotions and Health (p. 403)
1. Research indicates that emotions influence children’s physical well-being.
a. Two childhood growth disorders resulting from emotional deprivation are growth faltering and psychosocial
dwarfism.
b. Persistent psychological stress is associated with a variety of health difficulties.
2. Children adopted into Canadian homes who were exposed to chronic stress as a result of at least 8 months of early
rearing in deprived Romanian orphanages and who were physically ill showed extreme reactivity to stress, as
indicated by high concentrations of the stress hormone cortisol.

3. Sensitive adult care helps normalize cortisol production, but many institutionalized children adopted after much of
their first year in deprived institutions suffer from lasting adjustment difficulties.
F. Other Features of the Functionalist Approach (p. 405)
1. Emotions contribute to the emergence of self-awareness.
2. Babies’ interest and excitement when acting on novel objects help them forge a sense of self-efficacy—confidence
in their own ability to control events in their surroundings.
3. By the middle of the second year, children begin to experience self-conscious emotions that have to do with
evaluations of the self’s goodness or badness.
4. To adapt to their physical and social worlds, children must develop emotional self-regulation.
II. DEVELOPMENT OF EMOTIONAL EXPRESSION (pp. 405–413)
A. Facial expressions offer researchers the most reliable cues to infant emotions.
1. People around the world associate photographs of different facial expressions with emotions in the same way.
2. In line with the dynamic systems perspective, emotional expressions vary with the person’s developing capacities,
goals, and context.
B. Basic Emotions (pp. 406–408)
1. Happiness, interest, surprise, fear, anger, sadness, disgust—the basic emotions—are universal in humans and
other primates and have a long evolutionary history of promoting survival.
2. Babies’ earliest emotional life consists mainly of attraction to pleasant stimulation and withdrawal from
unpleasant stimulation.
3. According to the dynamic systems perspective, children coordinate separate skills into more effective systems as
the central nervous system develops and the child’s goals and experiences change.
4. In one view, sensitive, contingent caregiver communication helps infants construct emotional expressions that
more closely resemble those of adults.
5. Gradually, emotional expressions become well-organized and specific.
6. Happiness
a. Happiness contributes to many aspects of development.
b. Babies smile and laugh when they achieve new skills.
c. As the smile encourages caregivers to be affectionate and stimulating, the baby smiles more.
(1) In the early weeks, babies smile when full, during REM sleep, and in response to gentle touches and
sounds.
(2) Between 6 and 10 weeks, the parent’s communication evokes a broad grin called the social smile.
(3) These changes parallel the development of infant perceptual capacities.
(4) Around 3 to 4 months, laughter appears, reflecting faster processing of information.
(5) Like adults, 10- to 12-month-olds have several smiles, which vary with context.
(6) At the end of the first year, the smile has become a deliberate social signal.
7. Anger and Sadness
a. Newborn babies respond with generalized distress to a variety of unpleasant experiences—including hunger,
painful medical procedures, and changes in body temperature.
b. From 4 to 6 months into the second year, angry expressions increase in frequency and intensity.
c. As infants become capable of intentional behavior, they want to control their own actions and the effects they
produce and will purposefully try to change an undesirable situation.
d. Older infants are better at identifying who caused them pain or removed a toy.
e. Babies’ rise in anger is adaptive: anger motivates caregivers to relieve a baby’s distress.
f. Sadness occurs often when infants are deprived of a familiar, loving caregiver or when caregiver–infant
communication is seriously disrupted.
8. Fear
a. Fear rises during the second half of the first year into the second year.
b. The most frequent expression of fear is stranger anxiety—wariness in response to unfamiliar adults.
(1) Stranger anxiety is not universal; it depends on temperament, past experiences with strangers, and the
current situation.
(2) In cultures that practice a collective caregiving system, infants show little stranger anxiety.
c. The rise in fear after age 6 months keeps newly mobile babies’ enthusiasm for exploration in check.

(1) Infants use the familiar caregiver as a secure base from which to explore, venturing into the environment
and then returning for emotional support.
(2) Infants’ behavior in response to encounters with strangers is a balance between approach and avoidance.
(3) As cognitive development permits toddlers to discriminate more effectively between threatening and
nonthreatening people and situations, stranger anxiety and other fears of the first two years decline.
C. Self-Conscious Emotions (pp. 408–409)
1. Besides basic emotions, humans are capable of a higher-order set of feelings, including guilt, shame,
embarrassment, envy, and pride, which are called self-conscious emotions because each involves injury to or
enhancement of our sense of self.
2. These emotions appear at the end of the second year, as toddlers become firmly aware of the self as a separate,
unique individual.
3. Self-conscious emotions require adult instruction in when to feel proud, ashamed, or guilty.
a. In Western individualistic nations, most children are taught to feel pride over personal achievements.
b. In collectivist cultures, such as China and Japan, calling attention to purely personal success evokes
embarrassment and self-effacement.
4. As their self-concepts develop, children become increasingly sensitive to praise and blame or to the possibility of
such feedback from parents.
5. Among Western children, intense shame is associated with feelings of personal inadequacy and is linked to
maladjustment; but guilt, when it occurs in appropriate circumstances and is neither excessive nor accompanied
by shame, is related to good adjustment.
6. The consequences of shame for children’s adjustment may vary across cultures.
7. School-age children experience pride in a new accomplishment and guilt over a transgression even when no adult
is present.
D. Emotional Self-Regulation (pp. 409–412)
1. Emotional self-regulation refers to the strategies we use to adjust emotional state to a comfortable level of
intensity so we can accomplish our goals.
2. Emotional self-regulation requires voluntary, effortful management of emotions, or effortful control, which
improves gradually as a result of brain development and the assistance of caregivers.
3. Individual differences in effortful control are evident in infancy and play such a vital role in children’s adjustment
that effortful control is considered a major dimension of temperament.
4. Infancy
a. Young infants have only a limited capacity to regulate their emotional states.
b. Between 2 and 4 months, caregivers build on the baby’s increased tolerance for stimulation by initiating
interactions that arouse pleasure in the baby but do not overwhelm the infant.
c. By 4 to 6 months, the ability to shift attention and self-soothe helps infants control emotion.
d. At the end of the first year, crawling and walking enable infants to regulate emotion by approaching or
retreating from various situations.
e. Infants whose parents respond contingently and sympathetically to their emotional cues tend to be less fussy
and to be easier to soothe.
f. Parents who respond impatiently or angrily reinforce the baby’s rapid rise to intense distress.
g. In the second year, gains in representation and language give children new ways of regulating emotion,
including a vocabulary for talking about feelings.
h. Toddlers whose parents are emotionally sympathetic but set limits and who offer the child acceptable
alternatives to the prohibited activity display more effective anger-regulation strategies and social skills
during the preschool years.
5. Early Childhood
a. After age 2, children frequently talk about their feelings, and language becomes a major means of actively
trying to control the feelings.
b. By age 3 to 4, they verbalize a variety of emotional self-regulation strategies.
c. Warm, patient parents who use verbal guidance, including suggesting and explaining strategies, strengthen
children’s capacity to handle stress.
d. Such children are more likely to use private speech to regulate emotion.
e. Preschoolers who experience negative emotion intensely have greater difficulty shifting their attention away
from disturbing events and inhibiting their feelings.

6. Middle Childhood and Adolescence
a. After school entry, emotion regulation strategies become more varied, sophisticated, and flexible.
b. Between ages 6 and 8, children increasingly reserve the full performance of emotional expressions for
communicating with others.
c. School-age children’s developing sense of self-worth and expanding knowledge of the wider world pose new
challenges in regulating negative emotion.
d. Common fears of the school years—including poor academic performance, rejection by classmates, and
threats to parental health—are shaped, in part, by culture.
e. By age 10, most children shift adaptively between two general strategies for managing emotion.
(1) In problem-centered coping, they appraise the situation as changeable, identify the difficulty, and
decide what to do about it.
(2) If problem solving does not work, they engage in emotion-centered coping, which is internal, private,
and aimed at controlling distress when little can be done about an outcome.
f. When emotional self-regulation has developed well, young people acquire a sense of emotional self-efficacy,
a feeling of being in control of their emotional experience.
E. Acquiring Emotional Display Rules (pp. 412–413)
1. In addition to regulating internal emotional states, children must learn to control what they communicate to others.
2. All societies have emotional display rules that specify when, where, and how it is appropriate to express
emotion.
a. Parents encourage infants to suppress negative emotions by imitating their positive emotional expressions
(interest, happiness, surprise) more often than their negative ones (anger, sadness).
b. Boys get more such training than girls—social pressure that promotes the well-known sex difference whereby
females are emotionally expressive and males are emotionally controlled.
c. To foster harmonious relationships, most cultures teach children to communicate positive feelings and inhibit
unpleasant ones.
d. Gradually, children learn how to express negative emotion in ways likely to evoke a desired response from
others.
e. Collectivist versus individualistic values affect a culture’s specific emotional display rules.
III. UNDERSTANDING AND RESPONDING TO THE EMOTIONS OF OTHERS (pp. 414–418, 419)
A. Some researchers claim that young babies respond in kind to others’ emotions through a built-in, automatic process of
emotional contagion. Others believe that infants acquire these emotional contingencies through operant conditioning.
1. Around 3 to 4 months, infants become sensitive to the structure and timing of face-to-face interactions and expect
their social partner to respond in kind to their gaze, smile, or vocalization.
2. From 5 months on, infants perceive facial expressions as organized patterns and can match the emotion in a voice
with the appropriate face of a speaking person.
3. Between 7 and 12 months, ERPs recorded while infants attend to facial expressions reveal reorganized brain-wave
patterns resembling those of adults, suggesting enhanced processing of emotional cues.
B. Social Referencing (pp. 414–415)
1. Social referencing—relying on another person’s emotional reaction to appraise an uncertain situation—begins at
8 to 10 months.
2. The caregiver’s voice is more effective than a facial expression alone because it conveys both emotional and
verbal information.
3. Social referencing helps toddlers move beyond simply reacting to others’ emotional messages, allowing them to
use those signals to guide their own actions and to find out about others’ intentions.
C. Emotional Understanding in Childhood (pp. 415–416)
1. During the preschool years, children’s emotional understanding expands rapidly.
2. Cognitive Development and Emotional Understanding
a. Children begin referring to causes, consequences, and behavioral signs of emotion early in the preschool
years.
b. By age 4 to 5, children correctly judge the causes of many basic emotions; after age 4, they appreciate that
both desires and beliefs motivate behavior.
c. Preschoolers can also predict what a playmate expressing a certain emotion might do next and can come up
with effective ways to relieve others’ negative feelings.

d. Ability to appreciate mixed emotions improves in middle childhood.
e. As with metacognition, or thinking about thought, striking gains in thinking about emotion occur in middle
childhood.
3. Social Experience and Emotional Understanding
a. The more mothers label emotions, explain them, and express warmth and enthusiasm in conversing with
preschoolers, the more “emotion words” children use and the better developed their emotional
understanding—an example of scaffolding.
b. Attachment security is related to warmer and more elaborative parent–child narratives, including discussions
of feelings.
c. As preschoolers learn more about emotion from interacting with adults, they engage in more emotion talk
with siblings and friends, especially during make-believe play.
d. Knowledge about emotions helps children greatly in their efforts to get along with others.
D. Empathy and Sympathy (pp. 416–418, 419)
1. Empathy involves a complex interaction of cognition and affect: the ability to detect different emotions, to take
another’s emotional perspective, and to feel with that person, or respond emotionally in a similar way.
a. Beginning in the preschool years, empathy is an important motivator of prosocial, or altruistic, behavior—
actions that benefit another person without any expected reward for the self.
b. In some children, empathy does not lead to sympathy—feelings of concern or sorrow for another’s plight—
but escalates into personal distress, so that the child focuses on his own anxiety rather than on the person in
need.
2. Development of Empathy
a. Newborn babies tend to cry in response to the cry of another baby.
b. In sensitive, face-to-face communication, infants “connect” emotionally with their caregivers—experiences
believed to be the foundation of empathy.
c. Children do not begin to empathize until self-awareness strengthens, near age 2 years.
d. Older toddlers seem to be able to engage in basic affective perspective-taking—inferring how another feels by
imagining themselves in that person’s place.
e. Empathy increases over the elementary school years as children understand a wider range of emotions.
f. In late childhood and adolescence, advances in perspective taking permit an empathic response not just to
people’s immediate distress but also to their general life condition.
3. Individual Differences
a. Temperament plays a role in whether empathy occurs and in whether it prompts sympathetic, prosocial
behavior or a personally distressed, self-focused response.
b. Children who are sociable, assertive, and good at regulating emotion are more likely than poor emotion
regulators to empathize with others’ distress and engage in prosocial behavior,
c. Individual differences in empathy and sympathy are evident in children’s facial and neurobiological
responses to watching videotapes of people in need.
d. Parenting profoundly influences empathy and sympathy.
(1) Children whose parents are warm and show empathic concern for their feelings are likely to show
empathy toward others.
(2) Angry, punitive parenting disrupts empathy and sympathy at an early age.
IV. TEMPERAMENT AND DEVELOPMENT (pp. 418–428)
A. Temperament refers to early-appearing, stable individual differences in reactivity and self-regulation.
1. Reactivity refers to variations in quickness and intensity of emotional arousal, attention, and motor action.
2. Self-regulation refers to strategies that modify reactivity.
B. Thomas and Chess’s New York Longitudinal Study, initiated in 1956, was a groundbreaking investigation of the
development of temperament in children.
1. Results showed that temperament can increase a child’s chances of experiencing psychological problems or can
protect a child from the negative effects of a stressful home life.
2. The study also showed that parenting practices can modify children’s temperaments considerably.
C. The Structure of Temperament (pp. 420–421)
1. Thomas and Chess identified three types of children based on parents’ descriptions of their behavior on nine
dimensions of temperament.

a. The easy child (40 percent of the sample) quickly establishes regular routines in infancy, is generally
cheerful, and adapts easily to new experiences.
b. The difficult child (10 percent) has irregular daily routines, is slow to accept new experiences, and tends to
react negatively and intensely.
c. The slow-to-warm-up child (15 percent) is inactive, shows mild, low-key reactions to environmental stimuli,
is negative in mood, and adjusts slowly to new experiences.
2. The remaining 35 percent of children do not fit any one category.
3. The difficult pattern places children at high risk for adjustment problems in early and middle childhood.
4. Slow-to-warm-up children tend to show excessive fearfulness and slow, constricted behavior in the late preschool
and school years.
5. Today, the most influential model of temperament is Mary Rothbart’s. It combines related traits proposed by
others, yielding a list of just six dimensions.
6. Rothbart’s dimensions represent the three underlying components included in the definition of temperament:
emotion, attention, and action.
7. Rothbart found that individuals differ not only in reactivity on each dimension but also in the self-regulatory
dimension of temperament, effortful control—the capacity to voluntarily suppress a dominant response in order
to plan and execute a more adaptive response.
D. Measuring Temperament (pp. 421–422)
1. Temperament can be assessed through parent interviews and questionnaires and laboratory observations by
researchers.
2. Although information from parents has been criticized as being biased, parental reports are moderately related to
researchers’ observations of children’s behavior.
3. Observations by researchers avoid subjectivity but can lead to other inaccuracies.
4. Most neurobiological research has focused on children at the extremes of the positive-affect and fearful-distress
dimensions of temperament.
a. Inhibited, or shy, children react negatively to and withdraw from novel stimuli.
b. Uninhibited, or sociable, children display positive emotion to and approach novel stimuli.
E. Stability of Temperament (p. 423)
1. The overall stability of temperament is low in infancy and toddlerhood and only moderate from the preschool
years on, partly because temperament itself develops with age.
2. Long-term prediction from early temperament is best achieved after age 3, when children’s styles of responding
are better established.
3. In the third year, children perform more consistently across a wide variety of tasks requiring effortful control.
4. The low to moderate stability of temperament confirms that experience can modify biologically based
temperamental traits, although children rarely change from one extreme to another.
F. Genetic and Environmental Influences (pp. 423–425)
1. The word temperament implies a genetic foundation for individual differences in personality.
a. Identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins across a wide range of temperamental traits.
b. Heritability estimates suggest a moderate role for genetic factors in temperament and personality, with
differences in genetic makeup accounting for about half of individual differences.
c. Environment also has a powerful influence on temperament.
(1) Persistent nutritional and emotional deprivation profoundly alters temperament.
(2) Children who spent their infancy in deprived orphanage conditions are easily overwhelmed by stressful
events.
d. Heredity and environment often jointly contribute to temperament, since a child’s approach to the world
affects the experiences to which she is exposed.
2. Cultural Variations
a. Compared with North American Caucasian infants, Chinese and Japanese babies tend to be less active,
irritable, and vocal and better at quieting themselves.
b. These variations may have genetic roots, but they are supported by cultural beliefs and practices.
3. Nonshared Environment
a. In families with several children, nonshared environmental influences—those that make siblings different
from one another—affect both temperament and intelligence.
b. Shared environmental influences—those that affect all siblings similarly—also play a role.

G. Temperament as a Predictor of Children’s Behavior (pp. 425–426)
1. Children’s temperamental traits consistently predict their cognitive and social functioning.
2. Young children’s attention span forecasts their learning and cognitive development.
3. Temperament is also related to social behavior, as seen in observations of shy children and irritable, anger-prone
children.
4. Children’s capacity for effortful control is linked to favorable development and adjustment in cultures as diverse
as China and the United States. Positive outcomes include persistence, task mastery, and moral maturity.
H. Temperament and Child Rearing: The Goodness-of-Fit Model (pp. 426–427)
1. Thomas and Chess proposed a goodness-of-fit model to explain how temperament and environment together can
produce favorable outcomes.
2. Goodness of fit, which involves creating child-rearing environments that recognize each child’s temperament
while encouraging more adaptive functioning, helps explain why difficult children are at risk for later adjustment
problems.
a. These children frequently experience parenting that fits poorly with their dispositions and, as a result, are less
likely to receive sensitive caregiving.
b. When parents are positive and sensitive, difficultness declines by age 2 to 3, and parental sensitivity, support,
and clear expectations foster effortful control, reducing the likelihood that difficultness will persist.
c. In one study, preschoolers with a chromosome 17 gene that interferes with functioning of the inhibitory
neurotransmitter serotonin (and, thus, greatly increases the risk of negative mood and self-regulation
difficulties) benefited, especially, from positive parenting.
3. Effective parenting of challenging children also depends on life conditions—good parental mental health, marital
harmony, and favorable economic conditions—and cultural values.
V. DEVELOPMENT OF ATTACHMENT (pp. 428–441)
A. Attachment is the strong, affectionate tie we have with special people in our lives that leads us to experience pleasure
and joy when we interact with them and to be comforted by their nearness during times of stress.
1. Both the psychoanalytic perspective and behaviorism emphasize the importance of feeding in promoting this close
emotional bond, though for different reasons.
2. Research has shown that attachment does not depend on hunger satisfaction.
3. Both psychoanalytic and behaviorist accounts of attachment emphasize the caregiver’s contribution to the
attachment relationship but pay little attention to the importance of the infant’s characteristics.
B. Bowlby’s Ethological Theory (pp. 428–430)
1. Ethological theory of attachment, which recognizes the infant’s emotional tie to the caregiver as an evolved
response that promotes survival, is the most widely accepted view today.
a. John Bowlby first applied this idea to the infant–caregiver bond.
b. Bowlby believed that attachment can best be understood in an evolutionary context in which survival of the
species is of utmost importance.
2. Attachment develops in four phases:
a. Preattachment phase (birth to 6 weeks): Babies recognize their own mother’s smell and voice but are not yet
attached to her and do not mind being left with an unfamiliar adult.
b. “Attachment-in-the-making” phase (6 weeks to 6–8 months): Infants begin to develop a sense of trust—the
expectation that the caregiver will respond when signaled—but still do not object to separation.
c. “Clear-cut” attachment phase (6–8 months to 18 months–2 years): Babies display separation anxiety,
becoming upset when the primary caregiver leaves.
d. Formation of a reciprocal relationship (18 months to 2 years and on): Rapid growth in language enables
toddlers to understand some of the factors that influence the parent’s coming and going and to predict her
return; separation protest declines.
3. Out of their experiences during these four phases, children construct an enduring affectionate tie that they use as a
secure base in the parents’ absence.
a. This image serves as an internal working model, or set of expectations about the availability of attachment
figures, their likelihood of providing support during times of stress, and the self’s interaction with them.
b. The internal working model becomes a vital part of personality, serving as a guide for all future close
relationships.

c. As early as the second year, toddlers form attachment-related expectations about parental comfort and
support.
C. Measuring the Security of Attachment (pp. 430–432)
1. A widely used laboratory technique for measuring the quality of attachment between 1 and 2 years of age is the
Strange Situation, designed by Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues, which takes the baby through eight short
episodes, each involving a brief separation from and reunion with the parent.
2. Using the Strange Situation, researchers have identified a secure attachment pattern and three patterns of
insecurity:
a. Secure attachment (about 60 percent; percentages are for North American infants in middle-SES families):
These infants use the parent as a secure base. They may or may not cry when separated from the parent; when
she returns, they seek contact, and their crying is reduced.
b. Avoidant attachment (15 percent): These infants seem unresponsive to the parent when she is present and
usually are not distressed when she leaves. During reunion, they avoid or are slow to greet the parent.
c. Resistant attachment (10 percent): Before separation, these infants seek closeness to the parent and often
fail to explore. When the parent leaves, they are usually distressed; on her return, they combine clinginess
with angry, resistive behavior.
d. Disorganized/disoriented attachment (15 percent): This pattern reflects the greatest insecurity; at reunion,
these infants show confused, contradictory behaviors.
3. The Attachment Q-Sort, an alternative method suitable for children between 1 and 4 years of age, permits
attachment to be assessed through home observations.
D. Stability of Attachment (p. 432)
1. Quality of attachment is usually secure and stable for middle-SES babies experiencing favorable life conditions.
2. Infants who move from insecurity to security typically have well-adjusted mothers with positive family and
friendship ties.
3. In low-SES families with many daily stresses and little social support, attachment generally moves away from
security or changes from one insecure pattern to another.
4. Securely attached babies more often maintain their attachment status than insecure babies.
5. Disorganized/disoriented attachment is as stable as attachment security.
E. Cultural Variations (pp. 432–433)
1. Attachment patterns may have to be interpreted differently in certain cultures.
2. Nevertheless, the secure pattern is still the most common attachment quality in all societies studied to date.
F. Factors That Affect Attachment Security (pp. 433–437)
1. Four important influences on attachment security are (1) early availability of a consistent caregiver, (2) quality of
caregiving, (3) the baby’s characteristics, and (4) family context, including parents’ internal working models.
2. Early Availability of a Consistent Caregiver
a. Research shows that institutionalized infants experience emotional difficulties because they are prevented
from forming a close bond with one or a few adults.
b. Children who spent their first year or more in deprived Eastern European orphanages—though able to bond
with their adoptive or foster parents—show elevated rates of attachment insecurity.
3. Quality of Caregiving
a. Sensitive caregiving—responding promptly, consistently, and appropriately to infants and holding them
tenderly and carefully—is moderately related to attachment security.
b. In studies of Western babies, interactional synchrony—best described as a sensitively tuned “emotional
dance” in which the caregiver responds to infant signals in a well-timed, rhythmic, appropriate fashion—
separated the experiences of secure and insecure babies.
c. Cultures vary in their view of which behaviors represent sensitivity toward infants.
d. Compared with securely attached infants, avoidant babies tend to receive overstimulating care, whereas
resistant infants often experience inconsistent care.
e. Highly inadequate caregiving is a powerful predictor of disruptions in attachment.
4. Infant Characteristics
a. Because attachment results from a relationship between two partners, infant characteristics should affect how
easily it is established.
b. Prematurity and other complications that make caregiving more taxing are linked to attachment insecurity,
but at-risk newborns fare well when parents have the time and patience to care for them.

c. The role of infant temperament in attachment security has been intensely debated.
d. The evidence suggests that infant difficultness and maternal anxiety perpetuate each other, impairing
caregiving and the security of the parent–infant bond.
e. Other research focusing on disorganized/disoriented attachment has uncovered gene–environment
interactions.
f. However, twin comparisons reveal that the heritability of attachment is virtually nil.
g. The influence of children’s characteristics on attachment quality depends on goodness of fit; interventions
that teach parents to interact sensitively with difficult-to-care-for infants are highly successful in enhancing
attachment security.
5. Family Circumstances
a. Family stressors, such as job loss or a failing marriage, can undermine attachment indirectly, by interfering
with the sensitivity of parental care.
b. The availability of social supports predicts greater attachment security.
6. Parents’ Internal Working Models
a. To assess parents’ “state of mind” with respect to attachment, Mary Main and her colleagues devised the
Adult Attachment Interview.
b. Quality of parents’ internal working models is clearly related to their children’s attachment security in
infancy and early childhood.
c. However, our early rearing experiences do not destine us to become either sensitive or insensitive parents.
G. Multiple Attachments (pp. 437–439)
1. Babies develop attachments to a variety of familiar people.
2. Fathers
a. Fathers’ sensitive caregiving and interactional synchrony with infants, like mothers’, predict attachment
security.
b. Mothers and fathers in many cultures interact differently with their babies: Mothers devote more time to
physical care and expressing affection, fathers to playful interaction.
c. Play is a vital context in which fathers build secure attachments.
d. Today, nearly one-third of U.S. employed women say that their spouse or partner shares equally in or takes
most responsibility for child-care tasks.
3. Grandparent Primary Caregivers
a. Nearly 2.4 million U.S. children live with their grandparents but apart from parents, in so-called skipped-
generation families.
b. Grandparents generally step in when parents’ troubled lives threaten children’s well-being and, thus, tend to
assume the parenting role under highly stressful life circumstances.
c. Many report feeling emotionally drained, depressed, and worried about what will happen to the children if
their own health fails.
d. Nonetheless, warm grandparent–grandchild bonds help protect children from worsening adjustment problems.
H. Attachment and Later Development (pp. 439–441)
1. According to psychoanalytic and ethological theories, the inner feelings of affection and security that result from a
healthy attachment relationship support all aspects of psychological development.
2. Findings are mixed on the relationship between secure attachment in infancy and improved cognitive, emotional,
and social competence in later years.
3. Mounting evidence indicates that continuity of caregiving determines whether attachment security is linked to
later development.
4. A child whose parental caregiving improves or who has other compensating affectionate ties outside the
immediate family may show resilience, bouncing back from adversity, whereas a child who experiences tender
care in infancy but lacks sympathetic ties later on is at risk for problems.
VI. ATTACHMENT, PARENTAL EMPLOYMENT, AND CHILD CARE (pp. 441–444)
A. More than 60 percent of U.S. mothers of a child under 2 are employed, giving rise to questions about the impact on the
attachment bond of child care and daily separations of infant from parent.
B. The weight of evidence suggests that quality of care is crucially important.
1. Exposure to long hours of mediocre to poor nonparental care has been shown to have negative effects on the
cognitive and social development of infants and young children.

2. Good child care can reduce the negative impact of a stressed, poverty-stricken home life.
3. In contrast to most European countries, where child care is nationally regulated and funded to ensure its quality,
reports on U.S. child care raise serious concerns.
a. Many children from low-income families experience inadequate child care.
b. The settings providing the worst care tend to serve middle-SES families, who are especially likely to use for-
profit centers, where quality tends to be the lowest.
c. Low-SES children are more likely to attend publicly subsidized, nonprofit centers with smaller group sizes
and lower teacher–child ratios.
4. The U.S. National Association for the Education of Young Children has devised standards for developmentally
appropriate practice with respect to high-quality child care for infants and toddlers, specifying program
characteristics that meet the developmental and individual needs of young children, based on current research and
consensus among experts.
LECTURE ENHANCEMENTS
LECTURE ENHANCEMENT 10.1
The Relationship Among Child Rearing, Shyness in Preschool, and Social Withdrawal in Middle Childhood (p. 422)
Time: 10–15 minutes
Objective: To extend existing research on child-rearing practices that contribute to shyness in preschoolers and social
withdrawal in middle childhood.
As noted in the text, child-rearing practices affect the chances that an emotionally reactive baby will become a fearful child.
Warm, supportive parenting reduces shy infants’ and preschoolers’ intense physiological reaction to novelty, whereas cold,
intrusive parenting heightens anxiety. To extend existing research on child-rearing practices that contribute to shyness, as well
as the long-term consequences of social reticence in early childhood, Hane and colleagues (2008) recruited 80 preschool-age
children and their mothers who were participating in a longitudinal study of temperament and social behavior. The researchers
collected the following information:
(1) When children were 4 years old, their mothers completed the Colorado Child Temperament Inventory (CCTI),
which measures multiple dimensions of temperament, including emotionality, distractibility, activity level,
shyness, and sociability.
(2) When children were 4 and again when they were 7, they participated in a 15-minute free-play session with their
mothers and three unfamiliar peers. Using 10-second intervals, trained observers coded for social participation
(for example, onlooking, solitary play, parallel play, conversation, group play) and cognitive quality (for example,
functional, sociodramatic, constructive, games with rules).
(3) During the free-play session and cleanup at ages 4 and 7, observers recorded quality of maternal behavior,
including negative affect, positive affect, negative control, and guidance. Quality of maternal behavior was also
coded during a difficult origami paper-folding task at age 7.
Overall, social reticence at age 4 predicted social withdrawal at age 7. That is, children who engaged in high rates of
onlooking behavior, solitary play, or functional play at age 4 tended to engage in similar behaviors at age 7. This finding was
particularly strong for preschoolers who experienced negative and controlling parenting—for example, having a mother who
“took over” during cleanup or the origami paper-folding task. In contrast, maternal positive affect and guidance at age 4
predicted more favorable social outcomes at both ages 4 and 7. According to Hane and colleagues, children with a history of
extreme shyness and social withdrawal may elicit more negativity from parents, which, in turn, exacerbates their reticence. Not
surprisingly, maternal reports of shyness on the CCTI were highly correlated with social reticence and social withdrawal during
the free-play sessions.
Reflecting on research presented in the text, besides child-rearing practices, what other environmental factors
might contribute to shyness and sociability in young children? What parenting practices might help offset early shyness
and social withdrawal?
Hane, A. A., Cheah, C., Rubin, K. H., & Fox, N. A. (2008). The role of maternal behavior in the relation between shyness and
social reticence in early childhood and social withdrawal in middle childhood. Social Development, 4, 795–811.

A Longitudinal Study of Maternal Sensitivity and Adopted Children’s Social Development (p. 434)
Objective: To illustrate the effects of early and later maternal sensitivity on children’s social development.
Research shows that sensitive caregiving is moderately related to attachment security in both biological and adoptive mother–
infant pairs and in diverse cultures and SES groups. To examine the effects of early and later maternal sensitivity on children’s
social development, Jaffari-Bimmel and colleagues (2006) followed 160 internationally adopted children from infancy to
age 14. All of the children were placed in adoptive families by age 6 months, and the families were predominantly middle to
upper-middle class. The researchers collected the following information:
(1) When the children were 5 months old, their adoptive mothers rated their health condition on arrival (that is, at the
time of adoption)—birth weight, incidence of prematurity, and health problems.
(2) When the children were 12 months old, attachment security was assessed using Ainsworth’s Strange Situation.
(3) At ages 12, 18, and 30 months, maternal sensitivity was assessed at home and in the laboratory. While the
children and their mothers completed age-appropriate tasks, like putting together puzzles and building with
blocks, trained researchers coded for emotional support, respect for the child’s autonomy, structure- and limit-
setting, hostility, and quality of instruction.
(4) At ages 7 and 14 years, maternal sensitivity was again assessed in the home. While the children and their mothers
worked on a difficult, age-appropriate puzzle, trained researchers coded for supportive presence, intrusiveness,
sensitivity, timing, and clarity of instruction.
(5) When the children were ages 12, 18, and 30 months and ages 7 and 14 years, their adoptive mothers completed a
temperament questionnaire. In infancy, the researchers were primarily interested in mood and resistance. In
middle childhood and adolescence, the researchers focused on aggression, reactivity, and restlessness.
(6) When children were ages 7 and 14 years, adoptive mothers and teachers completed a measure of social
development. The questionnaire focused on social acceptance, social rejection, prosocial competence, friendliness,
and social esteem.
(7) When the children were ages 7 and 14 years, their adoptive mothers reported on the degree to which the family
had experienced stressful life events during the past two years. The instrument included physical health problems
of relatives, bereavement, unemployment, divorce, financial problems, marital problems, problems at work, and
conflict with relatives and/or neighbors.
Findings indicated that developmental history and sensitive caregiving from infancy through middle childhood predicted
social development at age 14. Participants who were healthy at the time of adoption and who experienced few stressful life
events and received sensitive caregiving in both infancy and middle childhood were rated as higher in social development (by
adoptive mothers and teachers) than agemates who were unhealthy at the time of adoption, experienced a large number of
stressful life events, or received less-sensitive caregiving in infancy and middle childhood. Another important finding was that
maternal sensitivity in middle childhood and adolescence helped buffer against the negative effects of a difficult temperament,
as measured at 12, 18, and 30 months and ages 7 and 14 years.
Children with a difficult temperament who experienced high levels of maternal sensitivity in middle childhood and
adolescence had more favorable social development at age 14 than children with a difficult temperament who experienced
insensitive caregiving. Finally, consistent with previous studies, attachment security in infancy was moderately related to social
development at ages 7 and 14. It is important to note that securely attached infants were more likely to receive sensitive
caregiving throughout infancy and childhood than insecure infants. Compared to their insecurely attached counterparts, secure
children scored higher in social acceptance, prosocial competence, friendliness, and social esteem. Taken together, these
findings show that both early and later maternal sensitivity is important for children’s social development.
Jaffari-Bimmel, N., Juffer, F., van IJzendoorn, M. H., Bakermans-Kraneburg, M. J., & Mooijaart, A. (2006). Social
development from infancy to adolescence: Longitudinal and concurrent factors in an adoption sample. Developmental
Psychology, 42, 1143–1153.

Early Parent–Child Interaction: Is There a Spillover Effect Between Mothers and Fathers? (pp. 436, 437–438)
Objective: To examine a possible spillover effect between mother–infant and father–infant interaction styles.
To determine if a spillover effect exists between mothers’ and fathers’ interactions with their babies, Barnett and colleagues
(2008) recruited 97 middle-class families in which both the mother and the father resided in the home. When infants were
6 months old, researchers conducted home visits with each family. Mothers and fathers were filmed separately as they
participated in a free-play session with their infants. The researchers were interested in parental sensitivity/responsiveness,
positive regard toward the child (smiling, touching, laughing), negative regard toward the child (disapproving, harsh, or hostile
vocalizations; tense or abrupt movements of the baby), and animation (quantity and intensity of parental vocal, physical, and
affective energy). Infants’ positive and negative affect was also coded.
Next, mothers and fathers completed a questionnaire assessing emotional intimacy and conflict. For example: On a 5-point
scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree), “My spouse/partner really understands my hurts and joys.” On a 9-point scale
(1 = not at all; 9 = very much), “How often do you feel angry or resentful toward your spouse/partner?”
Results indicated that mothers tended to be more sensitive when interacting with their babies, while fathers engaged in
higher levels of animation during free play. The researchers also observed a spillover effect in caregiving behaviors. That is,
positive interactions in the mother–infant dyad predicted positive interactions in the father–infant dyad. Similarly, when
mothers engaged in negative, intrusive interactions, fathers tended to engage in negative, intrusive interactions. Because
mothers’ and fathers’ interaction styles with their babies were similar, for the most part one parent did not offer a buffer against
the other parent’s negative interactions. The researchers also found that parents who reported high levels of intimacy and low
levels of conflict with their spouse/partner engaged in more sensitive and positive caregiving. Not surprisingly, low levels of
intimacy and high levels of conflict were associated with negative and hostile interactions in both mothers and fathers. Finally,
sensitive parent–child interactions predicted higher levels of positive infant affect, whereas negative, intrusive interactions
predicted higher levels of negative infant affect.
Have students return to Chapter 1 and review ecological systems theory (pp. 26–29). How might bidirectional
influences affect quality of caregiving? Ask students to think of factors that might contribute to a spillover effect
between mothers and fathers.
Barnett, M. A., Deng, M., Mills-Koonce, W. R., Willoughby, M., & Cox, M. (2008). Interdependence of parenting behavior of
mothers and fathers of infants. Journal of Family Psychology, 22, 561–573.
Attachment Relationships in Middle Childhood (pp. 439–441)
Objective: To examine attachment relationships in middle childhood.
To extend existing research on attachment relationships in middle childhood, Seibert and Kerns (2009) recruited 114 children
between the ages of 7 and 12 years. As participants viewed a drawing with three concentric circles, they were instructed to
“Nominate three people who are important in your life right now, and place these people in the three circles based on how close
you feel to that person.” Participants were then asked to provide demographic information (age, gender, and relationship to
child) for each person they nominated. Finally, participants were presented with various scenarios and based on their
nominations, asked who they would go to first, second, and last. The scenarios focused on multiple aspects of attachment, such
as general attachment, companionship needs, and emotion-eliciting situations. Sample questions included:
• General attachment: “If you felt really sad, who would you go to first?”
• General companionship: “If you wanted someone to play with, who would you go to first?”
• Context-specific attachment: “Imagine that you get into a fight with one of your best friends and you feel lonely
and sad. Who would you most want to talk to about this?”
• Context-specific companionship: “Imagine that you want to go see a new movie. Who would you most want to go
with you?”
• Emotion-eliciting situations at school: “Imagine that you are at school and one of your friends says something
really mean to you. Who would you want to talk to about this first?”

Overall, children tended to nominate parents first for general attachment questions and peers first for companionship
questions. For emotion-eliciting situations, children were equally likely to seek out parents and peers for support. Because the
emotion-eliciting situations occurred at school, many children indicated that they would seek out a peer first and then a parent.
According to Seibert and Kerns, rather than taking the place of parents, peers may function as temporary stand-ins when parents
are not immediately available. Another interesting finding was that when participants identified a sibling as a significant
attachment figure, they almost always selected an older, rather than a younger, sibling. Like peers, older siblings may function
as temporary stand-ins when children lack immediate access to a parent.
Although participants were more likely to identify parents for general attachment needs and peers for companionship
needs, older children were more likely than younger children to turn to their peers first for support. This finding is consistent
with research on the transition to adolescence, during which peers become increasingly important.
Seibert, A. C., & Kerns, K. A. (2009). Attachment figures in middle childhood. International Journal of Behavioral
Development, 33, 347–355.
LEARNING ACTIVITIES
LEARNING ACTIVITY 10.1
True or False: Function of Emotions (pp. 401–405)
Present the following exercise as an in-class activity or quiz.
Directions: Read each of the following statements and indicate whether each is True (T) or False (F).
Statements:
_____ 1. Functionalist theorists believe that emotions have little impact on overall development.
_____ 2. In both children and adults, high anxiety impairs thinking, especially on complex tasks.
_____ 3. As early as the first month of life, a complex caregiver–infant communication system is in place in which each
partner responds in an appropriate and carefully timed fashion to the other’s cues.
_____ 4. By 9 months, infants become initiators of positive emotional exchanges, smiling before the caregiver smiles.
_____ 5. Young children often rely on social referencing to learn how to behave in everyday situations.
_____ 6. Most research confirms that psychological stress has little impact on children’s growth and development.
_____ 7. Extremely high cortisol interferes with release of growth hormone and, thus, can stunt children’s physical growth.
_____ 8. Sensitive parenting can protect the young brain from both excessive and inadequate stress-hormone exposure.
_____ 9. Babies’ interest and excitement when acting on novel objects help them forge a sense of self-efficacy.
_____ 10. By late childhood, most emotions are expressed as openly and freely as they were in the early years of life.
Answers:
1. F 6. F
2. T 7. F
3. F 8. T
4. T 9. T
5. T 10. F
Classroom Demonstration: Development of Emotional Expression (pp. 405–409)
Arrange for a group of babies, ranging in age from several weeks to 18 months, to visit your classroom for a demonstration of
emotional expression during infancy. Students may have friends or family members who are willing to participate in the
demonstration. Alternatively, you may have friends or colleagues who are available for a class period.
During the demonstration, have students carefully observe the infants’ facial, body, and vocal expressions and record any
examples of basic emotions, including events that may have elicited these emotions. For example, a baby may smile in response
to his or her parent’s facial expression and/or voice. In addition, interview parents about their infants’ range of emotional
expressions (happiness, interest, surprise, fear, anger, sadness, and disgust). Are their answers consistent with research in the
text—that infants’ precise emotions are difficult to detect in the early months but become more recognizable with age?

Using a baby between 2 and 4 months of age, demonstrate the social smile by nodding, smiling, and talking softly to the
infant. Also, illustrate parental responsiveness to infant smiling to underscore the adaptive role of the smile in promoting
positive interactions between parent and child. For babies 3 months of age and older, ask parents to describe and, if possible,
demonstrate stimuli that elicit laughter, and note their dynamic quality (for example, kissing the baby’s tummy). For infants
over 7 months of age, point out the rise in fear reactions that generally occurs around this time and that is reflected in the baby’s
wariness of strange adults, hesitancy to reach for novel objects, and tendency to keep track of the parent’s whereabouts in an
unfamiliar environment. Finally, ask students to look for instances of social referencing and use of the secure base in older
infants. Point out that after 10 months of age, babies often rely on the caregiver’s emotional response to form an appraisal of an
uncertain situation.
Supporting Emotional Self-Regulation in Infants and Toddlers (pp. 409–411)
Tell students to pretend they have been asked to speak to a group of parents on the importance of helping young children
manage their emotional experiences. Using research in the text as a guide, have students list the information they would include
in their presentation. For example, why is emotional self-regulation important? What infant and toddler behaviors reflect the
beginnings of effortful control and emotional self-regulation? How can parents help their infants and toddlers regulate emotion?
What caregiving behaviors should parents avoid, and why?
Evaluating Coping Styles (p. 412)
Instruct students to interview at least one school-age child and one adolescent about their reactions to emotional situations. For
example, “How do you typically respond when your mother or father is angry with you?” “Assume that you just got a D on a
class assignment or test. How would you feel/react?” Students should then determine if the responses illustrate a problem-
centered or emotion-centered coping style. Next, ask students to share some examples, along with the age and gender of each
respondent. Did any patterns emerge? That is, do there seem to be age or gender differences?
Matching: The Rothbart Model of Temperament (p. 420)
Present the following exercise as an in-class activity or quiz.
Directions: Match each of the following terms with its correct description.
Terms:
_____ 1. Activity level
_____ 2. Attention span/persistence
_____ 3. Fearful distress
_____ 4. Irritable distress
_____ 5. Positive affect
_____ 6. Effortful control
Descriptions:
A. Wariness and distress in response to intense or novel stimuli, including time to adjust to new situations.
B. Extent of fussing, crying, and distress when desires are frustrated.
C. Frequency of expression of happiness and pleasure.
D. Level of gross motor activity.
E. Capacity to voluntarily suppress a dominant, reactive response in order to plan and execute a more adaptive response.
F. Duration of orienting or interest.

Answers:
1. D 4. B
2. F 5. C
3. A 6. E
Observing the Attachment Relationship During the First Two Years (pp. 428–429, 431)
This activity can be included as an extension of Learning Activity 10.2. If you have access to a baby 6 weeks of age or younger,
demonstrate and/or describe the built-in signals of the preattachment phase—grasping, smiling, crying, and gazing into the
adult’s eyes. Next, show students that babies under 6 months old are generally willing to be held and soothed by unfamiliar
adults, although from 2 to 8 months, they respond preferentially to familiar caregivers. For example, when held by familiar
adults, babies smile and vocalize more consistently and quiet more readily when picked up. At around 6 to 8 months, “clear-
cut” attachment is evident. To illustrate, ask the parent of a baby between 8 and 18 months old to leave the room briefly, as is
done in Ainsworth’s Strange Situation.* Securely attached infants generally try to follow; if they cannot, they become
distressed at the parent’s departure but are quickly comforted by physical proximity when he or she returns. By the end of the
second year, growth in mental representation and language enables children to tolerate parental absences more easily. After
participants have had sufficient time to become comfortable in the classroom, ask the parent of an 18- to 24-month-old to
explain to the child that he or she is going to leave the room for a moment but will be back shortly. Students should note the
reaction of the child and compare it to research in the text.
*For demonstrations in which the parent leaves the room, make sure the parent immediately returns if the child becomes
distressed.
Investigating Threats to Attachment Security (pp. 430–432, 433–437)
Present the following scenario to students:
As part of a large research study, you have been asked to conduct home visits for infants and toddlers who may be at
risk for insecure attachment. What clues would you look for to distinguish among avoidant, resistant, and
disorganized/disoriented attachment? What caregiving behaviors might signal a threat to attachment security? How
about infant characteristics? What questions would you ask to identify important contextual influences on the infant–
parent relationship (for example, recent divorce, financial difficulties)?
Attachment, Parent Employment, and Child Care (pp. 441–443)
In small groups, have students respond to the following scenario:
Paul and Ava are parents to 3-month-old Kevin. After giving birth, Ava decided to spend several months at home
caring for the baby. Although Ava enjoys being a stay-at-home mother, she would like to return to her full-time job in
the near future. Friends and family members have expressed concerns about Ava returning to work so soon, and Paul’s
parents are worried that Kevin may experience learning and behavioral problems if he attends child care at such a
young age.
Using research in the text as a guide, what advice would you give Paul and Ava? Do their friends and family have valid
concerns? Why or why not? If Ava does decide to return to work, how can she and Paul ensure that Kevin develops favorably?

ASK YOURSELF . . .
REVIEW: Using research findings, provide an example of the impact of emotions on children’s (1) cognitive processing,
(2) social behavior, and (3) physical health. (pp. 402–403)
Cognitive processing: The relationship between emotion and cognition, which is evident in the impact of anxiety on
performance, is bidirectional—a dynamic interplay already under way in early infancy. In one study, researchers taught 2- to
8-month-olds to pull a string to activate pleasurable sights and sounds. As the infants learned the task, they responded with
interest, happiness, and surprise. Then, for a short period, pulling the string no longer turned on the attractive stimuli. The
babies’ emotional reactions quickly changed—mostly to anger but occasionally to sadness. Once the contingency was restored,
the infants who had reacted angrily showed renewed interest and enjoyment, whereas the sad babies turned away. Here,
emotions were interwoven with cognitive processing, serving as outcomes of mastery and as the energizing force for continued
involvement in learning.
Social behavior: Children’s emotional signals, such as smiling, crying, and attentive interest, powerfully affect the
behavior of others. Similarly, the emotional reactions of others regulate children’s social behavior. Careful analyses of
caregiver–infant interactions reveal that by 3 months, a complex communication system is in place in which each partner
responds in an appropriate and carefully timed fashion to the other’s cues. In several studies, researchers disrupted this
exchange of emotional signals by having the parent assume either a still-faced, unreactive pose or a depressed emotional state.
Two- to 7-month-olds tried facial expressions, vocalizations, and body movements to get the parent to respond again. When
these efforts failed, they turned away, frowned, and cried. Clearly, when engaged in face-to-face interaction, even young infants
expect their partners to be emotionally responsive.
Physical health: Much research indicates that emotions influence children’s physical well-being. Two childhood growth
disorders that involve emotional deprivation were discussed in Chapter 5—growth faltering and psychosocial dwarfism. Many
other studies indicate that persistent psychological stress, manifested in anxiety, depressed mood, anger, and irritability, is
associated with a variety of health difficulties from infancy to adulthood. Stress elevates heart rate and blood pressure and
depresses immune response—reactions that may explain the relationship with cardiovascular disease, infectious illness, and
several forms of cancer.
CONNECT: Does the still-face reaction help us understand infants’ responses to parental depressed mood, reviewed in
the Biology and Environment box on page 404? Explain. (pp. 402, 404)
Depressed parents typically view their infants and children more negatively than independent observers do. Depressed
parents rarely smile at, comfort, or talk to their babies, and babies respond to the parent’s sad, vacant gaze by turning away,
crying, or looking sad or angry themselves. This response is similar to the still-face reaction seen in studies in which
researchers observed 2- to 7-month-olds’ responses to parents who deliberately assumed a still-faced, unreactive pose. The
babies tried a variety of tactics—facial expressions, vocalizations, and body movements—to get the parent to respond again.
When these efforts failed, the babies—much like babies with depressed parents—turned away, frowned, and cried. This
response occurs only when natural human communication is disrupted—not to a still-faced doll or to the mother wearing a still-
faced mask. The still-face reaction is seen in babies from diverse cultures, suggesting that it is a built-in withdrawal response to
caregivers’ lack of communication, as occurs when a parent is depressed.
APPLY: Recently divorced, Jeannine—mother of 3-month-old Jacob—feels lonely, depressed, and anxious about
finances. How might Jeannine’s emotional state affect Jacob’s emotional and social adjustment? What can be done to
help Jeannine and Jacob? (p. 404)
Maternal depression can have devastating effects on the parent–child relationship. Depressed mothers rarely smile at,
comfort, or talk to their babies, and their babies often respond by turning away, crying, and looking sad or angry. Research
suggests that if Jeannine’s depression persists, her relationship with Jacob will likely worsen, putting Jacob at increased risk for
serious adjustment problems during childhood. He may respond by withdrawing into a depressed mood himself or,
alternatively, by becoming impulsive and aggressive.
Early treatment is vital to prevent Jeannine’s depression from interfering with her relationship with Jacob. Jeannine should
first seek counseling aimed at reducing stress and treating her depression, as well as therapy specifically focused on improving
her relationship with Jacob by teaching her to engage in emotionally positive, responsive caregiving. If Jeannine does not
respond easily to treatment, a warm relationship with his father or another caregiver can safeguard Jacob’s well-being.

REFLECT: Using one of your own experiences, illustrate the bidirectional relationship between emotion and cognition.
(p. 402)
This is an open-ended question with no right or wrong answer.
REVIEW: Why do many infants show stranger anxiety in the second half of the first year? What factors can increase or
decrease wariness of strangers? (pp. 407–408)
Like anger, fear rises during the second half of the first year into the second year. Older infants hesitate before playing with
a new toy, and newly crawling infants soon back away from heights. But the most frequent expression of fear is stranger
anxiety in response to unfamiliar adults, seen in many, though not all, infants and toddlers. The response depends on several
factors: temperament (some babies are generally more fearful), past experiences with strangers, and the current situation. When
an unfamiliar adult picks up the infant in a new situation, stranger anxiety is likely. But if the adult sits still while the baby
moves around and a parent is nearby, infants often show positive and curious behavior. The stranger’s style of interaction—
expressing warmth, holding out an attractive toy, playing a familiar game, and approaching slowly rather than abruptly—
reduces the baby’s fear. As cognitive development permits toddlers to discriminate more effectively between threatening and
nonthreatening people and situations, stranger anxiety declines. This change is adaptive because adults other than caregivers
will soon be important in children’s development.
Cross-cultural research shows that infant-rearing practices can modify stranger anxiety. Among the Efe hunters and
gatherers of Congo, West Africa, where the maternal death rate is high, infant survival is safeguarded by a collective caregiving
system in which, from birth, Efe babies are passed from one adult to another. Consequently, Efe infants show little stranger
anxiety.
CONNECT: Why do children of depressed parents have difficulty regulating emotion (see page 404)? What
implications do their weak self-regulatory skills have for their response to cognitive and social challenges? (pp. 409–412)
Infants whose parents “read” and respond contingently and sympathetically to their emotional cues tend to be less fussy
and fearful, to express more pleasurable emotion, to be more interested in exploration, and to be easier to soothe. In contrast,
depressed parents are more likely to respond impatiently or angrily, or to be unresponsive, waiting to intervene until the infant
has become extremely agitated. These responses reinforce the baby’s rise to intense distress, making it harder for parents to
soothe the baby in the future, and also for the baby to learn to calm herself. When caregivers fail to regulate stressful
experiences for infants who cannot yet regulate them for themselves, brain structures that buffer stress may fail to develop
properly, resulting in an anxious, emotionally reactive child who has a reduced capacity for managing emotional problems.
Later, as preschoolers, children learn strategies for regulating emotion by watching adults handle their own feelings.
Because a depressed mother rarely expresses positive emotions and has difficulty with her own emotional regulation, her
preschooler is likely to have continuing problems managing emotion that will seriously interfere with psychological adjustment.
APPLY: At age 14 months, Reggie built a block tower and gleefully knocked it down. But at age 2, he called to his
mother and pointed proudly to his tall block tower. What explains this change in Reggie’s emotional behavior?
(pp. 408–409)
In the middle of the second year, as 18- to 24-month-olds become firmly aware of the self as a separate, unique individual,
self-conscious emotions appear. These higher-order emotions, including guilt, shame, embarrassment, envy, and pride, all
involve injury to or enhancement of our sense of self. At 14 months, Reggie had not yet developed a clear sense of himself as a
separate person, so he simply enjoyed the experience of building the block tower and then knocking it down. But at age 2,
Reggie experienced pride in his achievement at stacking the blocks into a tower and wanted to share his accomplishment with
his mother.
Development of pride and other self-conscious emotions also depends on adult instruction in when to feel proud, ashamed,
or guilty. The situations in which adults encourage self-conscious emotions vary from culture to culture. In Western
individualistic nations, children are generally taught to feel pride in personal achievement, as Reggie is expressing.
REFLECT: How do you typically manage negative emotion? Describe several recent examples. How might your early
experiences, gender, and cultural background have influenced your style of emotional self-regulation? (pp. 409–413)
This is an open-ended question with no right or wrong answer.

REVIEW: What do preschoolers understand about emotion, and how do cognition and social experience contribute to
their understanding? (pp. 415–416)
Early in the preschool years, children refer to causes, consequences, and behavioral signs of emotion, and over time their
understanding becomes more accurate and complex. By age 4 to 5, they correctly judge the causes of many basic emotions, but
their explanations tend to emphasize external factors over internal states—a balance that changes with age. Preschoolers can
predict what a playmate expressing a certain emotion might do next, and they realize that thinking and feeling are
interconnected and come up with effective ways to relieve others’ negative feelings, such as hugging a friend who is sad.
In middle childhood, children’s ability to consider conflicting cues when explaining others’ emotions improves, and
children recognize that people can experience more than one emotion at a time, unlike preschoolers, who deny that two
emotions can occur at once, much as they do not integrate two variables (height and width) in a Piagetian conservation-of-
liquid task.
Social experience also contributes to emotional understanding. The more mothers label emotions, explain them, and
express warmth and enthusiasm when conversing with preschoolers, the more “emotion words” children use and the better
developed their emotional understanding. Preschoolers whose parents frequently acknowledge their emotional reactions and
explicitly teach them about diverse emotions are better able to judge others’ emotions when tested at later ages. As preschoolers
learn more about emotion from interacting with adults, they engage in more emotion talk with siblings and friends, especially
during make-believe play. Make-believe, in turn, contributes to emotional understanding, especially when children play with
siblings. The intense nature of the sibling relationship, combined with frequent acting out of feelings, makes pretending an
excellent context for early learning about emotions. As early as 3 to 5 years of age, children seem to recognize that
acknowledging others’ emotions and explaining their own enhance the quality of relationships.
CONNECT: Why is good emotional self-regulation vital for empathy to result in sympathy and prosocial behavior?
(pp. 416–418)
Empathy involves a complex interaction of cognition and affect—the ability to detect different emotions, to take another’s
emotional perspective, and to respond emotionally in a similar way. Temperament plays a role in whether empathy occurs and
whether it prompts sympathetic, prosocial behavior or a personally distressed, self-focused response. Children who are sociable,
assertive, and good at regulating emotion are more likely than poor emotion regulators to help, share, and comfort others in
distress, and these children are also more likely to empathize with others’ positive emotions of joy and happiness. In contrast,
aggressive children’s high hostility, weakened capacity to take another’s perspective, and impulsive acting out of negative
feelings blunt their capacity for empathy and sympathy. And shy children may not display sympathetic concern because they
are easily overwhelmed by anxiety when others are distressed.
CONNECT: Cite ways that parenting contributes to emotional understanding, self-conscious emotions, empathy, and
sympathy. Do you see any patterns? Explain. (pp. 408–409, 416–418)
Parents promote children’s development of emotional understanding when they label emotions, explain them, and express
warmth and enthusiasm when conversing with preschoolers. Preschoolers whose parents frequently acknowledge their
children’s emotions and explicitly teach them about diverse emotions are better able to judge others’ emotions when tested at
later ages.
Self-conscious emotions develop as 18- to 24-month-olds become firmly aware of the self as a separate individual, but
children also require adult instruction in when to feel proud, ashamed, or guilty. Quality of adult feedback influences children’s
early self-evaluative reactions. For example, when parents repeatedly comment on the worth of the child and her performance,
their children experience self-conscious emotions intensely. In contrast, when parents focus on how to improve performance,
they induce moderate, more adaptive levels of shame and pride and greater persistence on difficult tasks.
Parenting also profoundly influences the development of empathy and sympathy. When parents are warm, encourage their
child’s emotional expressiveness, and show a sensitive, empathetic concern for the child’s feelings, their children are likely to
react in a concerned way to the distress of others—relationships that persist into adolescence and emerging adulthood.
By watching adults handle their own feelings, preschoolers pick up strategies for regulating their own emotion, including
negative emotion that threatens their sense of self-worth. Children who experience angry, punitive parenting, or receive praise
and blame that focus on the child’s worth rather than on performance, are likely to have greater difficulty in developing
effective emotion-regulation skills. Because these emotionally reactive children become increasingly difficult to rear, they often
are targets of ineffective parenting, a bidirectional effect that compounds their poor emotional self-regulation. In contrast, when
parents are warm, acknowledge emotion and encourage emotional expressiveness, and demonstrate emotional understanding,
empathy, and sympathy, their children are likely to develop these capacities.

Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content

“‘Maestro,’ I said, ‘I repent of all my faults. I will never go out of
the Conservatoire by passing through the iron grill. I will redouble
my diligence.’
“‘If I were not frightened of spoiling the finest bass voice I have
ever heard, I would put you in prison for a fortnight on bread and
water, you rascal.’
“‘Maestro,’ I answered, ‘I will be the model boy of the whole
school, credete a me, but I would ask one favour of you. If anyone
comes and asks permission for me to sing outside, refuse. As a
favour, please say that you cannot let me.’
“‘And who the devil do you think is going to ask for a ne’er-do-well
like you? Do you think I should ever allow you to leave the
Conservatoire? Do you want to make fun of me? Clear out! Clear
out!’ he said, trying to give me a kick, ‘or look out for prison and dry
bread.’”
One thing astonished Julien. The solitary weeks passed at
Verrières in de Rênal’s house had been a period of happiness for
him. He had only experienced revulsions and sad thoughts at the
dinners to which he had been invited. And was he not able to read,
write and reflect, without being distracted, in this solitary house? He
was not distracted every moment from his brilliant reveries by the
cruel necessity of studying the movement of a false soul in order to
deceive it by intrigue and hypocrisy.
“To think of happiness being so near to me—the expense of a life
like that is small enough. I could have my choice of either marrying
Mademoiselle Elisa or of entering into partnership with Fouqué. But
it is only the traveller who has just scaled a steep mountain and sits
down on the summit who finds a perfect pleasure in resting. Would
he be happy if he had to rest all the time?”
Madame de Rênal’s mind had now reached a state of desperation.
In spite of her resolutions, she had explained to Julien all the details
of the auction. “He will make me forget all my oaths!” she thought.
She would have sacrificed her life without hesitation to save that
of her husband if she had seen him in danger. She was one of those

noble, romantic souls who find a source of perpetual remorse equal
to that occasioned by the actual perpetration of a crime, in seeing
the possibility of a generous action and not doing it. None the less,
there were deadly days when she was not able to banish the
imagination of the excessive happiness which she would enjoy if she
suddenly became a widow, and were able to marry Julien.
He loved her sons much more than their father did; in spite of his
strict justice they were devoted to him. She quite realised that if she
married Julien, it would be necessary to leave that Vergy, whose
shades were so dear to her. She pictured herself living at Paris, and
continuing to give her sons an education which would make them
admired by everyone. Her children, herself, and Julien! They would
be all perfectly happy!
Strange result of marriage such as the nineteenth century has
made it! The boredom of matrimonial life makes love fade away
inevitably, when love has preceded the marriage. But none the less,
said a philosopher, married life soon reduces those people who are
sufficiently rich not to have to work, to a sense of being utterly
bored by all quiet enjoyments. And among women, it is only arid
souls whom it does not predispose to love.
The philosopher’s reflection makes me excuse Madame de Rênal,
but she was not excused in Verrières, and without her suspecting it,
the whole town found its sole topic of interest in the scandal of her
intrigue. As a result of this great affair, the autumn was less boring
than usual.
The autumn and part of the winter passed very quickly. It was
necessary to leave the woods of Vergy. Good Verrières society began
to be indignant at the fact that its anathemas made so little
impression on Monsieur de Rênal. Within eight days, several serious
personages who made up for their habitual gravity of demeanour by
their pleasure in fulfilling missions of this kind, gave him the most
cruel suspicions, at the same time utilising the most measured
terms.

M. Valenod, who was playing a deep game, had placed Elisa in an
aristocratic family of great repute, where there were five women.
Elisa, fearing, so she said, not to find a place during the winter, had
only asked from this family about two-thirds of what she had
received in the house of the mayor. The girl hit upon the excellent
idea of going to confession at the same time to both the old curé
Chélan, and also to the new one, so as to tell both of them in detail
about Julien’s amours.
The day after his arrival, the abbé Chélan summoned Julien to him
at six o’clock in the morning.
“I ask you nothing,” he said. “I beg you, and if needs be I insist,
that you either leave for the Seminary of Besançon, or for your
friend Fouqué, who is always ready to provide you with a splendid
future. I have seen to everything and have arranged everything, but
you must leave, and not come back to Verrières for a year.”
Julien did not answer. He was considering whether his honour
ought to regard itself offended at the trouble which Chélan, who,
after all, was not his father, had taken on his behalf.
“I shall have the honour of seeing you again to-morrow at the
same hour,” he said finally to the curé.
Chélan, who reckoned on carrying so young a man by storm,
talked a great deal. Julien, cloaked in the most complete
humbleness, both of demeanour and expression, did not open his
lips.
Eventually he left, and ran to warn Madame de Rênal whom he
found in despair. Her husband had just spoken to her with a certain
amount of frankness. The weakness of his character found support
in the prospect of the legacy, and had decided him to treat her as
perfectly innocent. He had just confessed to her the strange state in
which he had found public opinion in Verrières. The public was
wrong; it had been misled by jealous tongues. But, after all, what
was one to do?
Madame de Rênal was, for the moment, under the illusion that
Julien would accept the offer of Valenod and stay at Verrières. But

she was no longer the simple, timid woman that she had been the
preceding year. Her fatal passion and remorse had enlightened her.
She soon realised the painful truth (while at the same time she
listened to her husband), that at any rate a temporary separation
had become essential.
When he is far from me, Julien will revert to those ambitious
projects which are so natural when one has no money. And I, Great
God! I am so rich, and my riches are so useless for my happiness.
He will forget me. Loveable as he is, he will be loved, and he will
love. You unhappy woman. What can I complain of? Heaven is just.
I was not virtuous enough to leave off the crime. Fate robs me of my
judgment. I could easily have bribed Elisa if I had wanted to;
nothing was easier. I did not take the trouble to reflect for a
moment. The mad imagination of love absorbed all my time. I am
ruined.
When Julien apprised Madame de Rênal of the terrible news of his
departure, he was struck with one thing. He did not find her put
forward any selfish objections. She was evidently making efforts not
to cry.
“We have need of firmness, my dear.” She cut off a strand of her
hair. “I do no know what I shall do,” she said to him, “but promise
me if I die, never to forget my children. Whether you are far or near,
try to make them into honest men. If there is a new revolution, all
the nobles will have their throats cut. Their father will probably
emigrate, because of that peasant on the roof who got killed. Watch
over my family. Give me your hand. Adieu, my dear. These are our
last moments. Having made this great sacrifice, I hope I shall have
the courage to consider my reputation in public.”
Julien had been expecting despair. The simplicity of this farewell
touched him.
“No, I am not going to receive your farewell like this. I will leave
you now, as you yourself wish it. But three days after my departure I
will come back to see you at night.”

Madame de Rênal’s life was changed. So Julien really loved her,
since of his own accord he had thought of seeing her again. Her
awful grief became changed into one of the keenest transports of
joy which she had felt in her whole life. Everything became easy for
her. The certainty of seeing her lover deprived these last moments of
their poignancy. From that moment, both Madame de Rênal’s
demeanour and the expression of her face were noble, firm, and
perfectly dignified.
M. de Rênal soon came back. He was beside himself. He
eventually mentioned to his wife the anonymous letter which he had
received two months before.
“I will take it to the Casino, and shew everybody that it has been
sent by that brute Valenod, whom I took out of the gutter and made
into one of the richest tradesmen in Verrières. I will disgrace him
publicly, and then I will fight him. This is too much.”
“Great Heavens! I may become a widow,” thought Madame de
Rênal, and almost at the same time she said to herself,
“If I do not, as I certainly can, prevent this duel, I shall be the
murderess of my own husband.”
She had never expended so much skill in honoring his vanity.
Within two hours she made him see, and always by virtue of reasons
which he discovered himself, that it was necessary to show more
friendship than ever to M. Valenod, and even to take Elisa back into
the household.
Madame de Rênal had need of courage to bring herself to see
again the girl who was the cause of her unhappiness. But this idea
was one of Julien’s. Finally, having been put on the track three or
four times, M. de Rênal arrived spontaneously at the conclusion,
disagreeable though it was from the financial standpoint, that the
most painful thing that could happen to him would be that Julien, in
the middle of the effervescence of popular gossip throughout
Verrières, should stay in the town as the tutor of Valenod’s children.
It was obviously to Julien’s interest to accept the offer of the director
of the workhouse. Conversely, it was essential for M. de Rênal’s

prestige that Julien should leave Verrières to enter the seminary of
Besançon or that of Dijon. But how to make him decide on that
course? And then how is he going to live?
M. de Rênal, seeing a monetary sacrifice looming in the distance,
was in deeper despair than his wife. As for her, she felt after this
interview in the position of a man of spirit who, tired of life, has
taken a dose of stramonium. He only acts mechanically so to speak,
and takes no longer any interest in anything. In this way, Louis XIV.
came to say on his death-bed, “When I was king.” An admirable
epigram.
Next morning, M. de Rênal received quite early an anonymous
letter. It was written in a most insulting style, and the coarsest
words applicable to his position occurred on every line. It was the
work of some jealous subordinate. This letter made him think again
of fighting a duel with Valenod. Soon his courage went as far as the
idea of immediate action. He left the house alone, went to the
armourer’s and got some pistols which he loaded.
“Yes, indeed,” he said to himself, “even though the strict
administration of the Emperor Napoleon were to become fashionable
again, I should not have one sou’s worth of jobbery to reproach
myself with; at the outside, I have shut my eyes, and I have some
good letters in my desk which authorise me to do so.”
Madame de Rênal was terrified by her husband’s cold anger. It
recalled to her the fatal idea of widowhood which she had so much
trouble in repelling. She closeted herself with him. For several hours
she talked to him in vain. The new anonymous letter had decided
him. Finally she succeeded in transforming the courage which had
decided him to box Valenod’s ears, into the courage of offering six
hundred francs to Julien, which would keep him for one year in a
seminary.
M. de Rênal cursed a thousand times the day that he had had the
ill-starred idea of taking a tutor into his house, and forgot the
anonymous letter.

He consoled himself a little by an idea which he did not tell his
wife. With the exercise of some skill, and by exploiting the romantic
ideas of the young man, he hoped to be able to induce him to refuse
M. Valenod’s offer at a cheaper price.
Madame de Rênal had much more trouble in proving to Julien that
inasmuch as he was sacrificing the post of six hundred francs a year
in order to enable her husband to keep up appearances, he need
have no shame about accepting the compensation. But Julien would
say each time, “I have never thought for a moment of accepting that
offer. You have made me so used to a refined life that the
coarseness of those people would kill me.”
Cruel necessity bent Julien’s will with its iron hand. His pride gave
him the illusion that he only accepted the sum offered by M. de
Rênal as a loan, and induced him to give him a promissory note,
repayable in five years with interest.
Madame de Rênal had, of course, many thousands of francs which
had been concealed in the little mountain cave.
She offered them to him all a tremble, feeling only too keenly that
they would be angrily refused.
“Do you wish,” said Julien to her, “to make the memory of our love
loathsome?”
Finally Julien left Verrières. M. de Rênal was very happy, but when
the fatal moment came to accept money from him the sacrifice
proved beyond Julien’s strength. He refused point blank. M. de Rênal
embraced him around the neck with tears in his eyes. Julien had
asked him for a testimonial of good conduct, and his enthusiasm
could find no terms magnificent enough in which to extol his
conduct.
Our hero had five louis of savings and he reckoned on asking
Fouqué for an equal sum.
He was very moved. But one league from Verrières, where he left
so much that was dear to him, he only thought of the happiness of
seeing the capital of a great military town like Besançon.

During the short absence of three days, Madame de Rênal was the
victim of one of the cruellest deceptions to which love is liable. Her
life was tolerable, because between her and extreme unhappiness
there was still that last interview which she was to have with Julien.
Finally during the night of the third day, she heard from a distance
the preconcerted signal. Julien, having passed through a thousand
dangers, appeared before her. In this moment she only had one
thought—“I see him for the last time.” Instead of answering the
endearments of her lover, she seemed more dead than alive. If she
forced herself to tell him that she loved him, she said it with an
embarrassed air which almost proved the contrary. Nothing could rid
her of the cruel idea of eternal separation. The suspicious Julien
thought for the moment that he was already forgotten. His pointed
remarks to this effect were only answered by great tears which
flowed down in silence, and by some hysterical pressings of the
hand.
“But,” Julien would answer his mistress’s cold protestations, “Great
Heavens! How can you expect me to believe you? You would show
one hundred times more sincere affection to Madame Derville to a
mere acquaintance.”
Madame de Rênal was petrified, and at a loss for an answer.
“It is impossible to be more unhappy. I hope I am going to die. I
feel my heart turn to ice.”
Those were the longest answers which he could obtain.
When the approach of day rendered it necessary for him to leave
Madame de Rênal, her tears completely ceased. She saw him tie a
knotted rope to the window without saying a word, and without
returning her kisses. It was in vain that Julien said to her.
“So now we have reached the state of affairs which you wished for
so much. Henceforward you will live without remorse. The slightest
indisposition of your children will no longer make you see them in
the tomb.”
“I am sorry that you cannot kiss Stanislas,” she said coldly.

Julien finished by being profoundly impressed by the cold
embraces of this living corpse. He could think of nothing else for
several leagues. His soul was overwhelmed, and before passing the
mountain, and while he could still see the church tower of Verrières
he turned round frequently.

[1] C’est pigeon qui vole. A reference to a contemporary animal
game with a pun on the word “vole.”
CHAPTER XXIV
A CAPITAL
What a noise, what busy people! What
ideas for the
future in a brain of twenty! What distraction
offered by
love.—Barnave.
Finally he saw some black walls near a distant mountain. It was
the citadel of Besançon. “How different it would be for me,” he said
with a sigh, “if I were arriving at this noble military town to be sub-
lieutenant in one of the regiments entrusted with its defence.”
Besançon is not only one of the prettiest towns in France, it abounds
in people of spirit and brains. But Julien was only a little peasant,
and had no means of approaching distinguished people.
He had taken a civilian suit at Fouqué’s, and it was in this dress
that he passed the drawbridge. Steeped as he was in the history of
the siege of 1674, he wished to see the ramparts of the citadel
before shutting himself up in the seminary. He was within an ace
two or three times of getting himself arrested by the sentinel. He
was penetrating into places which military genius forbids the public
to enter, in order to sell twelve or fifteen francs worth of corn every
year.
The height of the walls, the depth of the ditches, the terrible
aspect of the cannons had been engrossing him for several hours

when he passed before the great café on the boulevard. He was
motionless with wonder; it was in vain that he read the word café,
written in big characters above the two immense doors. He could
not believe his eyes. He made an effort to overcome his timidity. He
dared to enter, and found himself in a hall twenty or thirty yards
long, and with a ceiling at least twenty feet high. To-day, everything
had a fascination for him.
Two games of billiards were in progress. The waiters were crying
out the scores. The players ran round the tables encumbered by
spectators. Clouds of tobacco smoke came from everybody’s mouth,
and enveloped them in a blue haze. The high stature of these men,
their rounded shoulders, their heavy gait, their enormous whiskers,
the long tailed coats which covered them, everything combined to
attract Julien’s attention. These noble children of the antique
Bisontium only spoke at the top of their voice. They gave themselves
terrible martial airs. Julien stood still and admired them. He kept
thinking of the immensity and magnificence of a great capital like
Besançon. He felt absolutely devoid of the requisite courage to ask
one of those haughty looking gentlemen, who were crying out the
billiard scores, for a cup of coffee.
But the young lady at the bar had noticed the charming face of
this young civilian from the country, who had stopped three feet
from the stove with his little parcel under his arm, and was looking
at the fine white plaster bust of the king. This young lady, a big
Franc-comtoise, very well made, and dressed with the elegance
suitable to the prestige of the café, had already said two or three
times in a little voice not intended to be heard by any one except
Julien, “Monsieur, Monsieur.” Julien’s eyes encountered big blue eyes
full of tenderness, and saw that he was the person who was being
spoken to.
He sharply approached the bar and the pretty girl, as though he
had been marching towards the enemy. In this great manœuvre the
parcel fell.
What pity will not our provincial inspire in the young lycée scholars
of Paris, who, at the early age of fifteen, know already how to enter

a café with so distinguished an air? But these children who have
such style at fifteen turn commonplace at eighteen. The impassioned
timidity which is met with in the provinces, sometimes manages to
master its own nervousness, and thus trains the will. “I must tell her
the truth,” thought Julien, who was becoming courageous by dint of
conquering his timidity as he approached this pretty girl, who
deigned to address him.
“Madame, this is the first time in my life that I have come to
Besançon. I should like to have some bread and a cup of coffee in
return for payment.”
The young lady smiled a little, and then blushed. She feared the
ironic attention and the jests of the billiard players might be turned
against this pretty young man. He would be frightened and would
not appear there again.
“Sit here near me,” she said to him, showing him a marble table
almost completely hidden by the enormous mahogany counter which
extended into the hall.
The young lady leant over the counter, and had thus an
opportunity of displaying a superb figure. Julien noticed it. All his
ideas changed. The pretty young lady had just placed before him a
cup, some sugar, and a little roll. She hesitated to call a waiter for
the coffee, as she realised that his arrival would put an end to her
tête-à-tête with Julien.
Julien was pensively comparing this blonde and merry beauty with
certain memories which would often thrill him. The thought of the
passion of which he had been the object, nearly freed him from all
his timidity. The pretty young woman had only one moment to save
the situation. She read it in Julien’s looks.
“This pipe smoke makes you cough; come and have breakfast to-
morrow before eight o’clock in the morning. I am practically alone
then.”
“What is your name?” said Julien, with the caressing smile of
happy timidity.
“Amanda Binet.”

“Will you allow me to send you within an hour’s time a little parcel
about as big as this?”
The beautiful Amanda reflected a little.
“I am watched. What you ask may compromise me. All the same,
I will write my address on a card, which you will put on your parcel.
Send it boldly to me.”
“My name is Julien Sorel,” said the young man. “I have neither
relatives nor acquaintances at Besançon.”
“Ah, I understand,” she said joyfully. “You come to study law.”
“Alas, no,” answered Julien, “I am being sent to the Seminary.”
The most complete discouragement damped Amanda’s features.
She called a waiter. She had courage now. The waiter poured out
some coffee for Julien without looking at him.
Amanda was receiving money at the counter. Julien was proud of
having dared to speak: a dispute was going on at one of the billiard
tables. The cries and the protests of the players resounded over the
immense hall, and made a din which astonished Julien. Amanda was
dreamy, and kept her eyes lowered.
“If you like, Mademoiselle,” he said to her suddenly with
assurance, “I will say that I am your cousin.”
This little air of authority pleased Amanda. “He’s not a mere
nobody,” she thought. She spoke to him very quickly, without looking
at him, because her eye was occupied in seeing if anybody was
coming near the counter.
“I come from Genlis, near Dijon. Say that you are also from Genlis
and are my mother’s cousin.”
“I shall not fail to do so.”
“All the gentlemen who go to the Seminary pass here before the
café every Thursday in the summer at five o’clock.”
“If you think of me when I am passing, have a bunch of violets in
your hand.”
Amanda looked at him with an astonished air. This look changed
Julien’s courage into audacity. Nevertheless, he reddened

considerably, as he said to her. “I feel that I love you with the most
violent love.”
“Speak in lower tones,” she said to him with a frightened air.
Julien was trying to recollect phrases out of a volume of the
Nouvelle Héloise which he had found at Vergy. His memory served
him in good stead. For ten minutes he recited the Nouvelle Héloise
to the delighted Mademoiselle Amanda. He was happy on the
strength of his own bravery, when suddenly the beautiful Franc-
comtoise assumed an icy air. One of her lovers had appeared at the
café door. He approached the bar, whistling, and swaggering his
shoulders. He looked at Julien. The latter’s imagination, which
always indulged in extremes, suddenly brimmed over with ideas of a
duel. He paled greatly, put down his cup, assumed an assured
demeanour, and considered his rival very attentively. As this rival
lowered his head, while he familiarly poured out on the counter a
glass of brandy for himself, Amanda ordered Julien with a look to
lower his eyes. He obeyed, and for two minutes kept motionless in
his place, pale, resolute, and only thinking of what was going to
happen. He was truly happy at this moment. The rival had been
astonished by Julien’s eyes. Gulping down his glass of brandy, he
said a few words to Amanda, placed his two hands in the pockets of
his big tail coat, and approached the billiard table, whistling, and
looking at Julien. The latter got up transported with rage, but he did
not know what to do in order to be offensive. He put down his little
parcel, and walked towards the billiard table with all the swagger he
could muster.
It was in vain that prudence said to him, “but your ecclesiastical
career will be ruined by a duel immediately on top of your arrival at
Besançon.”
“What does it matter. It shall never be said that I let an insolent
fellow go scot free.”
Amanda saw his courage. It contrasted prettily with the simplicity
of his manners. She instantly preferred him to the big young man
with the tail coat. She got up, and while appearing to be following

with her eye somebody who was passing in the street, she went and
quickly placed herself between him and the billiard table.
“Take care not to look askance at that gentleman. He is my
brother-in-law.”
“What does it matter? He looked at me.”
“Do you want to make me unhappy? No doubt he looked at you,
why it may be he is going to speak to you. I told him that you were
a relative of my mother, and that you had arrived from Genlis. He is
a Franc-contois, and has never gone beyond Dôleon the Burgundy
Road, so say what you like and fear nothing.”
Julien was still hesitating. Her barmaid’s imagination furnished her
with an abundance of lies, and she quickly added.
“No doubt he looked at you, but it was at a moment when he was
asking me who you were. He is a man who is boorish with everyone.
He did not mean to insult you.”
Julien’s eye followed the pretended brother-in-law. He saw him
buy a ticket for the pool, which they were playing at the further of
the two billiard tables. Julien heard his loud voice shouting out in a
threatening tone, “My turn to play.”
He passed sharply before Madame Amanda, and took a step
towards the billiard table. Amanda seized him by the arm.
“Come and pay me first,” she said to him.
“That is right,” thought Julien. “She is frightened that I shall leave
without paying.” Amanda was as agitated as he was, and very red.
She gave him the change as slowly as she could, while she repeated
to him, in a low voice,
“Leave the café this instant, or I shall love you no more, and yet I
do love you very much.”
Julien did go out, but slowly. “Am I not in duty bound,” he
repeated to himself, “to go and stare at that coarse person in my
turn?” This uncertainty kept him on the boulevard in the front of the
café for an hour; he kept looking if his man was coming out. He did
not come out, and Julien went away.

He had only been at Besançon some hours, and already he had
overcome one pang of remorse. The old surgeon-major had formerly
given him some fencing lessons, in spite of his gout. That was all the
science which Julien could enlist in the service of his anger. But this
embarrassment would have been nothing if he had only known how
to vent his temper otherwise than by the giving of a blow, for if it
had come to a matter of fisticuffs, his enormous rival would have
beaten him and then cleared out.
“There is not much difference between a seminary and a prison,”
said Julien to himself, “for a poor devil like me, without protectors
and without money. I must leave my civilian clothes in some inn,
where I can put my black suit on again. If I ever manage to get out
of the seminary for a few hours, I shall be able to see Mdlle.
Amanda again in my lay clothes.” This reasoning was all very fine.
Though Julien passed in front of all the inns, he did not dare to
enter a single one.
Finally, as he was passing again before the Hôtel des
Ambassadeurs, his anxious eyes encountered those of a big woman,
still fairly young, with a high colour, and a gay and happy air. He
approached her and told his story.
“Certainly, my pretty little abbé,” said the hostess of the
Ambassadeurs to him, “I will keep your lay clothes for you, and I will
even have them regularly brushed. In weather like this, it is not
good to leave a suit of cloth without touching it.” She took a key, and
conducted him herself to a room, and advised him to make out a
note of what he was leaving.
“Good heavens. How well you look like that, M. the abbé Sorel,”
said the big woman to him when he came down to the kitchen. I will
go and get a good dinner served up to you, and she added in a low
voice, “It will only cost twenty sous instead of the fifty which
everybody else pays, for one must really take care of your little
purse strings.”
“I have ten louis,” Julien replied with certain pride.

“Oh, great heavens,” answered the good hostess in alarm. “Don’t
talk so loud, there are quite a lot of bad characters in Besançon.
They’ll steal all that from you in less than no time, and above all,
never go into the cafés, they are filled with bad characters.”
“Indeed,” said Julien, to whom those words gave food for thought.
“Don’t go anywhere else, except to my place. I will make coffee
for you. Remember that you will always find a friend here, and a
good dinner for twenty sous. So now you understand, I hope. Go
and sit down at table, I will serve you myself.”
“I shan’t be able to eat,” said Julien to her. “I am too upset. I am
going to enter the seminary, as I leave you.” The good woman,
would not allow him to leave before she had filled his pockets with
provisions. Finally Julien took his road towards the terrible place.
The hostess was standing at the threshold, and showed him the
way.
CHAPTER XXV
THE SEMINARY
Three hundred and thirty-six dinners at eighty-five centimes.
Three hundred and thirty-six suppers at fifty centimes.
Chocolate to those who are entitled to it. How much profit can
be made on the contract?—Valenod of Besançon.
He saw in the distance the iron gilt cross on the door. He
approached slowly. His legs seemed to give way beneath him. “So
here is this hell upon earth which I shall be unable to leave.”
Finally he made up his mind to ring. The noise of the bell
reverberated as though through a solitude. At the end of ten

minutes a pale man, clothed in black, came and opened the door.
Julien looked at him, and immediately lowered his eyes. This porter
had a singular physiognomy. The green projecting pupils of his eyes
were as round as those of a cat. The straight lines of his eyebrows
betokened the impossibility of any sympathy. His thin lips came
round in a semicircle over projecting teeth. None the less, his
physiognomy did not so much betoken crime as rather that perfect
callousness which is so much more terrifying to the young. The one
sentiment which Julien’s rapid gaze surmised in this long and devout
face was a profound contempt for every topic of conversation which
did not deal with things celestial. Julien raised his eyes with an
effort, and in a voice rendered quavering by the beating of his heart
explained that he desired to speak to M. Pirard, the director of the
Seminary. Without saying a word the man in black signed to him to
follow. They ascended two stories by a large staircase with a
wooden rail, whose warped stairs inclined to the side opposite the
wall, and seemed on the point of falling. A little door with a big
cemetery cross of white wood painted black at the top was opened
with difficulty, and the porter made him enter a dark low room,
whose whitewashed walls were decorated with two big pictures
blackened by age. In this room Julien was left alone. He was
overwhelmed. His heart was beating violently. He would have been
happy to have ventured to cry. A silence of death reigned over the
whole house.
At the end of a quarter of an hour, which seemed a whole day to
him, the sinister looking porter reappeared on the threshold of a
door at the other end of the room, and without vouchsafing a word,
signed to him to advance. He entered into a room even larger than
the first, and very badly lighted. The walls also were whitened, but
there was no furniture. Only in a corner near the door Julien saw as
he passed a white wooden bed, two straw chairs, and a little
pinewood armchair without any cushions. He perceived at the other
end of the room, near a small window with yellow panes decorated
with badly kept flower vases, a man seated at a table, and covered
with a dilapidated cassock. He appeared to be in a temper, and took

one after the other a number of little squares of paper, which he
arranged on his table after he had written some words on them. He
did not notice Julien’s presence. The latter did not move, but kept
standing near the centre of the room in the place where the porter,
who had gone out and shut the door, had left him.
Ten minutes passed in this way: the badly dressed man kept on
writing all the time. Julien’s emotion and terror were so great that he
thought he was on the point of falling. A philosopher would have
said, possibly wrongly, “It is a violent impression made by ugliness
on a soul intended by nature to love the beautiful.”
The man who was writing lifted up his head. Julien only perceived
it after a moment had passed, and even after seeing it, he still
remained motionless, as though struck dead by the terrible look of
which he was the victim. Julien’s troubled eyes just managed to
make out a long face, all covered with red blotches except the
forehead, which manifested a mortal pallor. Two little black eyes,
calculated to terrify the most courageous, shone between these red
cheeks and that white forehead. The vast area of his forehead was
bounded by thick, flat, jet black hair.
“Will you come near, yes or no?” said the man at last, impatiently.
Julien advanced with an uneasy step, and at last, paler than he
had ever been in his life and on the point of falling, stopped three
paces from the little white wooden table which was covered with the
squares of paper.
“Nearer,” said the man.
Julien advanced still further, holding out his hand, as though trying
to lean on something.
“Your name?”
“Julien Sorel.”
“You are certainly very late,” said the man to him, as he rivetted
again on him that terrible gaze.
Julien could not endure this look. Holding out his hand as though
to support himself, he fell all his length along the floor.

The man rang. Julien had only lost the use of his eyes and the
power of movement. He heard steps approaching.
He was lifted up and placed on the little armchair of white wood.
He heard the terrible man saying to the porter,
“He has had an epileptic fit apparently, and this is the finishing
touch.”
When Julien was able to open his eyes, the man with the red face
was going on with his writing. The porter had disappeared. “I must
have courage,” said our hero to himself, “and above all, hide what I
feel.” He felt violently sick. “If anything happens to me, God knows
what they will think of me.”
Finally the man stopped writing and looked sideways at Julien.
“Are you in a fit state to answer me?”
“Yes, sir,” said Julien in an enfeebled voice.
“Ah, that’s fortunate.”
The man in black had half got up, and was looking impatiently for
a letter in the drawer of his pinewood table, which opened with a
grind. He found it, sat down slowly, and looking again at Julien in a
manner calculated to suck out of him the little life which he still
possessed, said,
“You have been recommended to me by M. Chélan. He was the
best curé in the diocese; he was an upright man if there ever was
one, and my friend for thirty years.”
“Oh. It’s to M. Pirard then that I have the honour of speaking?”
said Julien in a dying voice.
“Apparently,” replied the director of the seminary, as he looked at
him disagreeably.
The glitter of his little eyes doubled and was followed by an
involuntary movement of the muscles of the corner of the mouth. It
was the physiognomy of the tiger savouring in advance the pleasure
of devouring its prey.
“Chélan’s letter is short,” he said, as though speaking to himself.
“Intelligenti pauca. In the present time it is impossible to write too

little.” He read aloud:—
“I recommend to you Julien Sorel of this parish, whom I
baptized nearly twenty years ago, the son of a rich carpenter
who gives him nothing. Julien will be a remarkable worker in the
vineyard of the Lord. He lacks neither memory nor intelligence;
he has some faculty for reflection. Will he persevere in his
calling? Is he sincere?”
“Sincere,” repeated the abbé Pirard with an astonished air, looking
at Julien. But the abbé’s look was already less devoid of all humanity.
“Sincere,” he repeated, lowering his voice, and resuming his reading:
—
“I ask you for a stipend for Julien Sorel. He will earn it by
passing the necessary examinations. I have taught him a little
theology, that old and good theology of the Bossuets, the
Arnaults, and the Fleury’s. If the person does not suit you, send
him back to me. The director of the workhouse, whom you
know well, offers him eight hundred to be tutor to his children.
My inner self is tranquil, thanks to God. I am accustoming
myself to the terrible blow, ‘Vale et me ama.’”
The abbé Pirard, speaking more slowly as he read the signature,
pronounced with a sigh the word, “Chélan.”
“He is tranquil,” he said, “in fact his righteousness deserves such a
recompense. May God grant it to me in such a case.” He looked up
to heaven and made the sign of the cross. At the sight of that sacred
sign Julien felt an alleviation of the profound horror which had
frozen him since his entry into the house.
“I have here three hundred and twenty-one aspirants for the most
holy state,” said the abbé Pirard at last, in a tone, which though
severe, was not malicious; “only seven or eight have been
recommended to me by such men as the abbé Chélan; so you will
be the ninth of these among the three hundred and twenty-one. But

my protection means neither favour nor weakness, it means doubled
care, and doubled severity against vice. Go and lock that door.”
Julian made an effort to walk, and managed not to fall. He noticed
that a little window near the entrance door looked out on to the
country. He saw the trees; that sight did him as much good as the
sight of old friends.
“‘Loquerisne linquam latinam?’” (Do you speak Latin?) said the
abbé Pirard to him as he came back.
“‘Ita, pater optime,’” (Yes, excellent Father) answered Julien,
recovering himself a little. But it was certain that nobody in the
world had ever appeared to him less excellent than had M. Pirard for
the last half hour.
The conversation continued in Latin. The expression in the abbé’s
eyes softened. Julien regained some self-possession. “How weak I
am,” he thought, “to let myself be imposed on by these appearances
of virtue. The man is probably nothing more than a rascal, like M.
Maslon,” and Julien congratulated himself on having hidden nearly all
his money in his boots.
The abbé Pirard examined Julien in theology; he was surprised at
the extent of his knowledge, but his astonishment increased when
he questioned him in particular on sacred scriptures. But when it
came to questions of the doctrines of the Fathers, he perceived that
Julien scarcely even knew the names of Saint Jerome, Saint
Augustin, Saint Bonaventure, Saint Basile, etc., etc.
“As a matter of fact,” thought the abbé Pirard, “this is simply that
fatal tendency to Protestantism for which I have always reproached
Chélan. A profound, and only too profound knowledge of the Holy
Scriptures.”
(Julien had just started speaking to him, without being questioned
on the point, about the real time when Genesis, the Pentateuch,
etc., has been written).
“To what does this never-ending reasoning over the Holy
Scriptures lead to?” thought the abbé Pirard, “if not to self-
examination, that is to say, the most awful Protestantism. And by the

side of this imprudent knowledge, nothing about the Fathers to
compensate for that tendency.”
But the astonishment of the director of the seminary was quite
unbounded when having questioned Julien about the authority of
the Pope, and expecting to hear the maxims of the ancient Gallican
Church, the young man recited to him the whole book of M. de
Maistre “Strange man, that Chélan,” thought the abbé Pirard. “Did he
show him the book simply to teach him to make fun of it?”
It was in vain that he questioned Julien and endeavoured to guess
if he seriously believed in the doctrine of M. de Maistre. The young
man only answered what he had learnt by heart. From this moment
Julien was really happy. He felt that he was master of himself. After
a very long examination, it seemed to him that M. Pirard’s severity
towards him was only affected. Indeed, the director of the seminary
would have embraced Julien in the name of logic, for he found so
much clearness, precision and lucidity in his answers, had it not
been for the principles of austere gravity towards his theology pupils
which he had inculcated in himself for the last fifteen years.
“Here we have a bold and healthy mind,” he said to himself, “but
corpus debile” (the body is weak).
“Do you often fall like that?” he said to Julien in French, pointing
with his finger to the floor.
“It’s the first time in my life. The porter’s face unnerved me,”
added Julien, blushing like a child. The abbé Pirard almost smiled.
“That’s the result of vain worldly pomp. You are apparently
accustomed to smiling faces, those veritable theatres of falsehood.
Truth is austere, Monsieur, but is not our task down here also
austere? You must be careful that your conscience guards against
that weakness of yours, too much sensibility to vain external graces.”
“If you had not been recommended to me,” said the abbé Pirard,
resuming the Latin language with an obvious pleasure, “If you had
not been recommended by a man, by the abbé Chélan, I would talk
to you the vain language of that world, to which it would appear you
are only too well accustomed. I would tell you that the full stipend

which you solicit is the most difficult thing in the world to obtain. But
the fifty-six years which the abbé Chélan has spent in apostolic work
have stood him in poor stead if he cannot dispose of a stipend at the
seminary.”
After these words, the abbé Pirard recommended Julien not to
enter any secret society or congregation without his consent.
“I give you my word of honour,” said Julien, with all an honest
man’s expansion of heart. The director of the seminary smiled for
the first time.
“That expression is not used here,” he said to him. “It is too
reminiscent of that vain honour of worldly people, which leads them
to so many errors and often to so many crimes. You owe me
obedience by virtue of paragraph seventeen of the bull Unam
Eccesiam of St. Pius the Fifth. I am your ecclesiastical superior. To
hear in this house, my dear son, is to obey. How much money, have
you?”
(“So here we are,” said Julien to himself, “that was the reason of
the ‘my very dear son’).”
“Thirty-five francs, my father.”
“Write out carefully how you use that money. You will have to give
me an account of it.”
This painful audience had lasted three hours. Julien summoned
the porter.
“Go and install Julien Sorel in cell No. 103,” said the abbé Pirard to
the man.
As a great favour he let Julien have a place all to himself. “Carry
his box there,” he added.
Julien lowered his eyes, and recognised his box just in front of
him. He had been looking at it for three hours and had not
recognised it.
As he arrived at No. 103, which was a little room eight feet square
on the top story of the house, Julien noticed that it looked out on to

the ramparts, and he perceived beyond them the pretty plain which
the Doubs divides from the town.
“What a charming view!” exclaimed Julien. In speaking like this he
did not feel what the words actually expressed. The violent
sensations which he had experienced during the short time that he
had been at Besançon had absolutely exhausted his strength. He sat
down near the window on the one wooden chair in the cell, and fell
at once into a profound sleep. He did not hear either the supper bell
or the bell for benediction. They had forgotten him. When the first
rays of the sun woke him up the following morning, he found himself
lying on the floor.
CHAPTER XXVI
THE WORLD, OR WHAT THE RICH LACK
I am alone in the world. No one deigns to spare me a
thought. All those whom I see make their fortune, have an
insolence and hardness of heart which I do not feel in myself.
They hate me by reason of kindness and good-humour. Oh, I
shall die soon, either from starvation or the unhappiness of
seeing men so hard of heart.—Young.
He hastened to brush his clothes and run down. He was late.
Instead of trying to justify himself Julien crossed his arms over his
breast.
“Peccavi pater optime (I have sinned, I confess my fault, oh, my
father),” he said with a contrite air.
This first speech was a great success. The clever ones among the
seminarists saw that they had to deal with a man who knew

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