![them.[1311] By their expulsion, all this was destroyed at a blow, and
most of it was destroyed for ever. For, the Spanish Christians
considered such pursuits beneath their dignity. In their judgment,
war and religion were the only two avocations worthy of being
followed. To fight for the king, or to enter the Church was
honourable; but everything else was mean and sordid.[1312] When,
therefore, the Moriscoes were thrust out of Spain, there was no one
to fill their place; arts and manufactures either degenerated, or were
entirely lost, and immense regions of arable land were left
uncultivated. Some of the richest parts of Valencia and Granada
were so neglected, that means were wanting to feed even the
scanty population which remained there.[1313] Whole districts were
suddenly deserted, and down to the present day have never been
repeopled. These solitudes gave refuge to smugglers and brigands,
who succeeded the industrious inhabitants formerly occupying them;
and it is said, that from the expulsion of the Moriscoes is to be dated
the existence of those organized bands of robbers, which, after this
period, became the scourge of Spain, and which no subsequent
government has been able entirely to extirpate.[1314]
To these disastrous consequences, others were added, of a
different, and, if possible, of a still more serious kind. The victory
gained by the Church increased both her power and her reputation.
During the rest of the seventeenth century, not only were the
interests of the clergy deemed superior to the interests of laymen,
but the interests of laymen were scarcely thought of. The greatest
men, with hardly an exception, became ecclesiastics, and all
temporal considerations, all views of earthly policy, were despised
and set at nought. No one inquired; no one doubted; no one
presumed to ask if all this was right. The minds of men succumbed
and were prostrate. While every other country was advancing, Spain
alone was receding. Every other country was making some addition
to knowledge, creating some art, or enlarging some science. Spain,
numbed into a death-like torpor, spellbound and entranced by the
accursed superstition which preyed on her strength, presented to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-21-320.jpg)
![Europe a solitary instance of constant decay. For her, no hope
remained; and, before the close of the seventeenth century, the only
question was, by whose hands the blow should be struck, which
would dismember that once mighty empire, whose shadow had
covered the world, and whose vast remains were imposing even in
their ruin.
To indicate the different steps which mark the decline of Spain
would be hardly possible, since even the Spaniards, who, when it
was too late, were stung with shame, have abstained from writing
what would only be the history of their own humiliation; so that
there is no detailed account of the wretched reigns of Philip IV. and
Charles II., which together comprise a period of nearly eighty years.
[1315] Some facts, however, I have been able to collect, and they are
very significant. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the
population of Madrid was estimated to be 400,000; at the beginning
of the eighteenth century, less than 200,000.[1316] Seville, one of
the richest cities in Spain, possessed in the sixteenth century
upwards of sixteen thousand looms, which gave employment to a
hundred and thirty thousand persons.[1317] By the reign of Philip V.,
these sixteen thousand looms had dwindled away to less than three
hundred;[1318] and, in a report which the Cortes made to Philip IV.,
in 1662, it is stated that the city contained only a quarter of its
former number of inhabitants, and that even the vines and olives
cultivated in its neighbourhood, and which comprised a considerable
part of its wealth, were almost entirely neglected.[1319] Toledo, in
the middle of the sixteenth century, had upwards of fifty woollen
manufactories; in 1665, it had only thirteen, almost the whole of the
trade having been carried away by the Moriscoes, and established at
Tunis.[1320] Owing to the same cause, the art of manufacturing silk,
for which Toledo was celebrated, was entirely lost, and nearly forty
thousand persons, who depended on it, were deprived of their
means of support.[1321] Other branches of industry shared the same
fate. In the sixteenth century, and early in the seventeenth, Spain
enjoyed great repute for the manufacture of gloves, which were](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-22-320.jpg)
![made in enormous quantities, and shipped to many parts, being
particularly valued in England and France, and being also exported
to the Indies. But Martinez de Mata, who wrote in the year 1655,
assures us that at that time this source of wealth had disappeared;
the manufacture of gloves having quite ceased, though formerly, he
says, it had existed in every city in Spain.[1322] In the once-
flourishing province of Castile, every thing was going to ruin. Even
Segovia lost its manufactures, and retained nothing but the memory
of its former wealth.[1323] The decay of Burgos was equally rapid;
the trade of that famous city perished; and the deserted streets and
empty houses formed such a picture of desolation, that a
contemporary, struck by the havoc, emphatically declared that
Burgos had lost every thing except its name.[1324] In other districts,
the results were equally fatal. The beautiful provinces of the south,
richly endowed by nature, had formerly been so wealthy, that their
contributions alone sufficed, in time of need, to replenish the
imperial treasury; but they now deteriorated with such rapidity, that,
by the year 1640, it was found hardly possible to impose a tax on
them which would be productive.[1325] During the latter half of the
seventeenth century, matters became still worse, and the poverty
and wretchedness of the people surpass all description. In the
villages near Madrid, the inhabitants were literally famishing; and
those farmers who had a stock of food refused to sell it, because,
much as they needed money, they were apprehensive of seeing their
families perish around them. The consequence was, that the capital
was in danger of being starved; and ordinary threats producing no
effect, it was found necessary, in 1664, that the President of Castile,
with an armed force, and accompanied by the public executioner,
should visit the adjacent villages, and compel the inhabitants to
bring their supplies to the markets of Madrid.[1326] All over Spain,
the same destitution prevailed. That once rich and prosperous
country was covered with a rabble of monks and clergy, whose
insatiate rapacity absorbed the little wealth yet to be found. Hence it
happened, that the government, though almost penniless, could
obtain no supplies. The tax-gatherers, urged to make up the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-23-320.jpg)
![deficiency, adopted the most desperate expedients. They not only
seized the beds and all the furniture, but they unroofed the houses,
and sold the materials of the roof, for whatever they would fetch.
The inhabitants were forced to fly; the fields were left uncultivated;
vast multitudes died from want and exposure; entire villages were
deserted; and in many of the towns, upwards of two-thirds of the
houses were, by the end of the seventeenth century, utterly
destroyed.[1327]
In the midst of these calamities, the spirit and energy of Spain
were extinguished. In every department, all power and life
disappeared. The Spanish troops were defeated at Rocroy in 1643;
and several writers ascribe to that battle the destruction of the
military reputation of Spain.[1328] This, however, was only one of
many symptoms.[1329] In 1656, it was proposed to fit out a small
fleet; but the fisheries on the coast had so declined, that it was
found impossible to procure sailors enough to man even the few
ships which were required.[1330] The charts which had been made,
were either lost or neglected; and the ignorance of the Spanish
pilots became so notorious, that no one was willing to trust them.
[1331] As to the military service, it is stated, in an account of Spain,
late in the seventeenth century, that most of the troops had
deserted their colours, and that the few who were faithful were
clothed in rags, received no pay, and were dying of hunger.[1332]
Another account describes this once mighty kingdom as utterly
unprotected; the frontier towns ungarrisoned; the fortifications
dilapidated and crumbling away; the magazines without ammunition;
the arsenals empty; the workshops unemployed; and even the art of
building ships entirely lost.[1333]
While the country at large was thus languishing, as if it had been
stricken by some mortal distemper, the most horrible scenes were
occurring in the capital, under the eyes of the sovereign. The
inhabitants of Madrid were starving; and the arbitrary measures
which had been adopted to supply them with food, could only](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-24-320.jpg)
![produce temporary relief. Many persons fell down in the streets
exhausted, and died where they fell; others were seen in the public
highway evidently dying, but no one had wherewithal to feed them.
At length the people became desperate, and threw off all control. In
1680, not only the workmen of Madrid, but large numbers of the
tradesmen, organized themselves into bands, broke open private
houses, and robbed and murdered the inhabitants in the face of day.
[1334] During the remaining twenty years of the seventeenth century,
the capital was in a state, not of insurrection, but of anarchy. Society
was loosened, and seemed to be resolving itself into its elements. To
use the emphatic language of a contemporary, liberty and restraint
were equally unknown.[1335] The ordinary functions of the executive
government were suspended. The police of Madrid, unable to obtain
the arrears of their pay, disbanded, and gave themselves up to
rapine. Nor did there seem any means of remedying these evils. The
exchequer was empty, and it was impossible to replenish it. Such
was the poverty of the court, that money was wanting to pay the
wages of the king's private servants, and to meet the daily expenses
of his household.[1336] In 1693, payment was suspended of every
life-pension; and all officers and ministers of the crown were
mulcted of one-third of their salaries.[1337] Nothing, however, could
arrest the mischief. Famine and poverty continued to increase;[1338]
and, in 1699, Stanhope, the British minister then residing in Madrid,
writes, that never a day passed in which people were not killed in
the streets scuffling for bread; that his own secretary had seen five
women stifled to death by the crowd before a bakehouse; and that,
to swell the catalogue of misery, upwards of twenty thousand
additional beggars from the country had recently flocked into the
capital.[1339]
If this state of things had continued for another generation, the
wildest anarchy must have ensued, and the whole frame of society
been broken up.[1340] The only chance of saving Spain from a
relapse into barbarism, was that it should fall, and fall quickly, under
foreign dominion. Such a change was indispensable; and there was](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-25-320.jpg)
![reason to fear that it might come in a form which would have been
inexpressibly odious to the nation. For, late in the seventeenth
century, Ceuta was besieged by the Mohammedans; and as the
Spanish Government had neither troops nor ships, the greatest
apprehensions were entertained respecting the fate of this important
fortress; there being little doubt, that if it fell, Spain would be again
overrun by the infidels, who, this time, at least, would have found
little difficulty in dealing with a people weakened by suffering, half
famished, and almost worn out.[1341]
Fortunately, in the year 1700, when affairs were at their worst,
Charles II., the idiot king, died; and Spain fell into the hands of
Philip V., the grandson of Louis XIV. This change from the Austrian
dynasty to the Bourbon,[1342] brought with it many other changes.
Philip, who reigned from 1700 to 1746,[1343] was a Frenchman, not
only by birth and education, but also in feelings and habits.[1344]
Just before he entered Spain, Louis charged him never to forget that
he was a native of France, the throne of which he might some day
ascend.[1345] After he became king, he neglected the Spaniards,
despised their advice, and threw all the power he could command
into the hands of his own countrymen.[1346] The affairs of Spain
were now administered by subjects of Louis XIV., whose ambassador
at Madrid frequently performed the functions of prime minister.[1347]
What had once been the most powerful monarchy in the world,
became little else than a province of France; all important matters
being decided in Paris, from whence Philip himself received his
instructions.[1348]
The truth is, that Spain, broken and prostrate, was unable to
supply ability of any kind; and if the government of the country was
to be carried on, it was absolutely necessary that foreigners should
be called in.[1349] Even in 1682, that is, eighteen years before the
accession of Philip V., there was not to be found a single native well
acquainted with the art of war; so that Charles II. was obliged to
intrust the military defence of the Spanish Netherlands to De Grana,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-26-320.jpg)
![the Austrian ambassador at Madrid.[1350] When, therefore, the War
of the Succession broke out, in 1702, even the Spaniards themselves
desired that their troops should be commanded by a foreigner.[1351]
In 1704, the extraordinary spectacle was exhibited of the Duke of
Berwick, an Englishman, leading Spanish soldiers against the enemy,
and being in fact generalissimo of the Spanish army.[1352] The King
of Spain, dissatisfied with his proceedings, determined to remove
him; but, instead of filling his place with a native, he applied to Louis
XIV. for another general; and this important post was confided to
Marshal Tessé, a Frenchman.[1353] A little later, Berwick was again
summoned to Madrid, and ordered to put himself at the head of the
Spanish troops, and defend Estremadura and Castile.[1354] This he
effected with complete success; and, in the battle of Almansa, which
he fought in 1707, he overthrew the invaders, ruined the party of the
pretender Charles,[1355] and secured the seat of Philip on the
throne.[1356] As the war, however, still continued, Philip, in 1710,
wrote to Paris for another general, and requested that the Duke de
Vendôme might be sent to him.[1357] This able commander, on his
arrival, infused new vigour into the Spanish counsels, and utterly
defeated the allies;[1358] so that the war by which the independence
of Spain was established, owed its success to the ability of
foreigners, and to the fact that the campaigns were planned and
conducted, not by natives, but by French and English generals.
In the same way, the finances were, by the end of the
seventeenth century, in such deplorable confusion, that Portocarrero,
who at the accession of Philip V. was the nominal minister of Spain,
expressed a desire that they should be administered by some one
sent from Paris, who could restore them.[1359] He felt that no one in
Spain was equal to the task, and he was by no means singular in
this opinion. In 1701, Louville wrote to Torcy, that if a financier did
not soon arrive from France, there would shortly be no finances to
administer.[1360] The choice fell upon Orry, who reached Madrid in
the summer of 1701.[1361] He found everything in the most](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-27-320.jpg)
![miserable condition; and the incompetence of the Spaniards was so
obvious, that he was soon forced to undertake the management, not
only of the finances, but also of the war-department. To save
appearances, Canalez became the ostensible minister at war; but he,
being completely ignorant of affairs, merely performed the drudgery
of that office, the real duties of which were fulfilled by Orry himself.
[1362]
This dominion of the French continued, without interruption, until
the second marriage of Philip V., in 1714, and the death of Louis
XIV., in 1715, both of which events weakened their influence, and for
a time almost destroyed it. The authority, however, which they lost,
was transferred, not to Spaniards, but to other foreigners. Between
1714 and 1726, the two most powerful and conspicuous men in
Spain were Alberoni, an Italian, and Ripperda, a Dutchman.
Ripperda was dismissed in 1726;[1363] and after his fall, the affairs
of Spain were controlled by Konigseg, who was a German, and who,
indeed, was the Austrian ambassador residing at Madrid.[1364] Even
Grimaldo, who held office before and after the dismissal of Ripperda,
was a disciple of the French school, and had been brought up under
Orry.[1365] All this was not the result of accident, nor is it to be
ascribed to the caprice of the court. In Spain, the national spirit had
so died away, that none but foreigners, or men imbued with foreign
ideas, were equal to the duties of government. To the evidence
already quoted on this point, I will add two other testimonies.
Noailles, a very fair judge, and by no means prejudiced against the
Spaniards, emphatically stated, in 1710, that, notwithstanding their
loyalty, they were incapable of ruling, inasmuch as they were
ignorant both of war and of politics.[1366] In 1711, Bonnac mentions
that a resolution had been formed to place no Spaniard at the head
of affairs, because those hitherto employed had proved to be either
unfortunate or unfaithful.[1367]
The government of Spain being taken from the Spaniards, now
began to show some signs of vigour. The change was slight, but it](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-28-320.jpg)
![was in the right direction, though, as we shall presently see, it could
not regenerate Spain, owing to the unfavourable operation of
general causes. Still, the intention was good. For the first time,
attempts were made to vindicate the rights of laymen, and to
diminish the authority of ecclesiastics. Scarcely had the French
established their dominion, when they suggested that it might be
advisable to relieve the necessities of the state, by compelling the
clergy to give up some of the wealth which they had accumulated in
their churches.[1368] Even Louis XIV. insisted that the important
office of President of Castile should not be conferred on an
ecclesiastic, because, he said, in Spain the priests and monks had
already too much power.[1369] Orry, who for several years possessed
immense influence, exerted it in the same direction. He endeavoured
to lessen the immunities possessed by the clergy, in regard to
taxation, and also in regard to their exemption from lay jurisdiction.
He opposed the privilege of sanctuary; he sought to deprive
churches of their right of asylum. He even attacked the Inquisition,
and worked so powerfully on the mind of the king, that Philip, at one
time, determined to suspend that dreadful tribunal, and abolish the
office of grand inquisitor.[1370] This intention was very properly
abandoned; for there can be no doubt that if it had been enforced, it
would have caused a revolution, in which Philip would probably have
lost his crown.[1371] In such case, a reaction would have set in,
which would have left the Church stronger than ever. Many things,
however, were done for Spain in spite of the Spaniards.[1372] In
1707, the clergy were forced to contribute to the state a small part
of their enormous wealth; the tax being disguised under the name of
a loan.[1373] Ten years later, during the administration of Alberoni,
this disguise was thrown off; and not only did government exact
what was now called ‘the ecclesiastical tax,’ but it imprisoned or
exiled those priests who, refusing to pay, stood up for the privileges
of their order.[1374] This was a bold step to be taken in Spain, and it
was one on which, at that time, no Spaniard would have ventured.
Alberoni, however, as a foreigner, was unversed in the traditions of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-29-320.jpg)
![the country, which, indeed, on another memorable occasion, he set
at defiance. The government of Madrid, acting in complete unison
with public opinion, had always been unwilling to negotiate with
infidels; meaning by infidels every people whose religious notions
differed from their own. Sometimes, such negotiations were
unavoidable, but they were entered into with fear and trembling, lest
the pure Spanish faith should be tainted by too close a contact with
unbelievers. Even in 1698, when it was evident that the monarchy
was at its last gasp, and that nothing could save it from the hands of
the spoiler, the prejudice was so strong, that the Spaniards refused
to receive aid from the Dutch, because the Dutch were heretics. At
that time, Holland was in the most intimate relation with England,
whose interest it was to secure the independence of Spain against
the machinations of France. Obvious, however, as this was, the
Spanish theologians, being consulted respecting the proposal,
declared that it was inadmissible, since it would enable the Dutch to
propagate their religious opinions; so that, according to this view, it
was better to be subjugated by a Catholic enemy, than to be
assisted by a Protestant friend.[1375]
Still, much as the Spaniards hated Protestants, they hated
Mohammedans yet more.[1376] They could never forget how the
followers of that creed had once conquered nearly the whole of
Spain, and had, during several centuries, possessed the fairest
portion of it. The remembrance of this strengthened their religious
animosity, and caused them to be the chief supporters of nearly
every war which was waged against the Mohammedans, both of
Turkey and of Africa.[1377] But Alberoni, being a foreigner, was
unmoved by these considerations, and, to the astonishment of all
Spain, he, on the mere ground of political expediency, set at naught
the principles of the Church, and not only concluded an alliance with
the Mohammedans, but supplied them with arms and with money.
[1378] It is, indeed, true, that, in these and similar measures,
Alberoni opposed himself to the national will, and that he lived to
repent of his boldness. It is, however, also true, that his policy was](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-30-320.jpg)
![part of a great secular and anti-theological movement, which, during
the eighteenth century, was felt all over Europe. The effects of that
movement were seen in the government of Spain, but not in the
people. This was because the government for many years was
wielded by foreigners, or by natives imbued with a foreign spirit.
Hence we find that, during the greater part of the eighteenth
century, the politicians of Spain formed a class more isolated, and, if
I may so say, more living on their own intellectual resources, than
the politicians of any other country during the same period. That this
indicated a state of disease, and that no political improvement can
produce real good, unless it is desired by the people before being
conferred on them, will be admitted by whoever has mastered the
lessons which history contains. The results actually produced in
Spain, we shall presently see. But it will first be advisable that I
should give some further evidence of the extent to which the
influence of the Church had prostrated the national intellect, and by
discouraging all inquiry, and fettering all freedom of thought, had at
length reduced the country to such a plight, that the faculties of
men, rusted by disuse, were no longer equal to fulfil the functions
required from them; so that in every department, whether of
political life, or of speculative philosophy, or even of mechanical
industry, it was necessary that foreigners should be called in, to do
that work, which the natives had become unable to perform.
The ignorance in which the force of adverse circumstances had
sunk the Spaniards, and their inactivity, both bodily and mental,
would be utterly incredible, if it were not attested by every variety of
evidence. Gramont, writing from personal knowledge of the state of
Spain, during the latter half of the seventeenth century, describes
the upper classes as not only unacquainted with science or
literature, but as knowing scarcely any thing even of the commonest
events which occurred out of their own country. The lower ranks, he
adds, are equally idle, and rely upon foreigners to reap their wheat,
to cut their hay, and to build their houses.[1379] Another observer of
society, as it existed in Madrid in 1679, assures us that men, even of
the highest position, never thought it necessary that their sons](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-31-320.jpg)
![should study; and that those who were destined for the army could
not learn mathematics, if they desired to do so, inasmuch as there
were neither schools nor masters to teach them.[1380] Books, unless
they were books of devotion, were deemed utterly useless; no one
consulted them; no one collected them; and, until the eighteenth
century, Madrid did not possess a single public library.[1381] In other
cities professedly devoted to purposes of education, similar
ignorance prevailed. Salamanca was the seat of the most ancient
and most famous university in Spain, and there, if anywhere, we
might look for the encouragement of science.[1382] But De Torres,
who was himself a Spaniard, and was educated at Salamanca, early
in the eighteenth century, declares that he had studied at that
university for five years before he had heard that such things as the
mathematical sciences existed.[1383] So late as the year 1771, the
same university publicly refused to allow the discoveries of Newton
to be taught; and assigned as a reason, that the system of Newton
was not so consonant with revealed religion as the system of
Aristotle.[1384] All over Spain, a similar plan was adopted.
Everywhere, knowledge was spurned, and inquiry discouraged.
Feijoo, who, notwithstanding his superstition, and a certain
slavishness of mind, from which no Spaniard of that age could
escape, did, on matters of science, seek to enlighten his
countrymen, has left upon record his deliberate opinion, that
whoever had acquired all that was taught in his time under the
name of philosophy, would, as the reward of his labour, be more
ignorant than he was before he began.[1385] And there can be no
doubt that he was right. There can be no doubt that, in Spain, the
more a man was taught, the less he would know. For, he was taught
that inquiry was sinful, that intellect must be repressed, and that
credulity and submission were the first of human attributes. The
Duke de Saint Simon, who, in 1721 and 1722, was the French
ambassador at Madrid, sums up his observations by the remark,
that, in Spain, science is a crime, and ignorance a virtue.[1386] Fifty
years later, another shrewd observer, struck with amazement at the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-32-320.jpg)
![condition of the national mind, expresses his opinion in a sentence
equally pithy and almost equally severe. Searching for an illustration
to convey his sense of the general darkness, he emphatically says,
that the common education of an English gentleman would, in Spain,
constitute a man of learning.[1387]
Those who know what the common education of an English
gentleman was eighty years ago, will appreciate the force of this
comparison, and will understand how benighted a country must
have been, to which such a taunt was applicable. To expect that,
under such a state of things, the Spaniards should make any of the
discoveries which accelerate the march of nations, would be idle
indeed; for they would not even receive the discoveries, which other
nations had made for them, and had cast into the common lap. So
loyal and orthodox a people had nothing to do with novelties, which,
being innovations on ancient opinions, were fraught with danger.
The Spaniards desired to walk in the ways of their ancestors, and
not have their faith in the past rudely disturbed. In the inorganic
world, the magnificent discoveries of Newton were contumeliously
rejected; and, in the organic world, the circulation of the blood was
denied, more than a hundred and fifty years after Harvey had
proved it.[1388] These things were new, and it was better to pause a
little, and not receive them too hastily. On the same principle, when,
in the year 1760, some bold men in the government proposed that
the streets of Madrid should be cleansed, so daring a suggestion
excited general anger. Not only the vulgar, but even those who were
called educated, were loud in their censure. The medical profession,
as the guardians of the public health, were desired, by the
government, to give their opinion. This, they had no difficulty in
doing. They had no doubt that the dirt ought to remain. To remove
it, was a new experiment; and of new experiments, it was
impossible to foresee the issue. Their fathers having lived in the
midst of it, why should not they do the same? Their fathers were
wise men, and must have had good reasons for their conduct. Even
the smell, of which some persons complained, was most likely
wholesome. For, the air being sharp and piercing, it was extremely](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-33-320.jpg)
![probable that bad smells made the atmosphere heavy, and in that
way deprived it of some of its injurious properties. The physicians of
Madrid were, therefore, of opinion that matters had better remain as
their ancestors had left them, and that no attempts should be made
to purify the capital by removing the filth which lay scattered on
every side.[1389]
While such notions prevailed respecting the preservation of health,
[1390] it is hardly to be supposed that the treatment of disease
should be very successful. To bleed and to purge, were the only
remedies prescribed by the Spanish physicians.[1391] Their ignorance
of the commonest functions of the human body was altogether
surprising, and can only be explained on the supposition, that in
medicine, as in other departments, the Spaniards of the eighteenth
century knew no more than their progenitors of the sixteenth.
Indeed, in some respects, they appeared to know less. For, their
treatment was so violent, that it was almost certain death to submit
to it for any length of time.[1392] Their own king, Philip V., did not
dare to trust himself in their hands, but preferred having an
Irishman for his physician.[1393] Though the Irish had no great
medical reputation, anything was better than a Spanish doctor.[1394]
The arts incidental to medicine and surgery, were equally backward.
The instruments were rudely made, and the drugs badly prepared.
Pharmacy being unknown, the apothecaries' shops, in the largest
towns, were entirely supplied from abroad; while, in the smaller
towns, and in districts remote from the capital, the medicines were
of such a quality, that the best which could be hoped of them was,
that they might be innocuous. For, in the middle of the eighteenth
century, Spain did not possess one practical chemist. Indeed, we are
assured by Campomanes himself, that, so late as the year 1776,
there was not to be found in the whole country a single man who
knew how to make the commonest drugs, such as magnesia,
Glauber's salts, and the ordinary preparations of mercury and
antimony. This eminent statesman adds, however, that a chemical
laboratory was about to be established in Madrid; and although the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-34-320.jpg)
![enterprise, being without a precedent, would surely be regarded as
a portentous novelty, he expresses a confident expectation, that, by
its aid, the universal ignorance of his countrymen would in time be
remedied.[1395]
Whatever was useful in practice, or whatever subserved the
purposes of knowledge, had to come from abroad. Ensenada, the
well-known minister of Ferdinand VI., was appalled by the darkness
and apathy of the nation, which he tried, but tried in vain, to
remove. When he was at the head of affairs, in the middle of the
eighteenth century, he publicly declared that in Spain there was no
professorship of public law, or of physics, or of anatomy, or of
botany. He further added, that there were no good maps of Spain,
and that there was no person who knew how to construct them. All
the maps which they had, came from France and Holland. They
were, he said, very inaccurate; but the Spaniards, being unable to
make any, had nothing else to rely on. Such a state of things he
pronounced to be shameful. For, as he bitterly complained, if it were
not for the exertions of Frenchmen and Dutchmen, it would be
impossible for any Spaniard to know either the position of his own
town, or the distance from one place to another.[1396]
The only remedy for all this, seemed to be foreign aid; and Spain
being now ruled by a foreign dynasty, that aid was called in. Cervi
established the Medical Societies of Madrid and of Seville; Virgili
founded the College of Surgery at Cadiz; and Bowles endeavoured to
promote among the Spaniards the study of mineralogy.[1397]
Professors were sought for, far and wide; and application was made
to Linnæus to send a person from Sweden who could impart some
idea of botany to physiological students.[1398] Many other and
similar steps were taken by the government, whose indefatigable
exertions would deserve our warmest praise, if we did not know how
impossible it is for any government to enlighten a nation, and how
absolutely essential it is that the desire for improvement should, in
the first place, proceed from the people themselves. No progress is
real, unless it is spontaneous. The movement, to be effective, must](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-35-320.jpg)
![emanate from within, and not from without; it must be due to
general causes acting on the whole country, and not to the mere will
of a few powerful individuals. During the eighteenth century, all the
means of improvement were lavishly supplied to the Spaniards; but
the Spaniards did not want to improve. They were satisfied with
themselves; they were sure of the accuracy of their own opinions;
they were proud of the notions which they inherited, and which they
did not wish either to increase or to diminish. Being unable to doubt,
they were, therefore, unwilling to inquire. New and beautiful truths,
conveyed in the clearest and most attractive language, could
produce no effect upon men whose minds were thus hardened and
enslaved.[1399] An unhappy combination of events, working without
interruption since the fifth century, had predetermined the national
character in a particular direction, and neither statesmen, nor kings,
nor legislators, could effect aught against it. The seventeenth
century was, however, the climax of all. In that age, the Spanish
nation fell into a sleep, from which, as a nation, it has never since
awakened. It was a sleep, not of repose, but of death. It was a
sleep, in which the faculties, instead of being rested, were paralyzed,
and in which a cold and universal torpor succeeded that glorious,
though partial, activity, which, while it made the name of Spain
terrible in the world, had insured the respect even of her bitterest
enemies.
Even the fine arts, in which the Spaniards had formerly excelled,
partook of the general degeneracy, and, according to the confession
of their own writers, had, by the beginning of the eighteenth
century, fallen into complete decay.[1400] The arts which secure
national safety, were in the same predicament as those which
minister to national pleasure. There was no one in Spain who could
build a ship; there was no one who knew how to rig it, after it was
built. The consequence was, that, by the close of the seventeenth
century, the few ships which Spain possessed, were so rotten, that,
says an historian, they could hardly support the fire of their own
guns.[1401] In 1752, the government, being determined to restore](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-36-320.jpg)
![the navy, found it necessary to send to England for shipwrights; and
they were also obliged to apply to the same quarter for persons who
could make ropes and canvass; the skill of the natives being unequal
to such arduous achievements.[1402] In this way, the ministers of the
Crown, whose ability and vigour, considering the difficult
circumstances in which the incapacity of the people placed them,
were extremely remarkable, contrived to raise a fleet superior to any
which had been seen in Spain for more than a century.[1403] They
also took many other steps towards putting the national defences
into a satisfactory condition; though in every instance, they were
forced to rely on the aid of foreigners. Both the military and the
naval service were in utter confusion, and had to be organized
afresh. The discipline of the infantry was remodelled by O'Reilly, an
Irishman, to whose superintendence the military schools of Spain
were intrusted.[1404] At Cadiz, a great naval academy was formed,
but the head of it was Colonel Godin, a French officer.[1405] The
artillery, which like everything else, had become almost useless, was
improved by Maritz, the Frenchman; while the same service was
rendered to the arsenals by Gazola, the Italian.[1406]
The mines, which form one of the greatest natural sources of the
wealth of Spain, had likewise suffered from that ignorance and
apathy into which the force of circumstances had plunged the
country. They were either completely neglected, or if worked, they
were worked by other nations. The celebrated cobalt-mine, situated
in the valley of Gistan, in Aragon, was entirely in the hands of the
Germans, who, during the first half of the eighteenth century,
derived immense profit from it.[1407] In the same way, the silver-
mines of Guadalcanal, the richest in Spain, were undertaken, not by
natives, but by foreigners. Though they had been discovered in the
sixteenth century, they, as well as other matters of importance, had
been forgotten in the seventeenth, and were reopened, in 1728, by
English adventurers; the enterprise, the tools, the capital, and even
the miners, all coming from England.[1408] Another, and still more
famous, mine is that of Almaden in La Mancha, which produces](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-37-320.jpg)
![mercury of the finest quality, and in great profusion. This metal,
besides being indispensable for many of the commonest arts, was of
peculiar value to Spain, because without it the gold and silver of the
New World could not be extracted from their ores. From Almaden,
where every natural facility exists for collecting it, and where the
cinnibar in which it is found is unusually rich, vast supplies had
formerly been drawn; but they had for some time been diminishing,
although the demand, especially from foreign countries, was on the
increase. Under these circumstances, the Spanish government,
fearing that so important a source of wealth might altogether perish,
determined to institute an inquiry into the manner in which the mine
was worked. As, however, no Spaniard possessed the knowledge
requisite for such an investigation, the advisers of the Crown were
obliged to call on foreigners to help them. In 1752, an Irish
naturalist, named Bowles, was commissioned to visit Almaden, and
ascertain the cause of the failure. He found that the miners had
acquired a habit of sinking their shafts perpendicularly, instead of
following the direction of the vein.[1409] So absurd a process was
quite sufficient to account for their want of success; and Bowles
reported to the government, that if a shaft were to be sunk
obliquely, the mine would, no doubt, again be productive. The
government approved of the suggestion, and ordered it to be carried
into effect. But the Spanish miners were too tenacious of their old
customs to give way. They sank their shafts in the same manner as
their fathers had done; and what their fathers had done must be
right. The result was, that the mine had to be taken out of their
hands; but as Spain could supply no other labourers, it was
necessary to send to Germany for fresh ones.[1410] After their
arrival, matters rapidly improved. The mine, being superintended by
an Irishman, and worked by Germans, assumed quite a different
appearance; and, notwithstanding the disadvantages with which
new comers always have to contend, the immediate consequence of
the change was, that the yield of mercury was doubled, and its cost
to the consumer correspondingly lowered.[1411]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-38-320.jpg)
![Such ignorance, pervading the whole nation, and extending to
every department of life, is hardly conceivable, considering the
immense advantages which the Spaniards had formerly enjoyed. It is
particularly striking, when contrasted with the ability of the
government, which, for more than eighty years, constantly laboured
to improve the condition of the country. Early in the eighteenth
century, Ripperda, in the hopes of stimulating Spanish industry,
established a large woollen manufactory at Segovia, which had once
been a busy and prosperous city. But the commonest processes had
now been forgotten; and he was obliged to import manufacturers
from Holland, to teach the Spaniards how to make up the wool,
though that was an art for which in better days they had been
especially famous.[1412] In 1757, Wall, who was then minister,
constructed, upon a still larger scale, a similar manufactory at
Guadalajara in New Castile. Soon, however, something went wrong
with the machinery; and as the Spaniards neither knew nor cared
anything about these matters, it was necessary to send to England
for a workman to put it right.[1413] At length the advisers of Charles
III., despairing of rousing the people by ordinary means, devised a
more comprehensive scheme, and invited thousands of foreign
artisans to settle in Spain; trusting that their example, and the
suddenness of their influx might invigorate this jaded nation.[1414]
All was in vain. The spirit of the country was broken, and nothing
could retrieve it. Among other attempts which were made, the
formation of a National Bank was a favourite idea of politicians, who
expected great things from an institution which was to extend credit,
and make advances to persons engaged in business. But, though the
design was executed, it entirely failed in effecting its purpose. When
the people are not enterprising, no effort of government can make
them so. In a country like Spain, a great bank was an exotic, which
might live with art, but could never thrive by nature. Indeed, both in
its origin and in its completion, it was altogether foreign, having
been first proposed by the Dutchman Ripperda,[1415] and owing its
final organization to the Frenchman Cabarrus.[1416]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-39-320.jpg)
![In everything, the same law prevailed. In diplomacy, the ablest
men were not Spaniards, but foreigners; and during the eighteenth
century the strange spectacle was frequently exhibited, of Spain
being represented by French, Italian, and even Irish ambassadors.
[1417] Nothing was indigenous; nothing was done by Spain herself.
Philip V., who reigned from 1700 to 1746, and possessed immense
power, always clung to the ideas of his own country, and was a
Frenchman to the last. For thirty years after his death, the three
most prominent names in Spanish politics were, Wall, who was born
in France, of Irish parents;[1418] Grimaldi, who was a native of
Genoa; [1419] and Esquilache, who was a native of Sicily.[1420]
Esquilache administered the finances for several years; and, after
enjoying the confidence of Charles III. to an extent rarely possessed
by any minister, was only dismissed, in 1766, in consequence of the
discontents of the people at the innovations introduced by this bold
foreigner.[1421] Wall, a much more remarkable man, was, in the
absence of any good Spanish diplomatist, sent envoy to London in
1747; and after exercising great influence in matters of state, he
was placed at the head of affairs in 1754, and remained supreme till
1763.[1422] When this eminent Irishman relinquished office, he was
succeeded by the Genoese, Grimaldi, who ruled Spain from 1763 to
1777, and was entirely devoted to the French views of policy.[1423]
His principal patron was Choiseul, who had imbued him with his own
notions, and by whose advice he was chiefly guided.[1424] Indeed,
Choiseul, who was then the first minister in France, used to boast,
with exaggeration, but not without a considerable amount of truth,
that his influence in Madrid was even greater than it was in
Versailles.[1425]
However this may be, it is certain that four years after Grimaldi
took office, the ascendency of France was exhibited in a remarkable
way. Choiseul, who hated the Jesuits, and had just expelled them
from France, endeavoured also to expel them from Spain.[1426] The
execution of the plan was confided to Aranda, who, though a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-40-320.jpg)
![Spaniard by birth, derived his intellectual culture from France, and
had contracted, in the society of Paris, an intense hatred of every
form of ecclesiastical power.[1427] The scheme, secretly prepared,
was skilfully accomplished.[1428] In 1767, the Spanish government,
without hearing what the Jesuits had to say in their defence, and
indeed, without giving them the least notice, suddenly ordered their
expulsion; and with such animosity were they driven from the
country, in which they sprung up, and had long been cherished, that
not only was their wealth confiscated, and they themselves reduced
to a wretched pittance, but even that was directed to be taken from
them, if they published anything in their own vindication; while it
was also declared that whoever ventured to write respecting them,
should, if we were a subject of Spain, be put to death, as one guilty
of high treason.[1429]
Such boldness on the part of the government[1430] caused even
the Inquisition to tremble. That once omnipotent tribunal,
threatened and suspected by the civil authorities, became more wary
in its proceedings, and more tender in its treatment of heretics.
Instead of extirpating unbelievers by hundreds or by thousands, it
was reduced to such pitiful straits, that between 1746 and 1759, it
was only able to burn ten persons; and between 1759 and 1788,
only four persons.[1431] The extraordinary diminution during the
latter period, was partly owing to the great authority wielded by
Aranda, the friend of the encyclopædists and of other French
sceptics. This remarkable man was President of Castile till 1773,
[1432] and he issued an order forbidding the Inquisition to interfere
with the civil courts.[1433] He also formed a scheme for entirely
abolishing it; but his plan was frustrated, owing to its premature
announcement by his friends in Paris, to whom it had been confided.
[1434] His views, however, were so far successful, that after 1781,
there is no instance in Spain of a heretic being burned; the
Inquisition being too terrified by the proceedings of government to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-41-320.jpg)
![do anything which might compromise the safety of the Holy
Institution.[1435]
In 1777, Grimaldi, one of the chief supporters of that anti-
theological policy which France introduced into Spain, ceased to be
Minister; but he was succeeded by Florida Blanca, who was his
creature, and to whom he transmitted his policy as well as his power.
[1436] The progress, therefore, of political affairs continued in the
same direction. Under the new minister, as under his immediate
predecessors, a determination was shown to abridge the authority of
the Church, and to vindicate the rights of laymen. In everything, the
ecclesiastical interests were treated as subordinate to the secular. Of
this, many instances might be given; but one is too important to be
omitted. We have seen, that early in the eighteenth century,
Alberoni, when at the head of affairs, was guilty of what in Spain
was deemed the enormous offence of contracting an alliance with
Mohammedans; and there can be no doubt that this was one of the
chief causes of his fall, since it was held, that no prospect of mere
temporal advantages could justify an union, or even a peace,
between a Christian nation and a nation of unbelievers.[1437] But the
Spanish government, which, owing to the causes I have related, was
far in advance of Spain itself, was gradually becoming bolder, and
growing more and more disposed to force upon the country, views,
which, abstractedly considered, where extremely enlightened, but
which the popular mind was unable to receive. The result was, that,
in 1782, Florida Blanca concluded a treaty with Turkey, which put an
end to the war of religious opinions; to the astonishment, as we are
told, of the other European powers, who could hardly believe that
the Spaniards would thus abandon their long-continued efforts to
destroy the infidels.[1438] Before, however, Europe had time to
recover from its amazement, other and similar events occurred
equally startling. In 1784, Spain signed a peace with Tripoli; and in
1785, one with Algiers.[1439] And scarcely had these been ratified,
when, in 1786, a treaty was also concluded with Tunis.[1440] So that
the Spanish people to their no small surprise, found themselves on](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/19204511-250520083902-e4ffad4d/85/Cobit-2019-Design-Guide-Designing-An-Information-And-Technology-Governance-Solution-Isaca-42-320.jpg)
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- 5. DESIGN GUIDE DesigninganInformation andTechnology GovernanceSolution Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 6. About ISACA Nearing its 50th year, ISACA® (isaca.org) is a global association helping individuals and enterprises achieve the positive potential of technology. Technology powers today’s world and ISACA equips professionals with the knowledge, credentials, education and community to advance their careers and transform their organizations. ISACA leverages the expertise of its half-million engaged professionals in information and cyber security, governance, assurance, risk and innovation, as well as its enterprise performance subsidiary, CMMI® Institute, to help advance innovation through technology. ISACA has a presence in more than 188 countries, including more than 217 chapters and offices in both the United States and China. Disclaimer ISACA has designed and created COBIT® 2019 Design Guide: Designing an Information and Technology Governance Solution (the “Work”) primarily as an educational resource for enterprise governance of information and technology (EGIT), assurance, risk and security professionals. ISACA makes no claim that use of any of the Work will assure a successful outcome. The Work should not be considered inclusive of all proper information, procedures and tests or exclusive of other information, procedures and tests that are reasonably directed to obtaining the same results. In determining the propriety of any specific information, procedure or test, enterprise governance of information and technology (EGIT), assurance, risk and security professionals should apply their own professional judgment to the specific circumstances presented by the particular systems or information technology environment. Copyright © 2018 ISACA. All rights reserved. For usage guidelines, see www.isaca.org/COBITuse. ISACA 1700 E. Golf Road, Suite 400 Schaumburg, IL 60173, USA Phone: +1.847.660.5505 Fax: +1.847.253.1755 Contact us: https://support.isaca.org Website: www.isaca.org Participate in the ISACA Online Forums: https://engage.isaca.org/onlineforums Twitter: http://twitter.com/ISACANews LinkedIn: http://linkd.in/ISACAOfficial Facebook: www.facebook.com/ISACAHQ Instagram: www.instagram.com/isacanews/ COBIT® 2019 DESIGN GUIDE 2 COBIT® 2019 Design Guide: Designing an Information and Technology Governance Solution ISBN 978-1-60420-765-1 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 7. 3 IN MEMORIAM: JOHN LAINHART (1946-2018) In Memoriam: John Lainhart (1946-2018) Dedicated to John Lainhart, ISACA Board chair 1984-1985. John was instrumental in the creation of the COBIT® framework and most recently served as chair of the working group for COBIT® 2019, which culminated in the creation of this work. Over his four decades with ISACA, John was involved in numerous aspects of the association as well as holding ISACA’s CISA, CRISC, CISM and CGEIT certifications. John leaves behind a remarkable personal and professional legacy, and his efforts significantly impacted ISACA. Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 8. COBIT® 2019 DESIGN GUIDE Page intentionally left blank 4 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 9. Acknowledgments ISACA wishes to recognize: COBIT Working Group (2017-2018) John Lainhart, Chair, CISA, CRISC, CISM, CGEIT, CIPP/G, CIPP/US, Grant Thornton, USA Matt Conboy, Cigna, USA Ron Saull, CGEIT, CSP, Great-West Lifeco & IGM Financial (retired), Canada Development Team Steven De Haes, Ph.D., Antwerp Management School, University of Antwerp, Belgium Matthias Goorden, PwC, Belgium Stefanie Grijp, PwC, Belgium Bart Peeters, PwC, Belgium Geert Poels, Ph.D., Ghent University, Belgium Dirk Steuperaert, CISA, CRISC, CGEIT, IT In Balance, Belgium Expert Reviewers Floris Ampe, CISA, CRISC, CGEIT, CIA, ISO27000, PRINCE2, TOGAF, PwC, Belgium Graciela Braga, CGEIT, Auditor and Advisor, Argentina James L. Golden, Golden Consulting Associates, USA J. Winston Hayden, CISA, CRISC, CISM, CGEIT, South Africa Abdul Rafeq, CISA, CGEIT, FCA, Managing Director, Wincer Infotech Limited, India Jo Stewart-Rattray, CISA, CRISC, CISM, CGEIT, FACS CP, BRM Holdich, Australia ISACA Board of Directors Rob Clyde, CISM, Clyde Consulting LLC, USA, Chair Brennan Baybeck, CISA, CRISC, CISM, CISSP, Oracle Corporation, USA, Vice-Chair Tracey Dedrick, Former Chief Risk Officer with Hudson City Bancorp, USA Leonard Ong, CISA, CRISC, CISM, CGEIT, COBIT 5 Implementer and Assessor, CFE, CIPM, CIPT, CISSP, CITBCM, CPP, CSSLP, GCFA, GCIA, GCIH, GSNA, ISSMP-ISSAP, PMP, Merck & Co., Inc., Singapore R.V. Raghu, CISA, CRISC, Versatilist Consulting India Pvt. Ltd., India Gabriela Reynaga, CISA, CRISC, COBIT 5 Foundation, GRCP, Holistics GRC, Mexico Gregory Touhill, CISM, CISSP, Cyxtera Federal Group, USA Ted Wolff, CISA, Vanguard, Inc., USA Tichaona Zororo, CISA, CRISC, CISM, CGEIT, COBIT 5 Assessor, CIA, CRMA, EGIT | Enterprise Governance of IT (Pty) Ltd, South Africa Theresa Grafenstine, CISA, CRISC, CGEIT, CGAP, CGMA, CIA, CISSP, CPA, Deloitte & Touche LLP, USA, ISACA Board Chair, 2017-2018 Chris K. Dimitriadis, Ph.D., CISA, CRISC, CISM, INTRALOT, Greece, ISACA Board Chair, 2015-2017 Matt Loeb, CGEIT, CAE, FASAE, Chief Executive Officer, ISACA, USA Robert E Stroud (1965-2018), CRISC, CGEIT, XebiaLabs, Inc., USA, ISACA Board Chair, 2014-2015 ISACA is deeply saddened by the passing of Robert E Stroud in September 2018. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 5 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 10. COBIT® 2019 DESIGN GUIDE Page intentionally left blank 6 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 11. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures..................................................................................................................................................11 Part I. Design Process ...........................................................................................................................15 Chapter 1. Introduction and Purpose.......................................................................................15 1.1 Governance Systems ....................................................................................................................................15 1.2 Structure of This Publication ........................................................................................................................15 1.3 Target Audience for This Publication ...........................................................................................................16 1.4 Related Guidance: COBIT® 2019 Implementation Guide ...............................................................................16 Chapter 2. Basic Concepts: Governance System and Components..........17 2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................17 2.2 Governance and Management Objectives ......................................................................................................18 2.3 Components of the Governance System ........................................................................................................20 2.4 Focus Areas .................................................................................................................................................20 2.5 Capability Levels .........................................................................................................................................20 2.6 Design Factors .............................................................................................................................................21 2.6.1 Why is There no Industry Sector Design Factor? ....................................................................................28 Chapter 3. Impact of Design Factors.......................................................................................29 3.1 Impact of Design Factors..............................................................................................................................29 Chapter 4. Designing a Tailored Governance System.............................................31 4.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................31 4.2 Step 1: Understand the Enterprise Context and Strategy................................................................................32 4.2.1 Understand Enterprise Strategy .............................................................................................................32 4.2.2 Understand Enterprise Goals.................................................................................................................32 4.2.3 Understand the Risk Profile ..................................................................................................................33 4.2.4 Understand Current I&T-Related Issues .................................................................................................33 4.2.5 Conclusion ..........................................................................................................................................33 4.3 Step 2: Determine the Initial Scope of the Governance System......................................................................33 4.3.1 Translating Design Factors into Governance and Management Priorities ..................................................34 4.3.2 Consider Enterprise Strategy (Design Factor 1) ......................................................................................34 4.3.3 Consider Enterprise Goals and Apply the COBIT Goals Cascade (Design Factor 2)...................................35 4.3.4 Consider the Risk Profile of the Enterprise (Design Factor 3) ..................................................................36 4.3.5 Consider Current I&T-Related Issues of the Enterprise (Design Factor 4).................................................36 4.3.6 Conclusion ..........................................................................................................................................36 4.4 Step 3: Refine the Scope of the Governance System......................................................................................37 4.4.1 Consider the Threat Landscape (Design Factor 5) ...................................................................................37 4.4.2 Consider Compliance Requirements (Design Factor 6)............................................................................38 4.4.3 Consider the Role of IT (Design Factor 7)..............................................................................................38 4.4.4 Consider the Sourcing Model for IT (Design Factor 8) ............................................................................39 4.4.5 Consider IT Implementation Methods (Design Factor 9) .........................................................................39 4.4.6 Consider the Technology Adoption Strategy (Design Factor 10)...............................................................40 4.4.7 Consider Enterprise Size (Design Factor 11) ..........................................................................................41 4.4.8 Conclusion ..........................................................................................................................................41 4.5 Step 4: Resolve Conflicts and Conclude the Governance System Design .......................................................41 4.5.1 Resolve Inherent Priority Conflicts........................................................................................................42 4.5.1.1 Purpose.....................................................................................................................................42 4.5.1.2 Resolution Strategies .................................................................................................................42 4.5.1.3 Resolution Approach..................................................................................................................43 TABLE OF CONTENTS 7 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. 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- 12. COBIT® 2019 DESIGN GUIDE 4.5.2 Conclude the Governance System Design...............................................................................................43 4.5.2.1 Concluding the Design ...............................................................................................................43 4.5.2.2 Sustaining the Governance System..............................................................................................44 Chapter 5. Connecting With the COBIT® 2019 Implementation Guide ................45 5.1 Purpose of the COBIT® 2019 Implementation Guide .....................................................................................45 5.2 COBIT Implementation Approach.................................................................................................................45 5.2.1 Phase 1—What Are the Drivers? ...........................................................................................................46 5.2.2 Phase 2—Where Are We Now?..............................................................................................................46 5.2.3 Phase 3—Where Do We Want to Be? .....................................................................................................47 5.2.4 Phase 4—What Needs to Be Done? .......................................................................................................47 5.2.5 Phase 5—How Do We Get There? .........................................................................................................47 5.2.6 Phase 6—Did We Get There? ................................................................................................................47 5.2.7 Phase 7—How Do We Keep the Momentum Going?................................................................................47 5.3 Relationship Between COBIT Design Guide and COBIT Implementation Guide.............................................47 Part II. Execution and Examples ...................................................................................................51 Chapter 6. The Governance System Design Toolkit.................................................51 6.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................51 6.2 Toolkit Basics ..............................................................................................................................................51 6.3 Step 1 and Step 2: Determine the Initial Scope of the Governance System.....................................................52 6.3.1 Enterprise Strategy (Design Factor 1) ....................................................................................................52 6.3.2 Enterprise Goals and Applying the COBIT Goals Cascade (Design Factor 2) ............................................53 6.3.3 Risk Profile of the Enterprise (Design Factor 3) .....................................................................................54 6.3.4 Current I&T-Related Issues of the Enterprise (Design Factor 4)...............................................................55 6.3.5 Conclusion ..........................................................................................................................................56 6.4 Step 3: Refine the Scope of the Governance System......................................................................................58 6.4.1 Threat Landscape (Design Factor 5) ......................................................................................................59 6.4.2 Compliance Requirements (Design Factor 6)..........................................................................................60 6.4.3 Role of IT (Design Factor 7) .................................................................................................................61 6.4.4 Sourcing Model for IT (Design Factor 8) ...............................................................................................62 6.4.5 IT Implementation Methods (Design Factor 9) .......................................................................................63 6.4.6 Technology Adoption Strategy (Design Factor 10) ..................................................................................64 6.4.7 Enterprise Size (Design Factor 11) ........................................................................................................65 6.4.8 Conclusion ..........................................................................................................................................65 Chapter 7. Examples ................................................................................................................................67 7.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................67 7.2 Example 1: Manufacturing Enterprise...........................................................................................................67 7.2.1 Step 1: Understand the Enterprise Context and Strategy ..........................................................................67 7.2.2 Step 2: Determine the Initial Scope of the Governance System ................................................................71 7.2.3 Step 3: Refine the Scope of the Governance System................................................................................80 7.2.4 Step 4: Conclude the Governance Solution Design..................................................................................89 7.2.4.1 Governance and Management Objectives.....................................................................................89 7.2.4.2 Other Components .....................................................................................................................91 7.2.4.3 Specific Focus Area Guidance ....................................................................................................91 7.3 Example 2: Medium-Sized Innovative Company ...........................................................................................92 7.3.1 Step 1: Understand the Enterprise Context and Strategy ..........................................................................92 7.3.2 Step 2: Determine the Initial Scope of the Governance System ................................................................96 7.3.3 Step 3: Refine the Scope of the Governance System..............................................................................105 7.3.4 Step 4: Conclude the Governance Solution Design ................................................................................115 7.3.4.1 Governance and Management Objectives ...................................................................................115 7.3.4.2 Other Components ...................................................................................................................117 7.3.4.3 Specific Focus Area Guidance...................................................................................................118 7.4 Example 3: High-Profile Government Agency.............................................................................................118 7.4.1 Step 1: Understand the Enterprise Context and Strategy ........................................................................119 7.4.2 Step 2: Determine the Initial Scope of the Governance System ..............................................................123 8 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. 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- 13. 7.4.3 Step 3: Refine the Scope of the Governance System..............................................................................131 7.4.4 Step 4: Conclude the Governance Solution Design................................................................................132 7.4.4.1 Governance and Management Objectives ...................................................................................132 7.4.4.2 Other Components ...................................................................................................................134 7.4.4.3 Specific Focus Area Guidance...................................................................................................135 Appendices......................................................................................................................................................137 Appendix A: Mapping Table—Enterprise Strategies to Governance and Management Objectives.......................137 Appendix B: Mapping Table—Enterprise Goals to Alignment Goals .................................................................139 Appendix C: Mapping Table—Alignment Goals to Governance and Management Objectives.............................140 Appendix D: Mapping Table—IT Risk to Governance and Management Objectives...........................................141 Appendix E: Mapping Table—IT-Related Issues to Governance and Management Objectives ............................143 Appendix F: Mapping Table—Threat Landscape to Governance and Management Objectives ............................145 Appendix G: Mapping Table—Compliance Requirements to Governance and Management Objectives ..............146 Appendix H: Mapping Table—Role of IT to Governance and Management Objectives ......................................147 Appendix I: Mapping Table—Sourcing Model for IT to Governance and Management Objectives .....................148 Appendix J: Mapping Table—IT Implementation Methods to Governance and Management Objectives ............149 Appendix K: Mapping Table—Technology Adoption Strategies to Governance and Management Objectives......150 TABLE OF CONTENTS 9 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
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- 15. LIST OF FIGURES Part I. Design Process Chapter 2. Basic Concepts: Governance System and Components Figure 2.1—COBIT Overview ...........................................................................................................................................................17 Figure 2.2—COBIT Core Model........................................................................................................................................................19 Figure 2.3—Capability Levels for Processes......................................................................................................................................21 Figure 2.4—COBIT Design Factors ...................................................................................................................................................22 Figure 2.5—Enterprise Strategy Design Factor..................................................................................................................................22 Figure 2.6—Enterprise Goals Design Factor......................................................................................................................................22 Figure 2.7—Risk Profile Design Factor (IT Risk Categories)............................................................................................................23 Figure 2.8—I&T-Related Issues Design Factor..................................................................................................................................26 Figure 2.9—Threat Landscape Design Factor....................................................................................................................................26 Figure 2.10—Compliance Requirements Design Factor....................................................................................................................27 Figure 2.11—Role of IT Design Factor ..............................................................................................................................................27 Figure 2.12—Sourcing Model for IT Design Factor ..........................................................................................................................27 Figure 2.13—IT Implementation Methods Design Factor..................................................................................................................27 Figure 2.14—Technology Adoption Strategy Design Factor..............................................................................................................28 Figure 2.15—Enterprise Size Design Factor ......................................................................................................................................28 Chapter 3. Impact of Design Factors Figure 3.1—Impact of Design Factors on Governance System..........................................................................................................29 Chapter 4. Designing a Tailored Governance System Figure 4.1—Governance System Design Workflow...........................................................................................................................31 Figure 4.2—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Enterprise Strategy Design Factor ...............................34 Figure 4.3—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Threat Landscape Design Factor..................................37 Figure 4.4—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Compliance Requirements Design Factor....................38 Figure 4.5—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Role of IT Design Factor..............................................38 Figure 4.6—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Sourcing Model for IT Design Factor..........................39 Figure 4.7—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to IT Implementation Methods Design Factor.................40 Figure 4.8—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Technology Adoption Strategy Design Factor .............40 Figure 4.9—Governance and Management Objectives Priority Mapped to Enterprise Size Design Factor......................................41 Figure 4.10—Governance System Design Step 4—Conclusion ........................................................................................................42 Chapter 5. Connecting With the COBIT® 2019 Implementation Guide Figure 5.1—COBIT Implementation Roadmap..................................................................................................................................46 Figure 5.2—Connection Points Between COBIT Design Guide and COBIT Implementation Guide...............................................48 Part II. Execution and Examples Chapter 7. Examples Figure 7.1—Example 1, Step 1.1: Enterprise Strategy.......................................................................................................................67 Figure 7.2—Example 1, Step 1.2: Enterprise Goals...........................................................................................................................68 Figure 7.3—Example 1, Step 1.3: Risk Profile...................................................................................................................................69 Figure 7.4—Example 1, Step 1.4: I&T-Related Issues.......................................................................................................................70 Figure 7.5—Example 1, Step 2.1: Enterprise Strategy.......................................................................................................................71 Figure 7.6—Example 1, Step 2.1: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 1 Enterprise Strategy .........................................................................................................................................................72 Figure 7.7—Example 1, Step 2.2: Enterprise Goals...........................................................................................................................73 Figure 7.8—Example 1, Step 2.2: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 2 Enterprise Goals .............................................................................................................................................................74 Figure 7.9—Example 1, Step 2.3: Risk Profile...................................................................................................................................75 LIST OF FIGURES 11 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. 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- 16. COBIT® 2019 DESIGN GUIDE Figure 7.10—Example 1, Step 2.3: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 3 Risk Profile 76 Figure 7.11—Example 1, Step 2.4: I&T-Related Issues.....................................................................................................................77 Figure 7.12—Example 1, Step 2.4: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 4 I&T-Related Issues .......................................................................................................................................................78 Figure 7.13—Example 1, Step 2.5: Initial Design Summary of Governance and Management Objectives Importance...................79 Figure 7.14—Example 1 Tailored Version of Governance System ....................................................................................................80 Figure 7.15—Example 1, Step 3.1: Threat Landscape .......................................................................................................................82 Figure 7.16—Example 1, Step 3.1: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 5 Threat Landscape..........................................................................................................................................................82 Figure 7.17—Example 1, Step 3.2: Compliance Requirements .........................................................................................................83 Figure 7.18—Example 1, Step 3.2: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 6 Compliance Requirements............................................................................................................................................84 Figure 7.19—Example 1, Step 3.3: Role of IT...................................................................................................................................84 Figure 7.20—Example 1, Step 3.3: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 7 Role of IT...85 Figure 7.21—Example 1, Step 3.4: Sourcing Model for IT ...............................................................................................................86 Figure 7.22—Example 1, Step 3.4: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 8 Sourcing Model for IT..................................................................................................................................................86 Figure 7.23—Example 1, Step 3.5: IT Implementation Methods.......................................................................................................87 Figure 7.24—Example 1, Step 3.5: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 9 IT Implementation Methods .........................................................................................................................................87 Figure 7.25—Example 1, Step 3.6: Technology Adoption Strategy..................................................................................................88 Figure 7.26—Example 1, Step 3.6: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 10 Technology Adoption Strategy .....................................................................................................................................88 Figure 7.27—Example 1, Step 4: Governance and Management Objectives Importance (All Design Factors)................................89 Figure 7.28—Example 1, Governance and Management Objectives and Target Process Capability Levels.....................................90 Figure 7.29—Example 2, Step 1.1: Enterprise Strategy.....................................................................................................................92 Figure 7.30—Example 2, Step 1.2: Enterprise Goals.........................................................................................................................93 Figure 7.31—Example 2, Step 1.3: Risk Profile.................................................................................................................................94 Figure 7.32—Example 2, Step 1.4: I&T-Related Issues.....................................................................................................................95 Figure 7.33—Example 2, Step 2.1: Enterprise Strategy.....................................................................................................................96 Figure 7.34—Example 2, Step 2.1: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 1 Enterprise Strategy .......................................................................................................................................................97 Figure 7.35—Example 2, Step 2.2: Enterprise Goals.........................................................................................................................98 Figure 7.36—Example 2, Step 2.2: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 2 Enterprise Goals ...........................................................................................................................................................99 Figure 7.37—Example 2, Step 2.3: Risk Profile...............................................................................................................................100 Figure 7.38—Example 2, Step 2.3: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 3 Risk Profile.......101 Figure 7.39—Example 2, Step 2.4: I&T-Related Issues...................................................................................................................102 Figure 7.40—Example 2, Step 2.4: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 4 I&T-Related Issues .....................................................................................................................................................103 Figure 7.41—Example 2, Step 2.5: Initial Design Summary of Governance and Management Objectives Importance.................104 Figure 7.42—Governance System Scope Refinement Table Applied to Example 2........................................................................105 Figure 7.43—Example 2, Step 3.1: Threat Landscape .....................................................................................................................107 Figure 7.44—Example 2, Step 3.1: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 5 Threat Landscape........................................................................................................................................................107 Figure 7.45—Example 2, Step 3.2: Compliance Requirements .......................................................................................................109 Figure 7.46—Example 2, Step 3.2: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 6 Compliance Requirements..........................................................................................................................................109 Figure 7.47—Example 2, Step 3.3: Role of IT .................................................................................................................................110 Figure 7.48—Example 2, Step 3.3: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 7 Role of IT.110 Figure 7.49—Example 2, Step 3.4: Sourcing Model for IT..............................................................................................................112 Figure 7.50—Example 2, Step 3.4: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 8 Sourcing Model for IT................................................................................................................................................112 Figure 7.51—Example 2, Step 3.5: IT Implementation Methods.....................................................................................................113 Figure 7.52—Example 2, Step 3.5: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 9 IT Implementation Methods .......................................................................................................................................113 Figure 7.53—Example 2, Step 3.6: Technology Adoption Strategy.................................................................................................114 Figure 7.54—Example 2, Step 3.6: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 10 Technology Adoption Strategy ...................................................................................................................................114 12 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. 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- 17. Figure 7.55—Example 2, Step 4.1: Governance and Management Objectives Importance (All Design Factors)...........................115 Figure 7.56—Example 2 Governance and Management Objectives with Target Process Capability Levels ..................................116 Figure 7.57—Example 3, Step 1.1: Enterprise Strategy ...................................................................................................................119 Figure 7.58—Example 3, Step 1.2: Enterprise Goals.......................................................................................................................120 Figure 7.59—Example 3, Step 1.3: Risk Profile...............................................................................................................................121 Figure 7.60—Example 3, Step 1.4: I&T-Related Issues...................................................................................................................122 Figure 7.61—Example 3, Step 2.1: Enterprise Strategy...................................................................................................................123 Figure 7.62—Example 3, Step 2.1: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 1 Enterprise Strategy .....................................................................................................................................................123 Figure 7.63—Example 3, Step 2.2: Enterprise Goals.......................................................................................................................124 Figure 7.64—Example 3, Step 2.2: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 2 Enterprise Goals .........................................................................................................................................................125 Figure 7.65—Example 3, Step 2.3: Risk Profile...............................................................................................................................126 Figure 7.66—Example 3, Step 2.3: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 3 Risk Profile.................................................................................................................................................................127 Figure 7.67—Example 3, Step 2.4: I&T-Related Issues...................................................................................................................128 Figure 7.68—Example 3, Step 2.4: Resulting Governance/Management Objectives Importance for Design Factor 4 I&T-Related Issues .....................................................................................................................................................129 Figure 7.69—Example 3, Step 2.5: Initial Design Summary of Governance and Management Objectives Importance.................130 Figure 7.70—Governance System Scope Refinement Table Applied to Example 3........................................................................131 Figure 7.71—Example 3, Step 4: Governance and Management Objectives Importance (All Design Factors)..............................132 Figure 7.72—Example 3 Governance and Management Objectives and Target Process Capability Levels....................................133 Figure 7.73—Example 3, Step 4: Organizational Structures............................................................................................................135 Appendices..........................................................................................................................................................................137 Figure A.1—Mapping Enterprise Strategies to Governance and Management Objectives..............................................................137 Figure A.2—Mapping Enterprise Goals to Alignment Goals...........................................................................................................139 Figure A.3—Mapping Alignment Goals to Governance and Management Objectives....................................................................140 Figure A.4—Mapping IT Risk to Governance and Management Objectives...................................................................................141 Figure A.5—Mapping I&T-Related Issues to Governance and Management Objectives................................................................143 Figure A.6—Mapping Threat Landscape to Governance and Management Objectives ..................................................................145 Figure A.7—Mapping Compliance Requirements to Governance and Management Objectives ....................................................146 Figure A.8—Mapping Role of IT to Governance and Management Objectives ..............................................................................147 Figure A.9—Mapping Sourcing Model for IT to Governance and Management Objectives...........................................................148 Figure A.10—Mapping IT Implementation Methods to Governance and Management Objectives................................................149 Figure A.11—Mapping Technology Adoption Strategy to Governance and Management Objectives............................................150 LIST OF FIGURES 13 Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. 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- 19. 15 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE Part I Design Process Chapter 1 Introduction and Purpose 1.1 Governance Systems This publication describes how an enterprise can design a customized governance solution for enterprise information and technology (I&T). An effective and efficient governance system over I&T is the starting point for generating value. This applies to all types and sizes of enterprises. Governance over a complex domain like I&T requires a multitude of components, including processes, organizational structures, information flows and behaviors. All of these elements must work together in a systemic way; therefore, this publication refers to the tailored governance solution that every enterprise should build as the “governance system for enterprise I&T,” or “governance system” for short. There is no unique, one-size-fits-all governance system for enterprise I&T. Every enterprise has its own distinct character and profile, and will differ from other organizations in several critical respects: size of the enterprise, industry sector, regulatory landscape, threat landscape, role of IT for the organization and tactical technology-related choices, among others. All of these aspects—to which COBIT® refers, collectively, as design factors—require organizations to tailor their governance systems to realize the most value out of their use of I&T. Tailoring means that an enterprise should start from the COBIT® core model, and from there, apply changes to the generic framework based on the relevance and importance of a series of design factors. This process is called “designing the governance system for enterprise I&T.” 1.2 Structure of This Publication This publication contains the following major parts, chapters and appendices: Part I: Design Process Chapter 1 provides an introduction denoting the structure and intended audience. Chapter 2 reviews key concepts and definitions from the COBIT® 2019 Framework: Introduction and Methodology publication, including the design factor concept. Chapter 3 explores the implications of design factors on the design of the governance solution. Chapter 4 is the core of the publication. It presents a workflow for designing an enterprise governance solution, taking into account all potential design factors. The workflow consists of four distinct steps, and results in a tailored governance solution. Chapter 5 explains how this publication relates to the COBIT® 2019 Implementation Guide, and how the two should be used together. Part II: Execution and Examples Chapter 6 introduces the COBIT® 2019 Design Guide toolkit—an Excel® tool that facilitates the governance system design workflow. Chapter 7 illustrates how the workflow of Chapter 4 may be applied, using the tool. Appendices A through K contain various mapping tables used during the design process. Personal Copy of: Dr. Raymond M. Henry
- 20. Another Random Scribd Document with Unrelated Content
- 21. them.[1311] By their expulsion, all this was destroyed at a blow, and most of it was destroyed for ever. For, the Spanish Christians considered such pursuits beneath their dignity. In their judgment, war and religion were the only two avocations worthy of being followed. To fight for the king, or to enter the Church was honourable; but everything else was mean and sordid.[1312] When, therefore, the Moriscoes were thrust out of Spain, there was no one to fill their place; arts and manufactures either degenerated, or were entirely lost, and immense regions of arable land were left uncultivated. Some of the richest parts of Valencia and Granada were so neglected, that means were wanting to feed even the scanty population which remained there.[1313] Whole districts were suddenly deserted, and down to the present day have never been repeopled. These solitudes gave refuge to smugglers and brigands, who succeeded the industrious inhabitants formerly occupying them; and it is said, that from the expulsion of the Moriscoes is to be dated the existence of those organized bands of robbers, which, after this period, became the scourge of Spain, and which no subsequent government has been able entirely to extirpate.[1314] To these disastrous consequences, others were added, of a different, and, if possible, of a still more serious kind. The victory gained by the Church increased both her power and her reputation. During the rest of the seventeenth century, not only were the interests of the clergy deemed superior to the interests of laymen, but the interests of laymen were scarcely thought of. The greatest men, with hardly an exception, became ecclesiastics, and all temporal considerations, all views of earthly policy, were despised and set at nought. No one inquired; no one doubted; no one presumed to ask if all this was right. The minds of men succumbed and were prostrate. While every other country was advancing, Spain alone was receding. Every other country was making some addition to knowledge, creating some art, or enlarging some science. Spain, numbed into a death-like torpor, spellbound and entranced by the accursed superstition which preyed on her strength, presented to
- 22. Europe a solitary instance of constant decay. For her, no hope remained; and, before the close of the seventeenth century, the only question was, by whose hands the blow should be struck, which would dismember that once mighty empire, whose shadow had covered the world, and whose vast remains were imposing even in their ruin. To indicate the different steps which mark the decline of Spain would be hardly possible, since even the Spaniards, who, when it was too late, were stung with shame, have abstained from writing what would only be the history of their own humiliation; so that there is no detailed account of the wretched reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II., which together comprise a period of nearly eighty years. [1315] Some facts, however, I have been able to collect, and they are very significant. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the population of Madrid was estimated to be 400,000; at the beginning of the eighteenth century, less than 200,000.[1316] Seville, one of the richest cities in Spain, possessed in the sixteenth century upwards of sixteen thousand looms, which gave employment to a hundred and thirty thousand persons.[1317] By the reign of Philip V., these sixteen thousand looms had dwindled away to less than three hundred;[1318] and, in a report which the Cortes made to Philip IV., in 1662, it is stated that the city contained only a quarter of its former number of inhabitants, and that even the vines and olives cultivated in its neighbourhood, and which comprised a considerable part of its wealth, were almost entirely neglected.[1319] Toledo, in the middle of the sixteenth century, had upwards of fifty woollen manufactories; in 1665, it had only thirteen, almost the whole of the trade having been carried away by the Moriscoes, and established at Tunis.[1320] Owing to the same cause, the art of manufacturing silk, for which Toledo was celebrated, was entirely lost, and nearly forty thousand persons, who depended on it, were deprived of their means of support.[1321] Other branches of industry shared the same fate. In the sixteenth century, and early in the seventeenth, Spain enjoyed great repute for the manufacture of gloves, which were
- 23. made in enormous quantities, and shipped to many parts, being particularly valued in England and France, and being also exported to the Indies. But Martinez de Mata, who wrote in the year 1655, assures us that at that time this source of wealth had disappeared; the manufacture of gloves having quite ceased, though formerly, he says, it had existed in every city in Spain.[1322] In the once- flourishing province of Castile, every thing was going to ruin. Even Segovia lost its manufactures, and retained nothing but the memory of its former wealth.[1323] The decay of Burgos was equally rapid; the trade of that famous city perished; and the deserted streets and empty houses formed such a picture of desolation, that a contemporary, struck by the havoc, emphatically declared that Burgos had lost every thing except its name.[1324] In other districts, the results were equally fatal. The beautiful provinces of the south, richly endowed by nature, had formerly been so wealthy, that their contributions alone sufficed, in time of need, to replenish the imperial treasury; but they now deteriorated with such rapidity, that, by the year 1640, it was found hardly possible to impose a tax on them which would be productive.[1325] During the latter half of the seventeenth century, matters became still worse, and the poverty and wretchedness of the people surpass all description. In the villages near Madrid, the inhabitants were literally famishing; and those farmers who had a stock of food refused to sell it, because, much as they needed money, they were apprehensive of seeing their families perish around them. The consequence was, that the capital was in danger of being starved; and ordinary threats producing no effect, it was found necessary, in 1664, that the President of Castile, with an armed force, and accompanied by the public executioner, should visit the adjacent villages, and compel the inhabitants to bring their supplies to the markets of Madrid.[1326] All over Spain, the same destitution prevailed. That once rich and prosperous country was covered with a rabble of monks and clergy, whose insatiate rapacity absorbed the little wealth yet to be found. Hence it happened, that the government, though almost penniless, could obtain no supplies. The tax-gatherers, urged to make up the
- 24. deficiency, adopted the most desperate expedients. They not only seized the beds and all the furniture, but they unroofed the houses, and sold the materials of the roof, for whatever they would fetch. The inhabitants were forced to fly; the fields were left uncultivated; vast multitudes died from want and exposure; entire villages were deserted; and in many of the towns, upwards of two-thirds of the houses were, by the end of the seventeenth century, utterly destroyed.[1327] In the midst of these calamities, the spirit and energy of Spain were extinguished. In every department, all power and life disappeared. The Spanish troops were defeated at Rocroy in 1643; and several writers ascribe to that battle the destruction of the military reputation of Spain.[1328] This, however, was only one of many symptoms.[1329] In 1656, it was proposed to fit out a small fleet; but the fisheries on the coast had so declined, that it was found impossible to procure sailors enough to man even the few ships which were required.[1330] The charts which had been made, were either lost or neglected; and the ignorance of the Spanish pilots became so notorious, that no one was willing to trust them. [1331] As to the military service, it is stated, in an account of Spain, late in the seventeenth century, that most of the troops had deserted their colours, and that the few who were faithful were clothed in rags, received no pay, and were dying of hunger.[1332] Another account describes this once mighty kingdom as utterly unprotected; the frontier towns ungarrisoned; the fortifications dilapidated and crumbling away; the magazines without ammunition; the arsenals empty; the workshops unemployed; and even the art of building ships entirely lost.[1333] While the country at large was thus languishing, as if it had been stricken by some mortal distemper, the most horrible scenes were occurring in the capital, under the eyes of the sovereign. The inhabitants of Madrid were starving; and the arbitrary measures which had been adopted to supply them with food, could only
- 25. produce temporary relief. Many persons fell down in the streets exhausted, and died where they fell; others were seen in the public highway evidently dying, but no one had wherewithal to feed them. At length the people became desperate, and threw off all control. In 1680, not only the workmen of Madrid, but large numbers of the tradesmen, organized themselves into bands, broke open private houses, and robbed and murdered the inhabitants in the face of day. [1334] During the remaining twenty years of the seventeenth century, the capital was in a state, not of insurrection, but of anarchy. Society was loosened, and seemed to be resolving itself into its elements. To use the emphatic language of a contemporary, liberty and restraint were equally unknown.[1335] The ordinary functions of the executive government were suspended. The police of Madrid, unable to obtain the arrears of their pay, disbanded, and gave themselves up to rapine. Nor did there seem any means of remedying these evils. The exchequer was empty, and it was impossible to replenish it. Such was the poverty of the court, that money was wanting to pay the wages of the king's private servants, and to meet the daily expenses of his household.[1336] In 1693, payment was suspended of every life-pension; and all officers and ministers of the crown were mulcted of one-third of their salaries.[1337] Nothing, however, could arrest the mischief. Famine and poverty continued to increase;[1338] and, in 1699, Stanhope, the British minister then residing in Madrid, writes, that never a day passed in which people were not killed in the streets scuffling for bread; that his own secretary had seen five women stifled to death by the crowd before a bakehouse; and that, to swell the catalogue of misery, upwards of twenty thousand additional beggars from the country had recently flocked into the capital.[1339] If this state of things had continued for another generation, the wildest anarchy must have ensued, and the whole frame of society been broken up.[1340] The only chance of saving Spain from a relapse into barbarism, was that it should fall, and fall quickly, under foreign dominion. Such a change was indispensable; and there was
- 26. reason to fear that it might come in a form which would have been inexpressibly odious to the nation. For, late in the seventeenth century, Ceuta was besieged by the Mohammedans; and as the Spanish Government had neither troops nor ships, the greatest apprehensions were entertained respecting the fate of this important fortress; there being little doubt, that if it fell, Spain would be again overrun by the infidels, who, this time, at least, would have found little difficulty in dealing with a people weakened by suffering, half famished, and almost worn out.[1341] Fortunately, in the year 1700, when affairs were at their worst, Charles II., the idiot king, died; and Spain fell into the hands of Philip V., the grandson of Louis XIV. This change from the Austrian dynasty to the Bourbon,[1342] brought with it many other changes. Philip, who reigned from 1700 to 1746,[1343] was a Frenchman, not only by birth and education, but also in feelings and habits.[1344] Just before he entered Spain, Louis charged him never to forget that he was a native of France, the throne of which he might some day ascend.[1345] After he became king, he neglected the Spaniards, despised their advice, and threw all the power he could command into the hands of his own countrymen.[1346] The affairs of Spain were now administered by subjects of Louis XIV., whose ambassador at Madrid frequently performed the functions of prime minister.[1347] What had once been the most powerful monarchy in the world, became little else than a province of France; all important matters being decided in Paris, from whence Philip himself received his instructions.[1348] The truth is, that Spain, broken and prostrate, was unable to supply ability of any kind; and if the government of the country was to be carried on, it was absolutely necessary that foreigners should be called in.[1349] Even in 1682, that is, eighteen years before the accession of Philip V., there was not to be found a single native well acquainted with the art of war; so that Charles II. was obliged to intrust the military defence of the Spanish Netherlands to De Grana,
- 27. the Austrian ambassador at Madrid.[1350] When, therefore, the War of the Succession broke out, in 1702, even the Spaniards themselves desired that their troops should be commanded by a foreigner.[1351] In 1704, the extraordinary spectacle was exhibited of the Duke of Berwick, an Englishman, leading Spanish soldiers against the enemy, and being in fact generalissimo of the Spanish army.[1352] The King of Spain, dissatisfied with his proceedings, determined to remove him; but, instead of filling his place with a native, he applied to Louis XIV. for another general; and this important post was confided to Marshal Tessé, a Frenchman.[1353] A little later, Berwick was again summoned to Madrid, and ordered to put himself at the head of the Spanish troops, and defend Estremadura and Castile.[1354] This he effected with complete success; and, in the battle of Almansa, which he fought in 1707, he overthrew the invaders, ruined the party of the pretender Charles,[1355] and secured the seat of Philip on the throne.[1356] As the war, however, still continued, Philip, in 1710, wrote to Paris for another general, and requested that the Duke de Vendôme might be sent to him.[1357] This able commander, on his arrival, infused new vigour into the Spanish counsels, and utterly defeated the allies;[1358] so that the war by which the independence of Spain was established, owed its success to the ability of foreigners, and to the fact that the campaigns were planned and conducted, not by natives, but by French and English generals. In the same way, the finances were, by the end of the seventeenth century, in such deplorable confusion, that Portocarrero, who at the accession of Philip V. was the nominal minister of Spain, expressed a desire that they should be administered by some one sent from Paris, who could restore them.[1359] He felt that no one in Spain was equal to the task, and he was by no means singular in this opinion. In 1701, Louville wrote to Torcy, that if a financier did not soon arrive from France, there would shortly be no finances to administer.[1360] The choice fell upon Orry, who reached Madrid in the summer of 1701.[1361] He found everything in the most
- 28. miserable condition; and the incompetence of the Spaniards was so obvious, that he was soon forced to undertake the management, not only of the finances, but also of the war-department. To save appearances, Canalez became the ostensible minister at war; but he, being completely ignorant of affairs, merely performed the drudgery of that office, the real duties of which were fulfilled by Orry himself. [1362] This dominion of the French continued, without interruption, until the second marriage of Philip V., in 1714, and the death of Louis XIV., in 1715, both of which events weakened their influence, and for a time almost destroyed it. The authority, however, which they lost, was transferred, not to Spaniards, but to other foreigners. Between 1714 and 1726, the two most powerful and conspicuous men in Spain were Alberoni, an Italian, and Ripperda, a Dutchman. Ripperda was dismissed in 1726;[1363] and after his fall, the affairs of Spain were controlled by Konigseg, who was a German, and who, indeed, was the Austrian ambassador residing at Madrid.[1364] Even Grimaldo, who held office before and after the dismissal of Ripperda, was a disciple of the French school, and had been brought up under Orry.[1365] All this was not the result of accident, nor is it to be ascribed to the caprice of the court. In Spain, the national spirit had so died away, that none but foreigners, or men imbued with foreign ideas, were equal to the duties of government. To the evidence already quoted on this point, I will add two other testimonies. Noailles, a very fair judge, and by no means prejudiced against the Spaniards, emphatically stated, in 1710, that, notwithstanding their loyalty, they were incapable of ruling, inasmuch as they were ignorant both of war and of politics.[1366] In 1711, Bonnac mentions that a resolution had been formed to place no Spaniard at the head of affairs, because those hitherto employed had proved to be either unfortunate or unfaithful.[1367] The government of Spain being taken from the Spaniards, now began to show some signs of vigour. The change was slight, but it
- 29. was in the right direction, though, as we shall presently see, it could not regenerate Spain, owing to the unfavourable operation of general causes. Still, the intention was good. For the first time, attempts were made to vindicate the rights of laymen, and to diminish the authority of ecclesiastics. Scarcely had the French established their dominion, when they suggested that it might be advisable to relieve the necessities of the state, by compelling the clergy to give up some of the wealth which they had accumulated in their churches.[1368] Even Louis XIV. insisted that the important office of President of Castile should not be conferred on an ecclesiastic, because, he said, in Spain the priests and monks had already too much power.[1369] Orry, who for several years possessed immense influence, exerted it in the same direction. He endeavoured to lessen the immunities possessed by the clergy, in regard to taxation, and also in regard to their exemption from lay jurisdiction. He opposed the privilege of sanctuary; he sought to deprive churches of their right of asylum. He even attacked the Inquisition, and worked so powerfully on the mind of the king, that Philip, at one time, determined to suspend that dreadful tribunal, and abolish the office of grand inquisitor.[1370] This intention was very properly abandoned; for there can be no doubt that if it had been enforced, it would have caused a revolution, in which Philip would probably have lost his crown.[1371] In such case, a reaction would have set in, which would have left the Church stronger than ever. Many things, however, were done for Spain in spite of the Spaniards.[1372] In 1707, the clergy were forced to contribute to the state a small part of their enormous wealth; the tax being disguised under the name of a loan.[1373] Ten years later, during the administration of Alberoni, this disguise was thrown off; and not only did government exact what was now called ‘the ecclesiastical tax,’ but it imprisoned or exiled those priests who, refusing to pay, stood up for the privileges of their order.[1374] This was a bold step to be taken in Spain, and it was one on which, at that time, no Spaniard would have ventured. Alberoni, however, as a foreigner, was unversed in the traditions of
- 30. the country, which, indeed, on another memorable occasion, he set at defiance. The government of Madrid, acting in complete unison with public opinion, had always been unwilling to negotiate with infidels; meaning by infidels every people whose religious notions differed from their own. Sometimes, such negotiations were unavoidable, but they were entered into with fear and trembling, lest the pure Spanish faith should be tainted by too close a contact with unbelievers. Even in 1698, when it was evident that the monarchy was at its last gasp, and that nothing could save it from the hands of the spoiler, the prejudice was so strong, that the Spaniards refused to receive aid from the Dutch, because the Dutch were heretics. At that time, Holland was in the most intimate relation with England, whose interest it was to secure the independence of Spain against the machinations of France. Obvious, however, as this was, the Spanish theologians, being consulted respecting the proposal, declared that it was inadmissible, since it would enable the Dutch to propagate their religious opinions; so that, according to this view, it was better to be subjugated by a Catholic enemy, than to be assisted by a Protestant friend.[1375] Still, much as the Spaniards hated Protestants, they hated Mohammedans yet more.[1376] They could never forget how the followers of that creed had once conquered nearly the whole of Spain, and had, during several centuries, possessed the fairest portion of it. The remembrance of this strengthened their religious animosity, and caused them to be the chief supporters of nearly every war which was waged against the Mohammedans, both of Turkey and of Africa.[1377] But Alberoni, being a foreigner, was unmoved by these considerations, and, to the astonishment of all Spain, he, on the mere ground of political expediency, set at naught the principles of the Church, and not only concluded an alliance with the Mohammedans, but supplied them with arms and with money. [1378] It is, indeed, true, that, in these and similar measures, Alberoni opposed himself to the national will, and that he lived to repent of his boldness. It is, however, also true, that his policy was
- 31. part of a great secular and anti-theological movement, which, during the eighteenth century, was felt all over Europe. The effects of that movement were seen in the government of Spain, but not in the people. This was because the government for many years was wielded by foreigners, or by natives imbued with a foreign spirit. Hence we find that, during the greater part of the eighteenth century, the politicians of Spain formed a class more isolated, and, if I may so say, more living on their own intellectual resources, than the politicians of any other country during the same period. That this indicated a state of disease, and that no political improvement can produce real good, unless it is desired by the people before being conferred on them, will be admitted by whoever has mastered the lessons which history contains. The results actually produced in Spain, we shall presently see. But it will first be advisable that I should give some further evidence of the extent to which the influence of the Church had prostrated the national intellect, and by discouraging all inquiry, and fettering all freedom of thought, had at length reduced the country to such a plight, that the faculties of men, rusted by disuse, were no longer equal to fulfil the functions required from them; so that in every department, whether of political life, or of speculative philosophy, or even of mechanical industry, it was necessary that foreigners should be called in, to do that work, which the natives had become unable to perform. The ignorance in which the force of adverse circumstances had sunk the Spaniards, and their inactivity, both bodily and mental, would be utterly incredible, if it were not attested by every variety of evidence. Gramont, writing from personal knowledge of the state of Spain, during the latter half of the seventeenth century, describes the upper classes as not only unacquainted with science or literature, but as knowing scarcely any thing even of the commonest events which occurred out of their own country. The lower ranks, he adds, are equally idle, and rely upon foreigners to reap their wheat, to cut their hay, and to build their houses.[1379] Another observer of society, as it existed in Madrid in 1679, assures us that men, even of the highest position, never thought it necessary that their sons
- 32. should study; and that those who were destined for the army could not learn mathematics, if they desired to do so, inasmuch as there were neither schools nor masters to teach them.[1380] Books, unless they were books of devotion, were deemed utterly useless; no one consulted them; no one collected them; and, until the eighteenth century, Madrid did not possess a single public library.[1381] In other cities professedly devoted to purposes of education, similar ignorance prevailed. Salamanca was the seat of the most ancient and most famous university in Spain, and there, if anywhere, we might look for the encouragement of science.[1382] But De Torres, who was himself a Spaniard, and was educated at Salamanca, early in the eighteenth century, declares that he had studied at that university for five years before he had heard that such things as the mathematical sciences existed.[1383] So late as the year 1771, the same university publicly refused to allow the discoveries of Newton to be taught; and assigned as a reason, that the system of Newton was not so consonant with revealed religion as the system of Aristotle.[1384] All over Spain, a similar plan was adopted. Everywhere, knowledge was spurned, and inquiry discouraged. Feijoo, who, notwithstanding his superstition, and a certain slavishness of mind, from which no Spaniard of that age could escape, did, on matters of science, seek to enlighten his countrymen, has left upon record his deliberate opinion, that whoever had acquired all that was taught in his time under the name of philosophy, would, as the reward of his labour, be more ignorant than he was before he began.[1385] And there can be no doubt that he was right. There can be no doubt that, in Spain, the more a man was taught, the less he would know. For, he was taught that inquiry was sinful, that intellect must be repressed, and that credulity and submission were the first of human attributes. The Duke de Saint Simon, who, in 1721 and 1722, was the French ambassador at Madrid, sums up his observations by the remark, that, in Spain, science is a crime, and ignorance a virtue.[1386] Fifty years later, another shrewd observer, struck with amazement at the
- 33. condition of the national mind, expresses his opinion in a sentence equally pithy and almost equally severe. Searching for an illustration to convey his sense of the general darkness, he emphatically says, that the common education of an English gentleman would, in Spain, constitute a man of learning.[1387] Those who know what the common education of an English gentleman was eighty years ago, will appreciate the force of this comparison, and will understand how benighted a country must have been, to which such a taunt was applicable. To expect that, under such a state of things, the Spaniards should make any of the discoveries which accelerate the march of nations, would be idle indeed; for they would not even receive the discoveries, which other nations had made for them, and had cast into the common lap. So loyal and orthodox a people had nothing to do with novelties, which, being innovations on ancient opinions, were fraught with danger. The Spaniards desired to walk in the ways of their ancestors, and not have their faith in the past rudely disturbed. In the inorganic world, the magnificent discoveries of Newton were contumeliously rejected; and, in the organic world, the circulation of the blood was denied, more than a hundred and fifty years after Harvey had proved it.[1388] These things were new, and it was better to pause a little, and not receive them too hastily. On the same principle, when, in the year 1760, some bold men in the government proposed that the streets of Madrid should be cleansed, so daring a suggestion excited general anger. Not only the vulgar, but even those who were called educated, were loud in their censure. The medical profession, as the guardians of the public health, were desired, by the government, to give their opinion. This, they had no difficulty in doing. They had no doubt that the dirt ought to remain. To remove it, was a new experiment; and of new experiments, it was impossible to foresee the issue. Their fathers having lived in the midst of it, why should not they do the same? Their fathers were wise men, and must have had good reasons for their conduct. Even the smell, of which some persons complained, was most likely wholesome. For, the air being sharp and piercing, it was extremely
- 34. probable that bad smells made the atmosphere heavy, and in that way deprived it of some of its injurious properties. The physicians of Madrid were, therefore, of opinion that matters had better remain as their ancestors had left them, and that no attempts should be made to purify the capital by removing the filth which lay scattered on every side.[1389] While such notions prevailed respecting the preservation of health, [1390] it is hardly to be supposed that the treatment of disease should be very successful. To bleed and to purge, were the only remedies prescribed by the Spanish physicians.[1391] Their ignorance of the commonest functions of the human body was altogether surprising, and can only be explained on the supposition, that in medicine, as in other departments, the Spaniards of the eighteenth century knew no more than their progenitors of the sixteenth. Indeed, in some respects, they appeared to know less. For, their treatment was so violent, that it was almost certain death to submit to it for any length of time.[1392] Their own king, Philip V., did not dare to trust himself in their hands, but preferred having an Irishman for his physician.[1393] Though the Irish had no great medical reputation, anything was better than a Spanish doctor.[1394] The arts incidental to medicine and surgery, were equally backward. The instruments were rudely made, and the drugs badly prepared. Pharmacy being unknown, the apothecaries' shops, in the largest towns, were entirely supplied from abroad; while, in the smaller towns, and in districts remote from the capital, the medicines were of such a quality, that the best which could be hoped of them was, that they might be innocuous. For, in the middle of the eighteenth century, Spain did not possess one practical chemist. Indeed, we are assured by Campomanes himself, that, so late as the year 1776, there was not to be found in the whole country a single man who knew how to make the commonest drugs, such as magnesia, Glauber's salts, and the ordinary preparations of mercury and antimony. This eminent statesman adds, however, that a chemical laboratory was about to be established in Madrid; and although the
- 35. enterprise, being without a precedent, would surely be regarded as a portentous novelty, he expresses a confident expectation, that, by its aid, the universal ignorance of his countrymen would in time be remedied.[1395] Whatever was useful in practice, or whatever subserved the purposes of knowledge, had to come from abroad. Ensenada, the well-known minister of Ferdinand VI., was appalled by the darkness and apathy of the nation, which he tried, but tried in vain, to remove. When he was at the head of affairs, in the middle of the eighteenth century, he publicly declared that in Spain there was no professorship of public law, or of physics, or of anatomy, or of botany. He further added, that there were no good maps of Spain, and that there was no person who knew how to construct them. All the maps which they had, came from France and Holland. They were, he said, very inaccurate; but the Spaniards, being unable to make any, had nothing else to rely on. Such a state of things he pronounced to be shameful. For, as he bitterly complained, if it were not for the exertions of Frenchmen and Dutchmen, it would be impossible for any Spaniard to know either the position of his own town, or the distance from one place to another.[1396] The only remedy for all this, seemed to be foreign aid; and Spain being now ruled by a foreign dynasty, that aid was called in. Cervi established the Medical Societies of Madrid and of Seville; Virgili founded the College of Surgery at Cadiz; and Bowles endeavoured to promote among the Spaniards the study of mineralogy.[1397] Professors were sought for, far and wide; and application was made to Linnæus to send a person from Sweden who could impart some idea of botany to physiological students.[1398] Many other and similar steps were taken by the government, whose indefatigable exertions would deserve our warmest praise, if we did not know how impossible it is for any government to enlighten a nation, and how absolutely essential it is that the desire for improvement should, in the first place, proceed from the people themselves. No progress is real, unless it is spontaneous. The movement, to be effective, must
- 36. emanate from within, and not from without; it must be due to general causes acting on the whole country, and not to the mere will of a few powerful individuals. During the eighteenth century, all the means of improvement were lavishly supplied to the Spaniards; but the Spaniards did not want to improve. They were satisfied with themselves; they were sure of the accuracy of their own opinions; they were proud of the notions which they inherited, and which they did not wish either to increase or to diminish. Being unable to doubt, they were, therefore, unwilling to inquire. New and beautiful truths, conveyed in the clearest and most attractive language, could produce no effect upon men whose minds were thus hardened and enslaved.[1399] An unhappy combination of events, working without interruption since the fifth century, had predetermined the national character in a particular direction, and neither statesmen, nor kings, nor legislators, could effect aught against it. The seventeenth century was, however, the climax of all. In that age, the Spanish nation fell into a sleep, from which, as a nation, it has never since awakened. It was a sleep, not of repose, but of death. It was a sleep, in which the faculties, instead of being rested, were paralyzed, and in which a cold and universal torpor succeeded that glorious, though partial, activity, which, while it made the name of Spain terrible in the world, had insured the respect even of her bitterest enemies. Even the fine arts, in which the Spaniards had formerly excelled, partook of the general degeneracy, and, according to the confession of their own writers, had, by the beginning of the eighteenth century, fallen into complete decay.[1400] The arts which secure national safety, were in the same predicament as those which minister to national pleasure. There was no one in Spain who could build a ship; there was no one who knew how to rig it, after it was built. The consequence was, that, by the close of the seventeenth century, the few ships which Spain possessed, were so rotten, that, says an historian, they could hardly support the fire of their own guns.[1401] In 1752, the government, being determined to restore
- 37. the navy, found it necessary to send to England for shipwrights; and they were also obliged to apply to the same quarter for persons who could make ropes and canvass; the skill of the natives being unequal to such arduous achievements.[1402] In this way, the ministers of the Crown, whose ability and vigour, considering the difficult circumstances in which the incapacity of the people placed them, were extremely remarkable, contrived to raise a fleet superior to any which had been seen in Spain for more than a century.[1403] They also took many other steps towards putting the national defences into a satisfactory condition; though in every instance, they were forced to rely on the aid of foreigners. Both the military and the naval service were in utter confusion, and had to be organized afresh. The discipline of the infantry was remodelled by O'Reilly, an Irishman, to whose superintendence the military schools of Spain were intrusted.[1404] At Cadiz, a great naval academy was formed, but the head of it was Colonel Godin, a French officer.[1405] The artillery, which like everything else, had become almost useless, was improved by Maritz, the Frenchman; while the same service was rendered to the arsenals by Gazola, the Italian.[1406] The mines, which form one of the greatest natural sources of the wealth of Spain, had likewise suffered from that ignorance and apathy into which the force of circumstances had plunged the country. They were either completely neglected, or if worked, they were worked by other nations. The celebrated cobalt-mine, situated in the valley of Gistan, in Aragon, was entirely in the hands of the Germans, who, during the first half of the eighteenth century, derived immense profit from it.[1407] In the same way, the silver- mines of Guadalcanal, the richest in Spain, were undertaken, not by natives, but by foreigners. Though they had been discovered in the sixteenth century, they, as well as other matters of importance, had been forgotten in the seventeenth, and were reopened, in 1728, by English adventurers; the enterprise, the tools, the capital, and even the miners, all coming from England.[1408] Another, and still more famous, mine is that of Almaden in La Mancha, which produces
- 38. mercury of the finest quality, and in great profusion. This metal, besides being indispensable for many of the commonest arts, was of peculiar value to Spain, because without it the gold and silver of the New World could not be extracted from their ores. From Almaden, where every natural facility exists for collecting it, and where the cinnibar in which it is found is unusually rich, vast supplies had formerly been drawn; but they had for some time been diminishing, although the demand, especially from foreign countries, was on the increase. Under these circumstances, the Spanish government, fearing that so important a source of wealth might altogether perish, determined to institute an inquiry into the manner in which the mine was worked. As, however, no Spaniard possessed the knowledge requisite for such an investigation, the advisers of the Crown were obliged to call on foreigners to help them. In 1752, an Irish naturalist, named Bowles, was commissioned to visit Almaden, and ascertain the cause of the failure. He found that the miners had acquired a habit of sinking their shafts perpendicularly, instead of following the direction of the vein.[1409] So absurd a process was quite sufficient to account for their want of success; and Bowles reported to the government, that if a shaft were to be sunk obliquely, the mine would, no doubt, again be productive. The government approved of the suggestion, and ordered it to be carried into effect. But the Spanish miners were too tenacious of their old customs to give way. They sank their shafts in the same manner as their fathers had done; and what their fathers had done must be right. The result was, that the mine had to be taken out of their hands; but as Spain could supply no other labourers, it was necessary to send to Germany for fresh ones.[1410] After their arrival, matters rapidly improved. The mine, being superintended by an Irishman, and worked by Germans, assumed quite a different appearance; and, notwithstanding the disadvantages with which new comers always have to contend, the immediate consequence of the change was, that the yield of mercury was doubled, and its cost to the consumer correspondingly lowered.[1411]
- 39. Such ignorance, pervading the whole nation, and extending to every department of life, is hardly conceivable, considering the immense advantages which the Spaniards had formerly enjoyed. It is particularly striking, when contrasted with the ability of the government, which, for more than eighty years, constantly laboured to improve the condition of the country. Early in the eighteenth century, Ripperda, in the hopes of stimulating Spanish industry, established a large woollen manufactory at Segovia, which had once been a busy and prosperous city. But the commonest processes had now been forgotten; and he was obliged to import manufacturers from Holland, to teach the Spaniards how to make up the wool, though that was an art for which in better days they had been especially famous.[1412] In 1757, Wall, who was then minister, constructed, upon a still larger scale, a similar manufactory at Guadalajara in New Castile. Soon, however, something went wrong with the machinery; and as the Spaniards neither knew nor cared anything about these matters, it was necessary to send to England for a workman to put it right.[1413] At length the advisers of Charles III., despairing of rousing the people by ordinary means, devised a more comprehensive scheme, and invited thousands of foreign artisans to settle in Spain; trusting that their example, and the suddenness of their influx might invigorate this jaded nation.[1414] All was in vain. The spirit of the country was broken, and nothing could retrieve it. Among other attempts which were made, the formation of a National Bank was a favourite idea of politicians, who expected great things from an institution which was to extend credit, and make advances to persons engaged in business. But, though the design was executed, it entirely failed in effecting its purpose. When the people are not enterprising, no effort of government can make them so. In a country like Spain, a great bank was an exotic, which might live with art, but could never thrive by nature. Indeed, both in its origin and in its completion, it was altogether foreign, having been first proposed by the Dutchman Ripperda,[1415] and owing its final organization to the Frenchman Cabarrus.[1416]
- 40. In everything, the same law prevailed. In diplomacy, the ablest men were not Spaniards, but foreigners; and during the eighteenth century the strange spectacle was frequently exhibited, of Spain being represented by French, Italian, and even Irish ambassadors. [1417] Nothing was indigenous; nothing was done by Spain herself. Philip V., who reigned from 1700 to 1746, and possessed immense power, always clung to the ideas of his own country, and was a Frenchman to the last. For thirty years after his death, the three most prominent names in Spanish politics were, Wall, who was born in France, of Irish parents;[1418] Grimaldi, who was a native of Genoa; [1419] and Esquilache, who was a native of Sicily.[1420] Esquilache administered the finances for several years; and, after enjoying the confidence of Charles III. to an extent rarely possessed by any minister, was only dismissed, in 1766, in consequence of the discontents of the people at the innovations introduced by this bold foreigner.[1421] Wall, a much more remarkable man, was, in the absence of any good Spanish diplomatist, sent envoy to London in 1747; and after exercising great influence in matters of state, he was placed at the head of affairs in 1754, and remained supreme till 1763.[1422] When this eminent Irishman relinquished office, he was succeeded by the Genoese, Grimaldi, who ruled Spain from 1763 to 1777, and was entirely devoted to the French views of policy.[1423] His principal patron was Choiseul, who had imbued him with his own notions, and by whose advice he was chiefly guided.[1424] Indeed, Choiseul, who was then the first minister in France, used to boast, with exaggeration, but not without a considerable amount of truth, that his influence in Madrid was even greater than it was in Versailles.[1425] However this may be, it is certain that four years after Grimaldi took office, the ascendency of France was exhibited in a remarkable way. Choiseul, who hated the Jesuits, and had just expelled them from France, endeavoured also to expel them from Spain.[1426] The execution of the plan was confided to Aranda, who, though a
- 41. Spaniard by birth, derived his intellectual culture from France, and had contracted, in the society of Paris, an intense hatred of every form of ecclesiastical power.[1427] The scheme, secretly prepared, was skilfully accomplished.[1428] In 1767, the Spanish government, without hearing what the Jesuits had to say in their defence, and indeed, without giving them the least notice, suddenly ordered their expulsion; and with such animosity were they driven from the country, in which they sprung up, and had long been cherished, that not only was their wealth confiscated, and they themselves reduced to a wretched pittance, but even that was directed to be taken from them, if they published anything in their own vindication; while it was also declared that whoever ventured to write respecting them, should, if we were a subject of Spain, be put to death, as one guilty of high treason.[1429] Such boldness on the part of the government[1430] caused even the Inquisition to tremble. That once omnipotent tribunal, threatened and suspected by the civil authorities, became more wary in its proceedings, and more tender in its treatment of heretics. Instead of extirpating unbelievers by hundreds or by thousands, it was reduced to such pitiful straits, that between 1746 and 1759, it was only able to burn ten persons; and between 1759 and 1788, only four persons.[1431] The extraordinary diminution during the latter period, was partly owing to the great authority wielded by Aranda, the friend of the encyclopædists and of other French sceptics. This remarkable man was President of Castile till 1773, [1432] and he issued an order forbidding the Inquisition to interfere with the civil courts.[1433] He also formed a scheme for entirely abolishing it; but his plan was frustrated, owing to its premature announcement by his friends in Paris, to whom it had been confided. [1434] His views, however, were so far successful, that after 1781, there is no instance in Spain of a heretic being burned; the Inquisition being too terrified by the proceedings of government to
- 42. do anything which might compromise the safety of the Holy Institution.[1435] In 1777, Grimaldi, one of the chief supporters of that anti- theological policy which France introduced into Spain, ceased to be Minister; but he was succeeded by Florida Blanca, who was his creature, and to whom he transmitted his policy as well as his power. [1436] The progress, therefore, of political affairs continued in the same direction. Under the new minister, as under his immediate predecessors, a determination was shown to abridge the authority of the Church, and to vindicate the rights of laymen. In everything, the ecclesiastical interests were treated as subordinate to the secular. Of this, many instances might be given; but one is too important to be omitted. We have seen, that early in the eighteenth century, Alberoni, when at the head of affairs, was guilty of what in Spain was deemed the enormous offence of contracting an alliance with Mohammedans; and there can be no doubt that this was one of the chief causes of his fall, since it was held, that no prospect of mere temporal advantages could justify an union, or even a peace, between a Christian nation and a nation of unbelievers.[1437] But the Spanish government, which, owing to the causes I have related, was far in advance of Spain itself, was gradually becoming bolder, and growing more and more disposed to force upon the country, views, which, abstractedly considered, where extremely enlightened, but which the popular mind was unable to receive. The result was, that, in 1782, Florida Blanca concluded a treaty with Turkey, which put an end to the war of religious opinions; to the astonishment, as we are told, of the other European powers, who could hardly believe that the Spaniards would thus abandon their long-continued efforts to destroy the infidels.[1438] Before, however, Europe had time to recover from its amazement, other and similar events occurred equally startling. In 1784, Spain signed a peace with Tripoli; and in 1785, one with Algiers.[1439] And scarcely had these been ratified, when, in 1786, a treaty was also concluded with Tunis.[1440] So that the Spanish people to their no small surprise, found themselves on
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