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5. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–1
Chapter 7: Cooperative Strategy
CHAPTER SUMMARY
This chapter discusses the reasons cooperative strategies are important in the current
competitive environment. The topic is examined generally as well as by market type.
Examples of various cooperative strategy types are provided on the basis of their primary
strategic objectives, with strategic alliances highlighted as a frequently-used form of cooperative
strategy.
Associated risks and effective management to overcome risks are presented to complete
the discussion of cooperative strategies.
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Importance of Cooperative Strategy
Strategic Alliances in Slow-Cycle Markets
Strategic Alliances in Fast-Cycle Markets
Strategic Alliances in Standard-Cycle Markets
Types of Alliances and Other Cooperative Strategies
Cooperative Strategies That Enhance Differentiation or Reduce Costs
Complementary Strategic Alliances
Network Cooperative Strategies
Cooperative Strategies That Address Forces in the External Environment
Competitive Response Alliances
Uncertainty-Reducing Alliances
Competition-Reducing Cooperative Strategies
Associations and Consortia
Cooperative Strategies That Promote Growth and/or Diversification
Diversifying Strategic Alliances
Franchising
International Cooperative Strategies
Competitive Risks of Cooperative Strategies
Implementing and Managing Cooperative Strategies
Summary
KNOWLEDGE OBJECTIVES
1. Define cooperative strategies and explain why they are important in the current competitive
environment.
2. Explain how the primary reasons for the use of cooperative strategies differ depending on
market context (fast-cycle, slow-cycle, or standard cycle).
3. Define and discuss equity and non-equity strategic alliances.
4. Discuss the types of cooperative strategies that are formed primarily to reduce costs or
increase differentiation.
5. Identify and describe cooperative strategies that help a firm to address forces in the external
environment.
6. Explain the cooperative strategies that firms use primarily to foster growth.
6. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–2
7. Discuss the risks associated with cooperative strategies.
8. Describe how firms can effectively implement and manage their cooperative strategies.
LECTURE NOTES
See slides 1-3. Key Terms
▪ Cooperative Strategy - strategy in which firms work together to
achieve a shared objective.
▪ Strategic Alliance - cooperative strategy in which firms combine
resources and capabilities to create a competitive advantage.
Importance of Cooperative Strategy - This section discusses how cooperative strategies have
become integral to the competitive landscape and central to the success of partnered companies.
See slide 4. Key Terms
▪ Co-opetition - condition that exists when firms that have formed
cooperative strategies also compete against one another in the
marketplace.
See slides 5-6.
See Table 7.1:
Reasons for Strategic
Alliances by Market
Type (slide 7).
1. What are some of the reasons that cooperative strategies have
become important to businesses today?
a. Most firms lack the full set of resources and capabilities
needed to reach their objectives.
b. Cooperative behavior allows partners to create value
that they couldn‘t develop by acting independently.
c. Aligning stakeholder interests, both inside and outside
of the organization, can reduce environmental
uncertainty.
d. Alliances can provide a new source of revenue.
e. Alliances can be a vehicle for firm growth.
f. Alliances can enhance the speed of responding to
market opportunities, technological changes, and global
conditions.
g. Alliances are a way that firms can gain new knowledge
and experiences to increase competitiveness. Compare
how the reasons for using cooperative strategies vary
across market type.
2. Compare how the reasons for using cooperative strategies vary
across market type.
a. Slow-cycle markets - Strategic alliances are used to
enter restricted markets or establish franchises in new
markets with ease and speed. The alliance partner
might better understand the new market’s conditions
7. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–3
See Additional Notes
Below.
See slide 8.
and have knowledge of and relationships with key
stakeholders.
b. Fast-cycle markets - Strategic alliances between firms
with excess resources and promising capabilities aid in
the transition required to evolve markets and to gain
rapid entry into new markets.
c. Standard-cycle markets - Strategic alliances between
large firms with economies of scale are likely to
combine complimentary resources/capabilities to gain
market power. This type of partnership allows firms to
learn new business techniques and technologies.
3. Why are slow-cycle markets becoming rare in the 21st
century
competitive landscape?
a. Privatization of industries and economies
b. Rapid expansion of the Internet’s capabilities
c. Quick dissemination of information and speed with
which advancing technologies permit quick imitation of
even complex products.
Additional Discussion Notes for Strategic Alliances by Market Type
- These notes include additional materials that cover reasons for
strategic alliances by market type, citing corporate examples to illustrate
the concepts.
The competitive conditions of slow-cycle, fast-cycle, and standard-cycle
markets impel firms to use cooperative strategies to achieve slightly
different objectives (see Table 7.1 in text). Market type examples of
cooperative strategic alliances follow.
Slow-Cycle
Access to restricted market; establish franchises in new markets;
maintain stability (e.g., establishing standards).
▪ French steelmaker Usinor formed an equity strategic alliance
with Dofasco, Canada’s second largest steel mill, to build a
plant to supply car bodies for Honda, Toyota, GM, Ford, and
DaimlerChrysler. Through this alliance, Usinor and Dofasco
established a new franchise in the import-averse U.S. steel
market.
▪ American AIG formed a joint venture with India to gain entry
into India’s restricted insurance market.
▪ Petrochemical companies from Venezuela and Brazil formed a
joint venture for cross investments between partners. The
eventual goal is to attract other oil companies in the region
(Colombia and Mexico).
8. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–4
Fast-Cycle
Compress R&D time and capital; market leadership; form standards;
reduce risk and uncertainty:
▪ Visa formed a venture capital program to scout technologies and
capabilities that will affect the future of the financial services
industry in order to meld and integrate the physical and the
virtual financial world, where customers have the trust,
convenience, protection and security in addition to the ease in
performing transactions.
Standard-Cycle
Gain market power; access to resources; economies of scale; overcome
barriers; reduce risk; compress learning:
▪ In 1993 Lufthansa and United Airlines formed the Star Alliance.
Since then, 12 other airlines have joined the Star Alliance to
share resources and capabilities and to access over 700 cities in
124 countries. The goal is to combine worldwide routes and
offer seamless booking and travel throughout the world.
Types of Alliances and Other Cooperative Strategies - This section discusses two basic types
of strategic alliance based on legal form and introduces other cooperative strategies as they relate
to the primary strategic objectives of firms.
See slide 9. Key Terms
▪ Equity Strategic Alliance - alliance in which two or more firms
own a portion of the equity in the venture they have created.
▪ Joint Venture - strategic alliance in which two or more firms
create a legally independent company to share resources and
capabilities to develop a competitive advantage.
▪ Non-equity Strategic Alliance - alliance in which two or more
firms develop a contractual relationship to share some of their
unique resources and capabilities to create a competitive
advantage.
See slide 10.
See slide 11.
4. How can tacit knowledge create a competitive advantage?
a. Tacit knowledge is complex knowledge that is difficult
to codify. It is learned through experience and, when
shared between partnering organizations, can become a
source of competitive advantage.
5. How do nonequity strategic alliances differ from equity strategic
alliances?
a. A separate independent company is not established.
b. The partnering firms do not take equity positions in a
separate entity.
c. The relationship is less formal.
9. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–5
See slide 12.
See Figure 7.1:
Strategic Objectives
of Cooperative
Strategies (slide 13).
See Additional Notes
Below.
d. The relationship demands fewer partner commitments.
6. Name some types of nonequity strategic alliances that are
increasingly being used.
a. Licensing agreements
b. Distribution agreements
c. Supply contracts
d. Outsourcing commitments
7. Discuss some common types of cooperative strategies that
support different strategic objectives.
a. Refer to Figure 7.1, which lists types of cooperative
strategies that support the following strategic objectives:
▪ Differentiation
▪ Low cost
▪ Address environmental conditions
▪ Growth
▪ Diversification
Additional Discussion Notes for Types of Strategic Alliances - These
notes include additional materials that cover different types of strategic
alliances, with specific examples of joint ventures, equity strategic
alliances, and nonequity strategic alliances.
Joint Ventures
▪ Sprint and Virgin Group’s joint venture targets 15- to 30-year-
olds as customers for pay-as-you-go wireless phone service.
Brand (from Virgin) and service (from Sprint).
▪ Sony Pictures, Warner Bros., Universal Pictures, Paramount
Pictures, and Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, each have a 20% stake
in a joint venture to use the Internet to deliver feature films
on demand.
Equity Strategic Alliance
▪ Foreign direct investments made by Japanese and U.S.
companies in China are completed through equity strategic
alliances.
▪ Cott Corporation, the world’s largest soft drink supplier, and
J.D. Iroquois Enterprises formed an equity strategic alliance.
Cott gained exclusive supply rights for Iroquois’ private label
spring water products and Iroquois expanded its branded
business in the West and Far East.
Nonequity Strategic Alliance
▪ Licensing agreements, distribution agreements, supply
10. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–6
contracts. For example, chemical processes tend to be improved
along technology corridors; and therefore, licensing and cross
licensing are well-established practices in chemical and
pharmaceutical industries. Licensing and cross licensing
mitigates the potential impact of overbroad patents.
▪ Ralph Lauren uses licensing agreements to support its Polo
brand. It uses 29 domestic licensing agreements, including West
Point Stevens (bedding), Reebok (casual shoes), and ICI Paints
(Ralph Lauren Home Products).
▪ Magna International, a leading global supplier of automotive
systems, components, and modules, has formed many nonequity
strategic alliances with GM, Ford, Honda, DaimlerChrysler, and
Toyota.
▪ Procter & Gamble (P&G) has formed over 120 strategic alliances:
with Dana Undies to make Pampers cotton underwear; with Magla
to make Mr. Clean disposable gloves and mops; with GM to
distribute its Tempo car cleanup towels; and with Whirlpool to
develop a new “clothes refresher” product and appliance.
Cooperative Strategies That Enhance Differentiation or Reduce Costs - This section
introduces a discussion of business level cooperative strategies used to combine resources and
capabilities to improve firm performance in individual product markets and create competitive
advantages that cannot be created by the individual firm.
See slide 14. 8. What are the two general categories of cooperative strategies
used to enhance differentiation or reduce costs?
a. Complementary strategic alliances
b. Network cooperative strategies
Complementary Strategic Alliances - This section introduces the two types of complementary
strategic alliances used to support differentiation and cost objectives and discusses why the
benefits of such partnerships are not always balanced evenly across partnering firms.
See slide 15. Key Terms
▪ Complementary Strategic Alliance - business-level alliances in
which firms share some of their resources and capabilities in
complementary ways to develop competitive advantages.
See slide 16.
See Figure 7.2:
Vertical and
Horizontal
9. What are two types of complementary strategic alliances and
how do they differ?
a. Vertical complementary strategic alliances - the
partnering firms share their resources and capabilities
11. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–7
Complementary
Strategic Alliances
(slide 17).
See slide 18.
See Additional Notes
Below.
from different stages of the value chain to create a
competitive advantage.
b. Horizontal complementary strategic alliances - the
partnering firms share their resources and capabilities
from the same stage of the value chain to create a
competitive advantage - commonly used for long-term
product development and distribution opportunities.
10. What affects the different opportunity levels and benefits
that partnering firms are able to achieve through complementary
alliances?
a. Partners may learn at different rates.
b. Partners may have different capabilities to leverage
complementary resources.
c. Some firms are more effective at managing alliances
and deriving benefits from them.
d. Partners may have different reputations in the
marketplace, differentiating the types of actions they
can legitimately take.
Additional Discussion Notes for Complementary Strategic Alliances
- These notes include additional materials that provide examples of
vertical and horizontal complementary strategic alliances to illustrate the
business-level cooperative strategies.
Vertical
▪ McDonald’s alliances with oil companies and independent store
operators. With just one stop, customers can fill up their car,
buy a meal, and pick up items for the home.
▪ Boeing’s 777 alliance is accredited with the fastest and most
efficient construction of a new commercial aircraft. The
partners, including UAL, brought unique resources and
capabilities to a different part of the value chain.
Horizontal
▪ SCM is a 40-year old joint venture between Caterpillar and
Mitsubishi to share resources and capabilities in order to yield
products that neither firm could design and produce by itself.
▪ CSK Auto, Inc. (Checker Auto Parts, Shuck’s Auto Supply,
Kragen Auto Parts) and Advance Auto Parts established
PartsAmerica.com. The venture provides easy access to nearly
$1.5 billion in inventory and 3,000 locations in all 50 states,
where buyers can use either store to pick up and return parts
ordered online.
12. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–8
Network Cooperative Strategies - This section discusses the effective use of network
cooperative strategies and the role that strategic center firms play in alliance networks.
See slide 19.
See Figure 7.3: A
Strategic Network
(slide 20).
Key Terms
▪ Network Cooperative Strategy - cooperative strategy in which
multiple firms agree to form partnerships to achieve shared
objectives - also known as alliance networks.
▪ Strategic Center Firm - firm at the core of an alliance network
and around which the network’s cooperative relationships
revolve.
See slide 21.
See slide 22.
See Additional Notes
Below.
See slide 23.
See slide 24.
See slide 25.
9. How can network cooperative strategies be effectively used to
benefit participating firms?
a. Knowledge and information gained from multiple
sources can produce more and better innovations.
b. Network alliances can be particularly effective for
geographically clustered firms.
c. Effective social relationships and interactions among
partners while sharing resources and capabilities lead to
more successful network alliances.
d. A strategic center firm that manages the complex,
cooperative interactions among network partners also
contributes to the effectiveness of network alliances.
e. Gaining access to partners’ partners can open up
advantages to the networking firms.
f. Multiple collaborations increase the likelihood of
additional competitive advantages and value creation.
10. As the foundation for an alliance network’s structure, what are
the primary tasks of a strategic center firm?
a. Strategic outsourcing with non-network members.
b. Support of efforts to develop core competencies.
c. Coordination and sharing of technology-based ideas
and efforts.
d. Emphasis on healthy rivalry to generate network-based
competitive advantages.
11. What are two types of alliance networks and how do they
differ?
a. Stable alliance network
i. Formed in mature industries in which demand
is relatively constant and predictable.
ii. Directed primarily toward developing products
at a low cost.
b. Dynamic alliance network
i. Used in industries characterized by
13. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–9
environmental uncertainty, frequent product
innovations, and short product life cycles.
ii. Directed primarily toward continued
development of products that are uniquely
attractive to customers.
Additional Discussion Notes for Network Cooperative Strategies -
These notes include additional material that uses the airline industry to
illustrate multiple partners in network cooperative strategies.
Network Cooperative Strategies: Numerous Partners
United Technologies is involved with over 100 worldwide cooperative
strategies. One of these networks is the alliance formed by the firm’s
Sikorsky business unit to produce the S-92 helicopter. Five firms from
four continents joined with Sikorsky to form this alliance. Using its
unique resources and capabilities, each partner assumed different
responsibilities for the design and production of the S-92. No individual
member of the alliance could have developed the design or
manufactured it; a product with size and cost benefits over competing
helicopters. The combination of the partners’ resources and capabilities
has resulted in a competitive advantage for the alliance.
Unlike the chemical and pharmaceutical industry, some experts
note that initial progress in the airline industry was hindered due to a
lack of cross-licensing agreements (cf., Merges & Nelson, 1990). That
is, the Wright brothers’ patent—an efficient stabilizing and steering
system that enabled a multiplicity of future flying machines—
significantly held back the pace of development of aircrafts and the
entire airline industry. In the absence of cross-licensing strategies,
incumbents (like Curtiss and even the Wright brothers) wasted huge
energies and diverted their efforts simply to avoid infringement, not to
advance technology. The problems caused by the Wright brothers’
initial patent were compounded as improvements and complementary
patents, owned by different companies, came into existence, but
compatibility was null. The situation was so serious that at the
insistence of the Secretary of the Navy, during World War I, an
arrangement was worked out to enable automatic cross licensing. This,
like in the licensing of automobile patents, turned out to be a durable
institution. By the end of World War I there were many patents on
different aircraft features and rivals could easily negotiate licenses to
produce state-of-the-art planes.
Cooperative Strategies That Address Forces in the External Environment - This section
introduces a discussion of business level cooperative strategies used to combine resources and
capabilities to meet the challenges of complex and ever-changing external environments.
See slide 26. 11. What are the four types of cooperative strategies that serve to
14. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–10
See Additional Notes
Below.
See slide 27.
keep firms abreast of rapid changes in their environments, and
how do they differ?
a. Competitive response alliances - used to respond to
competitors’ strategic attacks.
b. Uncertainty-reducing alliances - used to reduce
environmental uncertainty, particularly in fast-cycle
markets, new product markets, emerging economies, or
new technologies.
c. Competition-reducing cooperative strategies - used to
reduce competition in an industry, often through the use
of collusion.
d. Associations and consortia - used to form coalitions
with stakeholders to achieve common objectives.
12. Describe the two types of collusion used to reduce competition.
a. Explicit collusion, which is illegal in the U.S., involves
direct negotiation amongst firms to establish output
levels and pricing agreements to reduce industry
competition.
b. Tacit collusion, common to highly-concentrated
industries, involves several firms indirectly coordinating
production and pricing decisions which impact the
degree of competition faced in the industry. Mutual
forebearance is one form of tacit collusion that occurs
when firms avoid competitive attacks against rivals they
face in multiple markets.
Additional Discussion Notes for Cooperative Strategies That
Address Forces in the External Environment - These notes include
additional materials that cover the competition response strategy,
uncertainty-reducing strategy, and competition-reducing strategy and
examples to illustrate each concept.
Competition Response Strategy
▪ FedEx responded to the success of UPS’s logistics business.
FedEx formed a strategic alliance with KPMG to deliver end-to-
end supply-chain solutions to large and mid-sized companies.
FedEx committed its supply-chain consulting, IT systems, and
transportation and logistics expertise, whereas KPMG provided
its supply-chain consulting and e-integration services.
▪ Marathon Oil and Russia’s Yukos formed an alliance to achieve
international expansion and as a response to rivals’ alliances.
Uncertainty Reducing Strategy
▪ Overcapacity, risk, uncertainty, and cost competition led
Siemens and Fujitsu to form an alliance associated with their
PC operations. By uniquely combining technology from Fujitsu
15. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–11
with manufacturing, marketing, and logistics capabilities from
Siemens, the joint venture has become Europe’s top supplier
of PCs.
▪ GM and Toyota (# 1 U.S. and Japanese automakers) formed an
R&D alliance to develop and standardize alternative-power cars.
▪ GM, Toyota, Ford, DaimlerChrysler, and Renault joined to
develop a standard for communications and entertainment
equipment for automobiles.
Competition Reducing Strategy
▪ Explicit Collusion (illegal): Examples include the 1995 price-
fixing scandal, in which Archer Daniels Midland executives
were convicted of cooperating with competitors to fix prices.
Similarly, Toys ‘R’ Us colluded with toy manufacturers to not
sell popular toys to rivals, such as Costco and Sam’s Club.
▪ Tacit Collusion: Kellogg, General Mills, Post, and Quaker
accounted for 84% of the U.S. cereal market. Some believe the
high price gaps vis-à-vis rivals in this industry suggest the
possibility that the dominant firms were using a tacit collusion
cooperative strategy.
▪ Mutual Forbearance: Firms choose not to attack each other or
engage in what could be destructive competition in multiple
product markets.
Cooperative Strategies That Promote Growth and/or Diversification - This section introduces
a discussion of cooperative strategies used as an attractive alternative when the firm’s primary
goal is growth and/or diversification.
See slide 29.
See slide 30.
See slide 31.
See Figure 7.4: A
Distributed Strategic
Key Terms
▪ Diversifying Strategic Alliances - corporate-level cooperative
strategy in which firms share some of their resources and
capabilities to diversify into new product or market areas.
▪ Franchising - cooperative strategy in which a firm uses a
franchise as a contractual relationship to describe and control
the sharing of its resources and capabilities with partners.
▪ Franchise - contractual agreement between two legally
independent companies whereby the franchisor grants the right
to the franchisee to sell the franchisor’s product or do business
under its trademarks in a given location for a specified period of
time.
▪ Cross-Border Strategic Alliance - international cooperative
strategy in which firms with headquarters in different nations
combine some of their resources and capabilities to create a
competitive advantage.
▪ Distributed Alliance Network - organizational structure used to
16. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–12
Network (slide 32). manage complex and challenging international cooperative
strategies.
See slide 28.
See slide 33.
See Additional Notes
Below.
See slide 34.
See slide 35.
13. What types of cooperative strategies are used by firms trying to
grow or diversify?
a. Diversifying strategic alliances
b. Franchising
c. International cooperative strategies
14. Why might cooperative strategies be an attractive alternative to
mergers and acquisitions (presented in Chapter 9) to achieve
growth or diversification goals?
a. Require fewer resource commitments
b. Permit greater strategic flexibility
c. Not as permanent
15. What behaviors contribute to the successful use of franchising
as a cooperative strategy?
a. Partners working closely together, finding ways to
strengthen the core company’s brand name.
b. Franchisors developing programs to transfer knowledge
and skills needed for franchisees to successfully
compete at the local level.
c. Franchisees providing feedback to franchisors regarding
how to become more effective and efficient.
d. Using the strategy in fragmented industries where no
firm has a dominant share.
16. What are some of the reasons for the increase in use of cross-
border strategic alliances?
a. Multinational corporations outperform firms that
operate only domestically.
b. Due to limited domestic growth opportunities, firms
look outside their national borders to expand business.
c. Some foreign government policies require investing
firms to partner with a local firm to enter their markets.
Additional Discussion Notes for Cooperative Strategies That
Promote Growth and/or Diversification - These notes include
additional materials that illustrate diversifying strategic alliances
and franchising as cooperative strategies that promote growth and/
or diversification.
Diversifying Strategic Alliances
Boeing and Insitu formed an alliance to develop an unmanned aerial
vehicle system. Boeing brings systems integration, communications
technologies, and payload technologies. Insitu is designing its
17. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–13
capabilities in producing low-cost, long-endurance unmanned aerial
vehicles (an earlier prototype flew 2,000 miles using 1.5 gallons of
gasoline). Boeing hopes to diversify into government and commercial
markets. Insitu gains “big firm” experience and access to Boeing’s
technology, resources, and capabilities.
Franchising
Franchising is a lower-risk strategy to grow the brand. It is attractive
when you don’t have the capital for growth. It is particularly attractive
in fragmented industries, where a company can gain a large market
share by consolidating independent companies through contractual
relationships (e.g., Papa John’s, McDonald’s, Hilton International).
Source: Robert P. Merges and Richard R. Nelson, On the Complex
Economics of Patent Scope, 90 Columbia. Law. Review 839
(http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/ipcoop/90merg2.html).
Competitive Risks of Cooperative Strategies - This section discusses the high failure rate of
cooperative strategies and the factors that have a negative impact on their success.
See slide 36.
See Figure 7.5:
Managing
Competitive Risks in
Cooperative
Strategies (slide 37).
17. What are the prominent risks of cooperative strategies?
a. Partners may choose to act opportunistically, either
when formal contracts fail to prevent the behavior or
when an alliance is based on a false perception of
partner trustworthiness.
b. Partner competencies may be misrepresented,
particularly when the contributions are intangible assets.
c. Partner may fail to make available the complementary
resources and capabilities that were committed, which
often occurs in international arrangements when
different interpretations of contractual terms or trust-
based expectations exist.
d. Partner may make investments specific to the alliance
while the other partner does not.
Implementing and Managing Cooperative Strategies - This section explains the value of
building superior skills in effectively implementing and managing cooperative strategies.
See slide 38. 18. Describe several effective ways to implement and manage
cooperative strategies.
a. Internalize experiences with successful cooperative
strategies to gain maximum value from the knowledge
learned. This involves organizing the knowledge and
18. Chapter 7—Cooperative Strategy
7–14
See slide 39.
Refer to Figure 7.5:
Managing
Competitive Risks in
Cooperative
Strategies (slide 37).
See slide 40.
See slide 41.
properly distributing it to those involved with forming
and using cooperative strategies.
b. Establish appropriate controls.
c. Assign managerial responsibility for cooperative
strategy to high-level executive or team.
d. Increasing the level of trust between partners increases
the likelihood of alliance success and is an efficient way
to influence and control alliance partners’ behaviors.
19. Describe two methods used to manage cooperative strategies.
a. Cost minimization
i. Relationship with partner is formalized with
contracts.
ii. Contracts specify how the cooperative strategy
is to be monitored and how partner behavior is
to be controlled.
iii. Goal is to minimize costs and prevent
opportunistic behaviors by partners.
iv. Costs of monitoring cooperative strategy are
greater.
v. Formalities tend to stifle partner efforts to gain
maximum value from their participation.
b. Opportunity maximization
i. Focus is on maximizing partnership’s value-
creation opportunities.
ii. Informal relationships and fewer constraints
allow the partners to take advantage of
unexpected opportunities to learn from each
other and explore additional marketplace
possibilities.
iii. Partners need a high level of trust that each
party will act in partnership’s best interest,
which is more difficult in international
situations.
Ethical Questions - Recognizing the need for firms to effectively interact with stakeholders
during the strategic management process, all strategic management topics have an ethical
dimension. A list of ethical questions appears after the Summary section of each chapter in the
textbook. The topic of ethics is best covered throughout the course to emphasize its prevalence
and importance. We recommend posing at least one of these questions during your class time to
stimulate discussion of ethical issues relevant to the chapter material that you are covering.
20. near the body. The man was in extremis, and was said to be
insensible; and by Dr. Bourke’s orders a European soldier shot him
through the head. Another Afghan lying near had also his white
clothing smouldering, and he was shot in a similar way. This seems
to be the plain truth about the affair, which has been exaggerated
into the wholesale burning alive of wounded men. The Ghoorkas
know the superstitious dread among Mussulmans of any part of their
body being destroyed after death; and, on the face of it, there is the
probability of a lighted match having been applied to the clothes of
men seemingly dead, in order to send their souls to perdition. The
passions of the Ghoorkas have also been highly inflamed by a story
which reached Ali Kheyl from Cabul, that a Ghoorka, with the Guides’
escort, was led through the city streets with his face blackened, was
horribly tortured, and afterwards burned alive. They believed
fervently in this story, and, as I have said, they may have thought to
kill the Afghans in the next world as well as this. No one in the force
would seek to be an apologist for such cruel acts as burning alive,
deliberately and systematically, the wounded men of an enemy even
so cruel as are the Afghans; but the reflections cast upon the 72nd
Highlanders and upon General Roberts himself, as letting such acts
go unpunished, are as unjust as they are absurd. The General knew
nothing whatever of the incident until his attention was called to it in
the newspapers, and his action then was prompt enough. I
understand that he has now called upon Dr. Bourke to give his
reasons for not reporting the matter officially.
16th November.
Yesterday Sir Frederick Roberts and Brigadier-General Baker rode
over to Butkhak, where Brigadier-General Macpherson is encamped
after his late excursion in the Tagao country. There have been so
many movements of troops in the Cabul plain lately, that the only
escort the General thought it necessary to take with him was six
sowars of the 5th Punjab Cavalry. Since the first brigade marched to
Butkhak on the 1st instant, the villagers in the plain and in the lower
Logar Valley, which runs down from the Sang-i-Nawishta defile, have
21. seen small parties of cavalry constantly on the move backwards and
forwards, and within the last few days have watched the 23rd
Pioneers encamped on the banks of the Logar and the long convoy
of sick and wounded march along on the way to India. There have
been so many evidences of our presence, that any unruly tribesmen
or disbanded sepoys have wisely kept very quiet. The road may be
considered safe, even for a solitary traveller; the telegraph wire has
hitherto been scrupulously respected; and our foraging parties have
never been molested.
We were, of course, anxious to learn some particulars of the late
skirmish, in which a company of the 67th had come to close quarters
with the Safis; and, leaving the invalid camp, we passed up to the
head-quarters of the 1st Brigade near the village walls. Sir Frederick
Roberts heard the details of the affair from General Macpherson as
well as an account of the work done by the Brigade in opening up
communication with the Khyber Force. I may here incidentally state
that Sir F. Roberts has now received the local rank of Lieutenant-
General, and commands all the troops in Eastern Afghanistan,
Jumrood being the point in the Peshawur direction to which his
power of control extends. Some severe strictures have been passed
upon those who have hitherto had the supreme control of the force
operating from Peshawur, and the answer given to these is that
General Bright’s advanced Brigade was a “flying column.” If that
were so, how was it that it took twenty-four days to “fly” from
Jellalabad to Kata Sung, a distance of about sixty miles? Surely its
wings must have been clipped by Transport or Commissariat
scissors, in which case it would cease to be a flying column at all,
and would drop down to the lower level of a sedate brigade moving
two and a half miles a day, sleeping comfortably in tents, and living
on the fat of the land. But in that case there should have been
supplies sufficient to have justified the stay of the troops at Kata
Sung, and so to have secured the road. General Macpherson had of
course no supplies with his force, as everything is being gathered
into Sherpur for the winter; and he could not stay at Kata Sung, but
had to try and find food north of the Cabul river. Here accordingly
came in the story of the reconnaissance northward into Tagao and of
22. the collision with the Safis. The bed of the Cabul river lies about ten
miles north of Kata Sung, Sei Baba, and the Luttabund Kotal, its
direction being due east and west. From the vast pile of mountains
which shut out the Cabul plain from Gundamak high spurs run down
towards the river, and among these the Tezin stream, with two or
three small tributaries, finds its way. When General Macpherson
found that the force he had come to meet at Kata Sung had
withdrawn, he turned off to the north, and proceeding down the bed
of the Tezin stream for six or seven miles, reached the banks of the
Cabul. He encamped at Sirobi, and on the 8th, resolved to cross the
river to the village of Naghloo, on the opposite bank, two miles
higher up. The natives had reported that a good road was in
existence on the northern side of the Cabul from that point, and that
it had been regularly used as the military convoy route between
Cabul and Jellalabad. General Macpherson found, without much
difficulty, a ford over the Cabul, which is here a stream with a strong
current travelling very rapidly on account of the descent of 4,000
feet, which the river makes from Cabul to Jellalabad. Like all fords,
however, in the Cabul river, this crossing-place was found to have its
dangers, the least divergence from the narrow roadway—if the word
can be used where there is no dry land—plunging men and horses
into deep water. The fatal experience of the 10th Hussars at
Jellalabad last spring was remembered, and ropes were stretched
across the stream by which the men were guided. This marked the
road to be taken and minimized the danger. On the evening of the
8th half the force had crossed to Naghloo without any accident,
except that Lieutenants Forbes and Macgregor, of the 92nd
Highlanders, acting as orderly officers to the General, were swept
away by the current. By a little hard swimming they managed to
reach the bank again. The troops bivouacked without tents. On the
following day a reconnaissance was made from Naghloo eastwards,
towards the Lughman country, Lieutenant Manners Smith, Assistant
Quartermaster-General, going out with a few cavalry to examine the
district. The orders given to the troops were not to fire upon any of
the local tribesmen, unless the latter first opened fire; and this order
was rigorously carried out. Working down on the left bank of the
23. Cabul, a kotal was gained eight or ten miles from Camp, from which
a splendid view of the Lughman Valley was obtained. There was a
track right through this, and this was undoubtedly the road used by
the late Shere Ali for his military convoys. It seemed to traverse an
almost level country; and except that to use it would involve two
bridges—one near Naghloo and the other at Jellalabad,—there can
be no question that it would he far easier than viâ Jugdulluck,
Gundamak, and Futtehabad. The country, however, north of the
Cabul is known to be inhabited by Safis—converted Kafirs, whose
fanaticism exceeds that of almost any other Mahomedans. Tagao, in
which they live, boasts of several fertile valleys, watered by the
Panjshir, Tagao, and Uzbin rivers, and might furnish supplies if the
people could be reduced to obedience. Their chief is one Usman
Khan,[25]
a noted robber; and of the temper of his followers we have
already had an example. When the reconnoitring party were looking
into the Lughman Valley, some seventy Safis, all armed with jhezails
and swords, appeared a few hundred yards off, and threatened to
attack the troops if they proceeded further into their country. As they
did not open fire, no notice was taken of their threats, and
Lieutenant Smith returned to Naghloo in peace. On the next day, the
10th, a foraging party of one company of the 67th Foot, under
Captain Poole, was ordered to march up the Cabul river to a village
some six or seven miles to the west of Naghloo. This village is in
close proximity to Doaba, at the junction of the Panjshir and Cabul
rivers. The villagers near the Cabul are not Safis; and as they had
expressed their willingness to sell grain and forage, only a small
party of men were sent out in charge of about 100 camels and
mules. The road taken was found to be rather difficult, a narrow
defile close to the river having to be passed through, four miles from
Naghloo. After passing through this, the narrow camel-track passed
over a small semicircular piece of open ground, the hills falling away
to the north. At the western end was a second defile, with a high
ridge running up to the right and shutting out from view the village
beyond. When Captain Poole was crossing the open with thirty men,
some distance in front of the baggage animals, he met a number of
villagers hastening along with their household goods and cattle.
24. They were evidently panic-stricken and shouted wildly to Captain
Poole, but as he did not understand their language he pushed on to
the second defile. It appears that what they really said was that the
Safis were in force over the defile, had attacked their village, burned
their houses, and murdered some of the inhabitants. Upon getting
through the second defile, Captain Poole saw on the slope below
some 800 or 1,000 armed men, who immediately opened fire. The
thirty men of the 67th returned the fire and checked the enemy, who
had tried to rush forward. It was important to keep them back until
the baggage animals with their small guard of twenty-four men
could retrace their steps through the first defile. After firing for some
time, our men observed 300 or 400 Safis creeping round over the hill
to the north, with the evident intention of getting into the open plain
and cutting off all retreat. The position of the handful of men then
became so hazardous, that Captain Poole ordered them to fall back,
and for an hour and a half he faced towards the Safis, who
advanced to within 40 yards. It was in the open that our men began
to drop, although one had been shot dead in the defile. Cover was
taken under the river bank, which was three or four feet above the
level of the stream; and though the enemy opened fire from the
southern bank, they could not do much mischief. The steadiness of
the soldiers, who used their Martinis with good effect, was
remarkable throughout, one or two incidents being worth recording.
The crack shot of the regiment, Corporal Woolley, was with the
company, and his practice was wonderfully good. He was
unfortunately shot through, the leg, but still continued firing. One of
his comrades, on being shot down, fell into the river, and struggled
hard to gain the bank. Two Safis ran down to cut him up; and these
men Corporal Woolley shot before they could make their way to the
wounded man. The latter was so exhausted by his efforts that he fell
back, and was drowned in the stream. Corporal Woolley also brought
down two standard-bearers. The fighting was so close that Captain
Poole could not carry off his dead (two others were killed in the
open besides the men in the defile); and the Safis mutilated them in
a horrible way. Their eyes were gouged out, and faces cut to pieces
by sharp knives, so that the bodies could scarcely be identified.
25. While fighting across the open, Captain Poole was struck by a bullet
in the calf of the leg, and four other soldiers were wounded. One,
who was too badly hit to be able to walk, was put upon a camel, and
carried safely away. Lieutenant Carnegy kept the men together after
his Captain had been hit; and although eight men and an officer out
of fifty-six had been either killed or wounded, the others never
wavered. A sowar had galloped back to Naghloo for assistance, and
General Macpherson sent out at once a squadron of the 12th Bengal
Cavalry and four mountain guns; 150 of the 67th, and a company of
the 28th Punjab Native Infantry following. The cavalry arrived at the
trot, but the defile was so blocked by the baggage animals, that to
get through was impossible. The sowars dismounted and went up
the hill to use their carbines, and the guns, also arriving, went up
the crest under escort of the 28th and one company of the 67th,
under Major Baker, and opened fire at 1,000 yards into the mass of
the Safis below. The shells had a wholesome effect upon the enemy,
and volleys from the Martinis and Sniders were also fired at long
ranges. One man of the 28th was killed by a stray bullet. The other
company of the 67th, under Lieutenant Atkinson, went along the
river bed, and the enemy then retreated behind a sungar on the
ridge to the north of the second defile, and covering their right flank.
The mountain guns came into action again at 1,700 yards, having
been brought down into the plain, and Major Baker marched over
the hills to take the sungar in flank. Lieutenant Atkinson advancing
at the same time, the Safis fled towards the Doaba, the cavalry
pursuing them for six miles. Their loss must have been heavy, as
they left many of their dead behind; seven bodies were found in one
nullah. The mutilated bodies of three men of the 67th were
recovered: the fourth had been swept down the river. The whole
affair proves how great a risk small foraging parties run in an
unexplored country, where the temper of the inhabitants is
uncertain. It is true no resistance was expected; but the fanaticism
of the Safis is so well known, that extra precautions should have
been taken. The difficult ground to be traversed also put a small
body of infantry, encumbered with baggage animals, at a great
26. disadvantage. That one-sixth of Captain Poole’s company was put
out of action is too significant to be lightly regarded.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Report of the Commission of Inquiry upon the Massacre—The Suspicion
against the Amir Yakub Khan—The Report forwarded to the Government of
India—Probable Deportation of the Amir to India—Gatherings of Tribesmen at
Ghazni—The Necessity of collecting Supplies for the Winter—The Khyber Line
of Communications—No Supplies obtainable from Peshawur—Slowness of the
Khyber Advance—Projected Expedition to Ghazni—The Reason of its falling
through—The Strength of the Army of the Indus—General Baker’s Excursion
to the Maidan Valley—The Chardeh Valley in Winter—Sir F. Roberts joins
General Baker-The Destruction of Bahadur Khan’s Villages in the Darra Narkh.
Sherpur, 18th November.
One part of the important work which the British force came to
Cabul to fulfil has been done: the Commission appointed to inquire
into the circumstances of the massacre of our Envoy and the after-
events, culminating in the battle of Charasia, has completed its task,
and to-day the report was duly signed by Colonel Macgregor, Dr.
Bellew, and Mahomed Hyat Khan. For the past two days Sir F.
Roberts has had the report before him, and has telegraphed a
summary of it to the Government of India, who will thus be put in
possession of its main features several days before the text of the
document can reach them. In due course the Government will, no
doubt, furnish a connected narrative of the events of the early part
of September, and the world at large will then be able to judge on
what basis of proof our suspicions against Yakub Khan and his most
favoured ministers have rested.[26]
The Commission began examining
witnesses on the 18th of October; so that it is exactly a month to-
day since the first step was taken towards compiling the mass of
evidence now understood to have been recorded. I have before
27. pointed out very fully how difficult was the work which lay before
the Commissioners: there was scarcely any clue to be laid hold of
which would lead them direct to their chief point—the cause of the
outbreak of the Herat regiments; and they had to take such
witnesses as were forthcoming, and to trust to later evidence to
clear away the darkness in which they were at first groping. The
consideration shown to the Amir seemed, to the suspicious minds of
the Cabulis, a sign which foreboded his future restoration, or that of
his near relatives; and those who were well inclined to us shrank
from declaring their partisanship too boldly, for fear of after-
consequences, when the Barakzai family should again be all-
powerful in the country. There was a slight dissipation of this feeling
when the Proclamation of October 28th was issued, announcing
Yakub Khan’s voluntary abdication, and ordering all chiefs in
Afghanistan to look to the Commander of the British force at Cabul
for their authority in future; but we are known to be so eccentric a
people that there still lurked uneasiness in many minds, and mouths
were sealed that might reasonably have been expected to be open.
The actual presence of the late sovereign in our Camp—even though
he was known to be under a close guard—was too powerful an
influence to be easily swept away: if he had been hurried away to
India in disgrace, the atmosphere of doubt and uncertainty would
have cleared up. But our ideas of justice are too strict to be warped
by passionate anger, and it was resolved to give Yakub Khan as fair a
chance of defending himself as he could possibly expect. That he
lost his personal liberty by listening to foolish councillors, who
thought he might gain something by flight, was nothing to us. One
cannot always guard a man against his own stupidity. Having, then,
to keep Yakub Khan with us, we had to do as best we could in
gaining means of judging what were his relations with the men who
stood forth as leaders of the rebel army, and how far he had
sympathized with their plans. In endeavouring to trace out the
palace intrigues which Nek Mahomed, Kushdil Khan, and others had
set on foot, the Commission had often to rely upon men themselves
tainted with suspicion; and when this was the case the statements
had to be carefully weighed and critically compared with facts which
28. were attested beyond doubt. To dwell, as I have dwelt before, upon
the strong point of an Afghan, and the strongest of a Barakzai—the
capacity for lying—would be merely to repeat an old story: the lies
might contain in them a germ of truth shining out as a silent protest
against the mass of falsehood; and many of these germs have, after
careful nursing, borne such fruit, that very tangible results have
been arrived at. In spite of the religious antipathy always manifested
by Mussulmans against Christians, increased a thousandfold when it
is thought a Mussulman’s life is in danger; in the face of a strong
feeling against the restoration of a Barakzai Amir on the one hand,
and of the feudal reverence shown towards the dynasty on the
other; in silent but cautious calculation of those opposing influences,
the Commission felt its way forward. Such men as professed
friendship for us were invited to tell us all they knew, and that all
seemed so little that it was disheartening to listen to it; such others
as were Yakub Khan’s faithful followers were asked to give their
version of events, and their garbled stories were just as
disappointing. Towards the close of the inquiry, however, there was
more tangible matter to be used as a lever by which to force
disclosures; and I believe that such fair evidence as will fully justify
Yakub Khan’s deportation to India was obtained. That it will justify
more I cannot venture to hope, and I must guard myself against
misconception by saying that officially no sign has been given as to
the conclusions of the Commission. There are inferences which
observant men cannot fail to draw from little episodes in a camp-life
so limited as this, and the rigorous attention paid to the safe-
keeping of Yakub Khan is but one in a string of collateral
circumstances which have been interesting us since the Proclamation
in the Bala Hissar and the arrest of the Wazir and his fellow-
ministers. We may be all wrong in our surmises as to what will
occur: there is only the charmed circle of three, who have had to
shape the conclusions now before the Government of India, in which
speculation may be safe; but we believe in our prescience, and are
proportionately happy. The final decision on so important a step as
the punishment of a sovereign supposed to have been guilty of
treachery—whether of the blackest kind, or merely of the nature
29. arising from pusillanimity and indecision—must rest with the highest
authorities; and if we were tempted to chafe at our helplessness in
having the knowledge of all that has transpired withheld from us, we
should be consoled at once by the thought that it is the voice of the
Government alone which can pronounce the final sentence. That the
Commission will have spoken freely, and not have shrunk from any
startling conclusions it may have been driven to, I am fully
convinced—they are not the men for half measures who have
composed it—and in the full expectation that their recommendations
will be carried out, even if the end is more than usually bitter, all of
us who have sojourned before Cabul since we camped on Siah Sung
Ridge, on 8th October, are content to rest until everything is made
known.
The latest arrivals in Camp are Mahomed Syud, Governor of
Ghazni, and Faiz Mahomed, the Afghan General, whose name
became so familiar when Sir Neville Chamberlain’s Mission was
turned back in the Khyber. Faiz Mahomed was then in command at
Ali Musjid, and his interview with Cavagnari just below the fortress is
matter of history. He does not seem to have shared in the rebellion,
and his adherence to Yakub Khan was never shaken. Mahomed Syud
was compelled to leave Ghazni, as he found himself powerless to
control the local moollahs, who have been preaching a jehad on
their own account, and have gathered together several thousand
tribesmen from the villages in the district. There are but few trained
sepoys in their ranks, and, although they have made the road
between Ghazni and the more northern districts very unsafe, their
efforts are too insignificant to be at present seriously regarded.
21st November.
“Nae, nae! I’ll nae fa’ out till I’ve washed ma’ hands in th’
Caspian!” These were the words, not of any veteran soldier looking
forward to crossing bayonets with the Russians, but of a plucky little
drummer boy, of the 92nd Highlanders, when toiling painfully along
the road to Cabul. The lad had his heart in the right place at any
rate; and if the strength of an army is to be judged by its marching
30. powers, we have rare material in our ranks. It is a long cry from
Cabul to the Caspian; but the drummer boy may have many years of
soldiering before him; and if ever the Gordon Highlanders form up
on the shores of Russia’s inland sea, to that boy should belong the
honour of leading the van. But we are only at Cabul, and it now
seems beyond doubt that we shall not advance any further this year.
The winter has come down upon us with a suddenness that we little
expected from the mildness of the last season; and 20° of frost have
warned us that bivouacking out would be nearly impossible for well-
clad soldiers, and would be certain death to hundreds of camp-
followers. The news of the disturbances on the Ghazni Road may,
perhaps, call forth the remark, that after Cabul had been captured,
and the country around cowed into order, a rapid march to Ghazni
should have been ordered. There is much virtue in sudden and
striking displays of force in an enemy’s country, particularly when the
enemy is disorganized by defeat, and is debating as to the possibility
of waging guerilla warfare. But there are considerations which must
override even rapidity of action, and the first of these is the
provision of supplies on which an army can subsist when far
removed from its base of action. Cabul was practically in our
possession on the 9th of October, though the formal march into the
Bala Hissar did not take place until three days later; and our cavalry
and spies had shown us that no organized resistance was being
prepared within many miles of the capital. The rebel regiments had
melted away; the city people were cowering in abject submission;
and the local tribes had seen that their day had not come and were
once more in their homesteads, nursing their wrath and their jhezails
until the Kafirs should be delivered into their hands. Sir. F. Roberts
was at this time quite cut off from India, so far as a connected line
of communication went; the Shutargardan post was the only link
between Cabul and Kurram, and that was beset by an army of hill-
men. From that direction he might hope, by relieving the garrison, to
get one convoy through; but beyond that point he could not go. The
great height of the Shutargardan Pass precluded all hope of keeping
troops there during the winter. He had come from Ali Kheyl with but
a few days’ provisions; and it was plain that, unless supplies came
31. by way of the Khyber, the army must rely upon the country for food
for its 18,000 soldiers and followers. That one might have
reasonably expected a long string of baggage animals to be moving
westwards from Peshawur at the end of October did not seem so
preposterous as men with General Bright’s column would now have
us believe. To say that Peshawur was swept clean of all transport
animals for Kurram, is begging the question. The Kurram Valley
Force was only half-equipped when it began the advance upon
Cabul, and northern India still held many thousands of mules,
donkeys, camels, and their kind. We hoped that some of the energy
our own Commander had shown would have been displayed in the
“Army of the Indus,” and that a few troops at least would have kept
pace with us, or, say, have moved on a parallel line five marches in
rear. If this had been done, and a well-equipped brigade of 2,500
men had been pushed forward to Jugdulluck, the massing of 12,000
men in rear might have been postponed—for a few months, say,—
and some of the transport (swallowed up by regiments who will
never be wanted west of Peshawur) then liberated. But to look to
the Khyber for supplies was soon found to be an expensive
amusement. The troops would starve before a seer of atta or grain
passed Jumrood. We could live from hand-to-mouth for a week or
two; but there were the four months of winter to be thought of; and
it became merely a question of arithmetic whether a brigade strong
enough to march to Ghazni could be spared, with all its equipment
of baggage animals and followers, and at the same time four
months’ supplies could be bought up and swept into our Camp by
those left behind at Cabul. There seemed just a chance of this being
done, if our broken reed in the Jellalabad Valley could be propped
fairly straight for a few weeks. The work of collecting grain, forage,
and all other supplies, was begun in earnest; and we resigned
ourselves to hard labour until the troops from the Shutargardan
should come in, and our communications viâ Jugdulluck be well
established. Expeditions to Kohistan and Ghazni were looked upon as
certain of accomplishment in the near future. We knew that
Jellalabad had been occupied by the advanced brigade of General
Bright’s force on October 12th, and it was only sixty miles from that
32. post to the point beyond Jugdulluck, where they would join hands
with the Cabul Army. The end of October would surely see them
within a few marches of us. But it had been apparent from the first
that drag-ropes were upon the “Army of the Indus,” and that every
tug forward made by Brigadier Charles Gough was responded to by
a double tug behind. The end of the month came; the convoys from
the Shutargardan were well on their way, the troops under Brigadier
Hugh Gough had also started; and the Jugdulluck route seemed
about to be opened. On 1st November Brigadier Macpherson was at
Butkhak, and four days later he shook hands with General Bright at
Kata Sung. Then it was decided at head-quarters here that a force
should visit Ghazni. The mass of our supplies were being stored
away in Sherpur; General Macpherson could march his brigade back
after garrisoning Luttabund and Butkhak; Cabul would not be
denuded of troops; and from Sherpur to Peshawur the road would
be guarded by an overwhelming force. But the programme went all
wrong: the broken reed, after being straightened for twenty-four
hours, failed us. The Khyber advanced brigade had no supplies;
General Macpherson had to cross into Tagao to feed his force; and
we, in Sherpur, saw the 15th November—the day fixed for our
departure for Ghazni—come and go, and still the army remained
stationary. The weather, too—an element that can never be despised
in our calculations in a semi-barren country like Afghanistan—had
punished our delay by declaring against us. Snow and sleet fell in
and around Cabul, and no man knew when the next storm might
come. So the Ghazni expedition fell through; and if the ruffians who
are now trying to make capital out of our failure to visit the place,
succeed in their efforts to cry a jehad, the blame for any mischief
that may ensue cannot be thrown upon the Cabul Army, but upon
the short-sighted policy which could leave it to its own resources,
while nominally moving a supporting force in a parallel line in order
to secure its alternative communications. Foreign military critics have
reflected severely upon the want of skill shown in the plan of the
campaign, and have condemned the rashness of the Shutargardan-
Cabul advance, without support from the Khyber. But the supports
were said to be there, and General Roberts could not know that they
33. would be steadily kept back, and would be unable to take up their
share of the alternative road a month after he had captured the
position they were both supposed to be converging upon. Supports
which travel at the rate of two or three miles a day are worse than
useless.
When it is considered what the numerical strength of the Khyber
supporting column is, one cannot understand the timidity of the
advance. There may have been tribes in front, in flank, and in rear;
but so there were on the Shutargardan route, and tribes far more
capable of mischief than Afridis and Shinwaris. Yet the menace at
Budesh Kheyl, Ali Kheyl, the Shutargardan, and on either flank at
Charasia, did not check the forward movement of an army half the
strength of that supposed to have been put in motion from
Peshawur simultaneously with the advance from the Kurram side.
Looking at General Bright’s force at the end of October, we find that,
inclusive of troops at Nowshera and Peshawur, he had under his
orders over 16,000 men, viz., British troops: 148 officers and 4,287
men; Native troops: 147 British officers and 11,795 men. These
included five batteries of artillery and one mountain battery, and six
cavalry regiments, three British and three Native. Out of the total,
two batteries were in Peshawur; and there must also be subtracted
the following regiments, which had not crossed the old frontier:—
11th Bengal Lancers (356), part of the 17th Bengal Cavalry (338), 1-
17th Foot (443), 1-25th (715), part of 51st (209), 1st Native Infantry
(774), 22nd Native Infantry (638), and 39th Native Infantry (609).
Deducting all these, there was left a force of 11,800 men actually
moving on, or garrisoning the Peshawur-Gundamak line; supports
equal, it might have been supposed, to any work required of them.
That there were conflicting ideas as to the object with which such a
body of troops had been sent from India, must have been apparent
even to a superficial observer; but upon whom the responsibility of
playing with such an army rests, no one here pretends to say. The
local rank of Lieutenant-General, which has at last been given to Sir
F. Roberts, brings these 11,800 men under his command, and their
future movements are likely to be directed in sympathy with the
advanced army at Cabul. For the next few months they will probably
34. be required to do little more than keep the road; but during the
winter their transport equipment and commissariat arrangements—
defects in which are said to have been the chief cause of their tardy
movements—will have to be so far put on a footing of efficiency
that, if the necessity arises in the spring for the Cabul Army
continuing its march westwards, they will be able to keep pace with
its movements. There are good men and tried soldiers enough in the
Khyber Force to do all that is required, if they are allowed scope for
their energies, and are not trammelled and crippled at every step by
those influences in the background, which I have already described
as being “drag-ropes” upon their freedom of action. General Roberts
has now in his command—that of Eastern Afghanistan—two divisions
of 8,000, and 11,800 men, respectively: in all, nearly 20,000 troops,
whose movements he controls from his headquarters at Sherpur.
Matters of detail on the Khyber side are left, as before, to local
commanders. I have dwelt at length upon the shortcomings of the
Peshawur column, not so much because very serious results have
followed its laggard advance, but as showing how helpless the small
force here would have been if, in case of a check, it had looked for
support to “the Army of the Indus.”
General Macpherson’s brigade returned to Sherpur cantonments
yesterday, having left at Luttabund 300 of the 23rd Pioneers and half
the 28th Punjab Native Infantry. Before the brigade marched in, a
strong body of troops had been warned for service, their destination
being the district of Maidan, twenty-five miles distant on the Ghazni
Road, where large supplies of grain and bhoosa are said to have
been collected for us by the sirdars employed to purchase it on our
account. Over 100,000 maunds of bhoosa are still wanted to
complete our winter supply; and as the villagers have not sufficient
carriage to bring in their supplies so long a distance, we must needs
go out ourselves. Every available baggage animal will be employed
for the next week or ten days in carrying in this forage; and as there
are rumours innumerable of gatherings on the Ghazni Road further
south, it has been determined to run no risk with reference to our
valuable mules and yaboos. A string of between 2,000 and 3,000
animals needs to be well protected, and the brigade which marched
35. out this morning under General Baker was therefore very strong. It
was made up as follows:—500 of the 92nd Highlanders; 400 of the
3rd Sikhs; 400 of the 5th Punjab Infantry; two guns, G-3, Royal
Artillery; four guns Kohat Mountain Battery; one squadron 9th
Lancers, two squadrons 5th Punjab Cavalry, and two squadrons of
the 14th Bengal Lancers. The display of so large a force half-way to
Ghazni is sure to have an excellent effect upon the surrounding
country. Sir F. Roberts rides out to-morrow to join General Baker at
Maidan.
A Divisional order was issued to-night, directing the public reading
of an order of the Commander-in-Chief dismissing Subadar
Mahomed Karim Khan, 1st Punjab Infantry, from the service for
having failed in his duty to the Queen-Empress on the occasion of
the attack upon the Residency. This man is a Logari, and was on
furlough at Cabul in September. On the morning of the outbreak he
was in the Residency, and after the lull following the first collision of
the Herat troops with the Guides—while the Afghans went for their
arms—he was sent with a message to the Amir by Sir Louis
Cavagnari. This he does not seem to have delivered with the spirit
that might have been expected from a soldier in our service; and
afterwards, when Gholam Nubbi, Cavagnari’s chuprasse, found
money and horses for him to carry the news of the disaster to the
British Camp at Ali Kheyl, he behaved in a dastardly way. He
changed clothes with Gholam Nubbi and started out, but only went
as far as Beni Hissar. There he stayed for two days, and then
returned to Cabul, where he hid himself for five days in the Kizilbash
quarter. Afterwards he quietly made his way to his own village; and,
upon our troops appearing at Kushi, came into camp and told some
wonderful stories of what he had done. These were afterwards
proved to be false, and the Military Commission when trying
prisoners found that his conduct had been really that of a poltroon.
They recommended his dismissal from the service, and he has now
been summarily discharged, all arrears of pay being forfeited. This is
another striking instance of the shifty and untrustworthy nature of
our Pathan soldiers, for Karim Khan was an old native officer.
36. Camp Maidan, Ghazni Road, 24th November.
The Lieutenant-General Commanding is now out on a visit to the
force under Brigadier-General Baker, which is collecting supplies of
forage from the villages along the Ghazni Road. Leaving Brigadier-
General Macpherson in command at Sherpur, Sir F. Roberts,
accompanied by his personal Staff and Colonel Macgregor, Chief of
the Staff, with a small escort of ten men of the 14th Bengal Lancers,
rode through the Cabul gorge on the afternoon of the 22nd, and,
following the road which traverses the Chardeh Valley, made for the
village of Argandeh, about sixteen miles away. The Chardeh Valley,
which we passed through, gave evidence on all sides of that fertility
which has earned for it the name of the “Garden of Cabul;” but it is
so late in the year that only autumn tints mark the fields on either
side. Here and there the young wheat is shooting up, but the small
green blades are scarcely strong enough to do more than chequer
the general area of brownness. The long lines of willows and poplars
which line the hundreds of watercourses threading the valley, are
mere skeletons of trees; their leaves rustling down in eddying circles
as the cold wind sweeps blusteringly from the snowy tops of the
Pughman Hills. The valley is shut in on all sides by high mountain
ranges, the hills which guard Cabul from approach on the west
seeming to rise perpendicularly from the plain. The range above
Indikee village is overtopped by the sheer cliffs which dominate the
plain between Zahidabad and Charasia, and these are already
covered with snow, which gleams out in startling whiteness above
the barren rocks in the foreground. Far away to the north lies the
Hindu Kush, with its long undulating sky-line similarly snow-laden,
the lower intermediate hills of Kohistan being still mere brown
masses jostling each other in grand confusion. Looking towards
Bamian the view is bounded scarcely ten miles away by the
Pughman spur, which boasts of several lofty peaks rising in sullen
grandeur from the hills about Argandeh. For fully twelve miles, or
about as far as Kila Kazi, the road is an extremely good one; stones,
the curse of Afghanistan, being few and far between. After this the
dry bed of a snow-fed stream has frequently to be crossed or
followed, and boulders are not uncommon. Guns, however, could be
37. got along without much trouble, and if necessary a new track on a
higher level, across the cultivated land, could be laid out. The road
ascends gradually the whole way, and when near Argandeh a kotal is
gained, about a mile and a half across and two or three miles long.
It is now a bare plain without tree or shrub, but for the most part is
under cultivation, the fields of course lying fallow during the winter.
To the right or north the hills are rather precipitous, and in a
sheltered curve at their base the village of Argandeh lies. It is fully a
mile from the road, and all about it are terraced fields said to yield
magnificent crops of wheat and barley. The high pitch to which
irrigation attains in Afghanistan is strikingly exemplified in this
district, the water-channels being so arranged that the distribution of
the water is admirable.
Sir Frederick Roberts rested for the night at Argandeh, and
yesterday morning rode on to Maidan. Striking the Ghazni Road a
mile from Argandeh, we followed its course over the kotal and soon
began to descend. The hills on either side were as bare as any in
Afghanistan, and the plain between them was only partially
cultivated. After about four miles a chowki (watch-tower) was
reached on a little rise, and looking to the south we saw the district
of Maidan stretching before us. It is a beautiful valley, landlocked on
every side, the Cabul river running through it about a mile from the
foot of the western hills. The valley must be at least four miles
across; and, with the exception of low rolling downs, covered with
stones and rocks, for about a mile on its eastern flank is as flat as its
name, Maidan (open plain), implies. Twenty or thirty walled
enclosures and villages on the banks of the Cabul stream stand out
from amid poplars, willows, and plane trees, which fringe the banks
of the sparkling little river, and for many square miles nothing is
seen but endless corn-fields, each with its little boundary of mud,
along which the water slowly wanders as it does its work of
irrigation. The road falls rapidly from the chowki, and a few hundred
yards below bifurcates, the main route to Ghazni going straight to
the south over the rolling downs I have mentioned, and a bridle-
path leading down to the villages of the plain. General Baker’s camp
is pitched at Naure Falad, two miles from the chowki, down in the
38. plain near the first of the fortified enclosures, its rear being guarded
by a high rocky ridge. From the summit of this a splendid view of
Maidan is obtained, and the extraordinary fertility of the valley fully
appreciated. To the west the ridge runs sharply down into the plain,
and the valley is there narrowed to half a mile, but it opens out
again to the north among the hills. The main road to Bamian, which
strikes off from the Ghazni Road before the chowki in the kotal is
reached, runs across this part of the valley and enters the
Ispekhawk Pass, a few miles further on.
Yesterday afternoon a small party of cavalry were fired upon in the
Darra Narkh, a valley running in the Bamian direction, and to-day
Bahadur Khan, who was responsible for the action, and who is
known to be harbouring Afghan soldiers, has been visited and
punished. He had already given much trouble. General Baker, since
his arrival in Maidan, has found much difficulty in inducing the maliks
of the villages of the district to bring in corn and bhoosa. They have
given the tribute grain and forage readily enough, but have evaded
furnishing the amount we required in addition to this. Every maund
was paid for at a forced rate, which, I may state, was far higher than
the normal prices; but the village headmen hung back, and, though
profuse in promises, made but little effort to meet our wants.
Several of them were very insolent in their bearing, and no doubt
thought to worry us out by their procrastination. But General Baker
is not the stamp of man to have his orders disobeyed, and by
confining some of the maliks to the camp for a few days, he had
gradually brought them to their senses. One malik, however, trusting
to the obscure valley in which he lived, wherein Europeans had
never been known to penetrate, was obstinate. This was Bahadur
Khan, whose fort is about eight miles from the Maidan villages,
along the branch road which leads to Bamian. He not only refused to
sell any of his huge store of grain and forage, but insolently declined
to come into camp. He was known to have great influence among
the tribesmen in his neighbourhood, and it was reported that some
sepoys of the Ardal regiments were living under his protection.
When Sir F. Roberts heard of the contumacy of this malik, he agreed
with General Baker that it would be well to fetch him in by force, and
39. at the same time to arrest any sepoys found in his villages. To
accomplish this double object the cavalry were sent out yesterday,
with the result already stated, that they were fired upon by a large
body of men, including some 200 sepoys armed with Sniders. It was
necessary to make an example of Bahadur Khan, and at the same
time to break up the tribal gathering, which, if left alone, might grow
to serious proportions. Our foraging parties would probably have
been roughly handled in scattered villages, all of which boast of
towers and fortified enclosures, if the rumour had been allowed to
circulate that our cavalry had been driven back.
Tents having been struck at daybreak, the baggage of the force
was packed up and placed within a fort near the Cabul river, under a
guard of 300 men, drawn equally from the 92nd Highlanders, 3rd
Sikhs, and 5th Punjab Infantry, with a squadron of the 14th Bengal
Lancers and a troop of the 9th Lancers. The two guns of 9-3[prev G-
3], R.H.A., were also left behind, as the road to the villages was
known to be difficult for wheeled guns. The troops which marched
out were 400 of the 92nd, 300 of the 3rd Sikhs, 300 of the 5th N.I.,
a troop of the 9th Lancers, a squadron of the 14th B.L., and four
guns of the Kohat Mountain Battery. General Baker was in command
of this compact little column, which was not encumbered with
transport animals, as a rapid march was intended. Sir F. Roberts,
with Colonel Macgregor, also rode out with his personal escort. It
was bitterly cold in the early morning, and all but the swiftest
running streams were coated over with ice. The troops carried with
them one day’s cooked provisions, but were otherwise in light
marching order. A point was made for a little to the south-west,
where the Darra Narkh stream falls into the Cabul river, and then a
due westerly course was followed up the narrow valley through
which the former stream runs. The usual mountainous country was
seen on either hand, high hills closing down on the valley, and
presenting treeless slopes barren of all verdure. The two rivers had
to be crossed by fords, and the men went through the icy-cold water
as carelessly as if wading a stream in summer. The sepoys stripped
off their putties, and made light of the floating ice which barked their
shins, while the Highlanders in their kilts seemed rather to enjoy the
40. bracing cold. The road was fairly well-defined and ran through
cultivated fields, with an occasional fortified homestead or country
villa relieving the monotony of the landscape. Information was
brought from time to time of the movements of Bahadur Khan, it
being at first stated that he had 2,000 or 3,000 men ready to meet
us. About seven miles from the camp the road was commanded by a
high ridge on the left, and beyond this, we were told, lay the open
valley in which the cavalry had been attacked. This ridge was at its
highest point 800 or 1,000 feet above the roadway, and on the
previous evening had been lined with men. Now it appeared quite
deserted, and the cavalry swept round it and waited in a friendly
village until the infantry could come up. A local malik volunteered
the news that Bahadur Khan and his followers had taken all their
movable property away during the night and had fled to the hills.
When the Lancers first appeared round the ridge and pushed
forward into the horseshoe-shaped valley, they saw fifty or sixty men
on some low hills to the north, a gunshot from Bahadur Khan’s chief
fort; and as these moved down the slopes, it seemed probable that
a body of tribesmen might be lying hidden behind the crests.
Possibly the Ghilzais expected that only cavalry were again about to
pay them a visit, and were emboldened to come to the lower levels.
As soon as the advanced company of the Highlanders appeared on
the road, the “enemy,” if fifty are worthy of the name, drew off
hurriedly to the highest hill, a couple of miles distant, and watched
our movements. General Baker directed one company of the 92nd to
advance in skirmishing order, and occupy a rocky hill overlooking
Bahadur Khan’s fort, and commanding it at 700 or 800 yards, and
sent a company of Sikhs round to the north, with orders to drive out
any men who might be occupying the lower hills. It was soon seen
that the place was quite deserted, and not a shot was fired from any
of the hills. The whole valley lay before us dotted over with fortified
homesteads, surrounded by grain-fields already green with sprouting
corn. It seemed wonderfully fertile, and extended over many square
miles; other and smaller valleys penetrating between the hills
wherever there was a break in their continuous line. The exact
extent of these minor valleys could not be estimated, but native
41. report stated that the fertility was equal to that of the rich plain
stretching away to the north-west for five or six miles. When it was
seen that no opposition was to be offered, the Sikhs doubled down
upon the fort from the low hills above it, and at the same time
another company raced across the fields from the southern entrance
to the valley, all being anxious to be in “at the loot.” It was a pretty
sight watching the sepoys doubling along and spreading out as the
fort and the village near it were gained. Clouds of dust with the
gleam of lance-heads shining out soon arose further to the left in the
heart of the valley, showing where the cavalry were galloping off to
more distant homesteads. All Bahadur Khan’s villages, some ten in
number, were marked down to be looted and burnt, and Sikhs and
sowars were quickly engaged in the work. The houses were found
stored with bhoosa, straw, firewood, and twigs for the winter as well
as a small quantity of corn, and as there was not time to clear this
out, and we could not afford to leave a force for the night in such a
dangerous position so near to the hills, orders were given to fire the
villages and destroy the houses and their contents. No better men
than Sikhs could he found for such work, and in a few minutes
Bahadur Khan’s villages were in flames, and volumes of dense black
smoke pouring over the valley, a high wind aiding the fire with
frantic earnestness. The villagers had carried off all their portable
property, not even a charpoy remaining, but the Sikhs ransacked
every place for hidden treasure, and smashed down the earthen
corn-bins in hope of gaining a prize. These corn-bins seemed quite a
feature of every house. They are three or four feet square and made
of sun-dried clay, often fancifully ornamented with scroll-work. They
stand on a raised platform in the living-room, and have near the
bottom a small hole in which a piece of rag is stuffed. This answers
to the tap of a barrel, for when the rag is withdrawn the grain pours
out, and the daily supply can he drawn just as we would draw a
tankard of beer in an English farm-house. Indian corn, from which
rich chupaties (unleavened cakes) are made, is chiefly stored in this
way, and near the bins stand the grinding-stones, at which the
women of the house prepare the flour for the household. Generally
an adjoining room is turned into a kitchen, the earthen floor being
42. skilfully burrowed to form ovens, and round holes cut out on which
to place the dekchies which serve for Afghan pots and kettles. Such
of the rooms as I went into were dark and dirty enough, small
square holes in the walls serving as windows, and the roofs being
made up of thick logs laid a foot apart, and covered over with twigs,
on which a foot of mud had been plastered. The Sikhs fired house
after house, and every room was soon converted into a huge
reverberating furnace, the fire having no means of escape through
the roofs, which were very strong. Nearly all the houses were two-
storied, with narrow wooden or mud staircases, and many a sepoy in
his haste first fired the lower rooms, stored with wood or bhoosa,
and then rushed upstairs intent on loot, soon to be driven down
again by the smoke and flames from below. The search after
household goods was varied by exciting chases after the fowls,
ducks, and donkeys of the village. Sikhs and kahars, who had come
up with the dandies (stretchers for wounded men), scrambled over
housetops, and through blinding smoke, to capture the dearly-prized
moorgie, while below an unoffending donkey would be chased
frantically round awkward corners and over frozen watercourses,
where pursuers and pursued alike came to grief. A donkey when
captured was laden with such little loot as the men thought worth
while carrying off. Each fowl had its neck wrung on the spot, was
thrown into a convenient bit of fire in some blazing house, and
having been singed clean of its feathers, was cooked in a few
minutes, and eaten with infinite enjoyment. The cavalry were
fortunate enough to secure fifty sheep and a few cows, which were
driven to camp. After two or three hours had been spent in firing the
various villages owned by Bahadur Khan, the order to fall in for the
homeward march was given, and leaving the valley draped in smoke
and the fire still working its will, the troops filed off for Maidan. They
reached camp by evening, having marched seventeen miles over
difficult ground and through half-frozen streams without mishap. As
the rear-guard left, a few men appeared on the heights of the north
and fired a few shots at long ranges, but these were merely in
bravado.[27]
We could learn nothing of the body of tribesmen and the
200 sepoys, and it is believed they have dispersed. The punishment
43. of Bahadur Khan will have a great effect upon the whole district of
Maidan, as it will show the maliks that they are not safe from our
troops even in their most obscure valleys. General Baker remains in
the neighbourhood of Maidan until next week, all the available
transport animals from Sherpur being now engaged in carrying to
our cantonments the large quantities of corn and bhoosa collected.
Our winter supply of forage seems likely to be assured.
CHAPTER XIV.
Deportation of Yakub Khan to India—Review of his Reign—The Scene on the
Morning of December 1st—Precautions along the Road to Jugdulluck—
Strengthening of the Posts—Tribal Uneasiness about Cabul—Attitude of the
Kohistanis—General Baker’s Brigade ordered to Sherpur—The State of Afghan
Turkistan—Its Effect upon Kohistan—Gholam Hyder and his Army—The Extent
of his Power—Return of his disbanded Regiments to their Homes in Kohistan
—Our Policy towards the Afghans—Failure of the Attempt to conciliate the
People—Modifications necessary—Murder of our Governor of Maidan.
Sherpur, 1st December.
The ex-Amir of Afghanistan, Sirdar Yakub Khan, is now well on his
way to India: the order for his deportation having been carried out
so silently and quickly that, while I am writing, the majority of men
in Sherpur cantonments are ignorant of his departure. As I ventured
to predict in forwarding the news of the close of the Commission of
Inquiry, Yakub Khan’s fate is that of an exile to India; but even now
we are in the dark here as to whether he will be treated as a State
prisoner, and allowed to live in luxurious comfort, or will be sent to
the Andamans, to drag out his life as a common malefactor. If the
latter, it will be an ignoble ending of a career which in its earlier
stages promised such brilliant achievements. Yakub Khan was once
the first soldier in Afghanistan, but from the evil moment when he
44. confided in the word of his father, his fame was at an end. Five
years’ captivity—and such captivity as only Shere Ali could devise—
broke his spirit, dulled his intellect, and left him the weak incapable
we treated with at Gundamak, and confided in so blindly until the
fatal week in September. That under fairer auspices he might have
proved a strong ruler, such as the Afghans require, can scarcely
admit of a doubt; that he would have been a Dost Mahomed even
his most ardent admirers would hesitate to assert. The conditions of
government in a country like Afghanistan compel the sovereign
either to be a tyrant or the tool of factions: Yakub Khan, during his
few months of power, was the latter. His accession to the throne
took place under circumstances to cope with which, even in the
prime of his manhood before imprisonment had crippled him, would
have taxed his power to the uttermost. After five years in a dungeon
he was suddenly liberated by his father, only to find that father in
the last stage of defeat and despair, his kingdom practically at the
mercy of a powerful invader, and himself a panic-stricken fugitive.
Left first as Shere Ali’s regent, Yakub Khan could do nothing beyond
watch, with Oriental submission to fate, the advance of the two
invading armies up the Jellalabad and Kurram Valleys. The help
which Shere Ali expected to receive from his Russian friends over the
Oxus was not forthcoming; in a few weeks came the news of the
death of the Amir at Mazar-i-Sharif, and Yakub found himself in
possession of a kingdom already tottering to its fall. If he had had
the energy of Dost Mahomed he might have organized armies, called
upon the semi-barbarous tribes still lying between Cabul and India
to join his soldiers in a holy war, and make a supreme effort to check
the invasion which had driven his father from the capital. But that
energy was lacking; he made but a faint-hearted appeal to the
fanaticism of the hill-tribes, and, unsupported as this was by any real
attempt to collect the scattered units of Shere Ali’s once-powerful
army, it necessarily failed. Nothing was left to him but negotiation;
and, thanks to the clemency of the enemy to whom he was
opposed, he was granted terms which, in his position, he could
scarcely have hoped to gain. He allied himself with the most
powerful State in Asia, and the safety of his kingdom was assured
45. against all foreign aggression. If he had been a tyrant to his
subjects, and thoroughly determined to make his will their law, the
reception in his capital of an Embassy from the Power with which he
was allied would have been fraught with no danger either to himself
or to the Ambassador. But he had not the strength of tyranny
sufficient to control the factions of which he was a mere tool, and it
seems only too probable that he gradually drifted from his first
position of sincerity towards his new allies, to that of a timid
spectator of intrigues against the alliance. His weakness and
vacillation could not check the danger that was growing so
formidable, and, when the final outbreak came, his personal
influence was even unequal to saving the life of the man who had
trusted so implicitly in his good faith. That Yakub desired the death
of Sir Louis Cavagnari we do not believe; that he had been led,
insidiously, by men about him to coincide in the view that the
Embassy should be forced to leave may be readily credited. And
once that Embassy had been destroyed, there is only too much
reason to suppose that he was inclined to parley with the men who
had brought about its destruction, and to listen to their plausible
reasoning that what had been done was irrevocable. The access of
personal fear, which drove him to seek safety in the British camp, no
more excuses him of responsibility for his acts of omission or
commission, than does the voluntary surrender of a murderer
condone the crime he has committed. So far as human canons are
concerned, repentance cannot blot out guilt, however much it may
modify judgment: the supreme quality of mercy is impossible under
ordinary conditions of life. Taking the most pitiful estimate of Yakub
Khan’s offence, putting aside the idea even of participation in the
views of the men who wished him to break the engagements to
which he stood pledged, there is the one unpardonable crime still
clinging to him—that he stood by, and made no sign, while the lives
of men were sacrificed which should have been sacred to him, even
according to the narrow creed of the fanatics who surrounded him.
His own words, when refusing the help that was so dearly needed,
rise up against him when he appeals to our forbearance: “It is not to
be done.” Perhaps, hereafter, the same answer may be given when
46. we are asked to preserve the integrity of a country which has always
repaid friendship with falsehood, trust with treachery.
From the 28th of October until his departure for India this
morning, Yakub Khan had been a close prisoner in our camp, the
tent in which he was confined being always strongly guarded, and
no one beyond our own officers being allowed access to him. The
monotony and solitude have told upon him, of course, and he is now
thinner and more worn than when he first took refuge with General
Baker at Kushi. Before the closing day of the inquiry he was
contented and placid enough; but of late he has displayed some
anxiety as to his probable fate, the irksomeness of the restraint
under which he was placed having, no doubt, largely contributed to
this. He could hear all the busy life in camp about him, but was as
much shut out from it as if a prisoner again in the Bala Hissar. The
bayonets of the sentries who quartered the ground day and night
about his tent were a barrier beyond which he could not pass. The
departure for India, Malta, or London, which he had expressed
himself so willing to undertake nearly two months ago, must have
seemed to him hopeless, even so late as six o’clock last night, when
Major Hastings, Chief Political Officer, paid his usual visit to the tent,
then guarded by fifty men of the 72nd Highlanders. Major Hastings
said nothing of the orders which had been received from the
Government, as it had been resolved to give as short a notice as
possible of the intended journey, for fear of complications on the
road to Peshawur. Not that it was at all likely an effort would be
made to rouse the tribes to attempt a rescue, but that nothing was
to be gained by an open parade of the departure. At eight o’clock
Major Hastings sent word to Yakub Khan that he intended paying
him a second visit; and, accompanied by Mr. H. M. Durand, Political
Secretary to the Lieutenant-General, he again went to the tent.
Yakub Khan was a little astonished at the unusual hour chosen for
the visit; but when told that he would have to leave Cabul for India
at six o’clock the next morning, he kept his composure admirably. He
expressed surprise that such short notice should be given, but
beyond this did not question the arrangements. He asked that his
father-in-law, Yahiya Khan, and two other sirdars now in
47. confinement should be released and allowed to accompany him.
This, of course, could not be granted, and he then asked to what
place in India he was to be taken, and where the Viceroy was. This
was all the concern he showed. The orders received here are to
convey him safely to Peshawur; so but little information as to his
final resting-place could be vouchsafed him. I may here incidentally
mention that he will probably go on to Umritsar or Lahore, where,
perhaps, the decision of the Government will be made known to
him.
All the arrangements for the journey had been carefully made
beforehand. There were, this morning, at Butkhak, the 12th Punjab
Cavalry, and between that post and Sei Baba 400 of the 72nd
Highlanders, 300 of the 23rd Pioneers, and a wing of the 28th
Punjab Infantry; while the convoy of sick and wounded, with its
escort, was between Kata Sung and Jugdulluck. The escort from
Sherpur was simply two squadrons of cavalry drawn from the 9th
Lancers and 5th Punjab Cavalry, under the command of Major
Hammond, of the latter regiment. Soon after five o’clock this
morning the little camp in which the ex-Amir was lodged, not far
from head-quarters, was all astir with preparations for the journey. A
bright moon was shining overhead and a few watch-fires were
blazing brightly among the tents, by the light of which the mules and
yaboos were loaded up. The squadron of the 5th Punjab Cavalry
drew up outside the gateway which leads from the cantonments
near the western end of the southern wall; while the Lancers passed
from their lines, opposite the break in the Bemaru Heights, to a bit
of open ground between the quarters of the 72nd Highlanders and
Yakub Khan’s tent. The early morning air was bitterly cold, and the
usual light mist which settles nightly over the Cabul plain still hung
about. The camp was silent and deserted, every soldier being at that
hour asleep, except the sentries at their posts and the patrols,
stalking like armed ghosts from picquet to picquet, seeking for any
rabid Kohistani who might have invaded the sanctity of our lines.
The Lancers moved smartly round and round in small circles to keep
themselves and their horses from freezing as they stood; and
through the dust and mist enveloping them their lances shone out
48. now and again as the steel-heads caught a glint from the moon. It
was a fantastical sight, this endless circling of misty horsemen,
moving apparently without aim or object and growing momentarily
more and more distinct as dawn began to creep up over the distant
Luttabund and Khurd Cabul hills, and struggle with the clear
moonlight which had before been supreme. In an hour everything
was ready for departure. Yakub Khan’s horses were waiting ready
saddled, and the Lancers had ceased their circling, and were formed
up waiting for the order to march. Sir Frederick Roberts, Colonel
Macgregor, Chief of the Staff, and Major Hastings were present to
see the prisoner start on his rapid journey, and at half-past six
exactly Yakub Khan rode off surrounded by Lancers. He had
exchanged salaams with the General and those about him, and, if
not positively elated, was seemingly quite content to leave Cabul.
Captain Turner was the Political Officer to whose care he was
assigned; and Abdullah Khan, son of the Nawab Gholam Hussein,
was the native officer in attendance. His four body servants and a
favourite attendant, Abdul Kayun, who had been released at the last
moment, rode with the escort. No notice was given beforehand to
his servants; and when the royal cooks heard that they were to start
for India, they abandoned their master and took refuge in the city.
They were afterwards sought out and sent on to Luttabund, the
halting-place for the night, as the comfort of Yakub Khan is to be
strictly considered. The news of the departure soon spread through
Cabul, and the Mussulman population, according to a Hindu
informant, are greatly depressed and uneasy. They are now
convinced that the Durani dynasty is at an end; and, while not
regretting Yakub personally, they mourn over the fall of that reign of
turbulence which they could always carry out in the city under a
Barakzai. Double marches are to be made the whole way to
Peshawur, where Yakub Khan is expected to arrive in eight days. Part
of the Cabul Field Force escort will accompany him to Jugdulluck,
where the advanced Khyber Brigade will assume charge, and he will
be passed through the various posts until the Punjab Frontier is
reached.[28]
His son, the so-called heir-apparent, remains here, as
49. well as the members of his harem, who will be pensioned and
properly cared for by the British authorities.
During the past few days reports have come in of growing
uneasiness among various sections of the tribes about Cabul, and
these culminated yesterday in the news that the Kohistanis had
actually risen, and were at Khoja Serai, on the Charikar Road. They
were said to have cooked three days’ food, and to meditate
attacking Sherpur on the last day of the moon. From the Luttabund
direction also it was reported that the Safis of Tagao and the hillmen
west of Jugdulluck were also meditating mischief, though beyond
gathering together in small bands they had not made open
demonstration of hostility. The change in the attitude of the
Kohistanis has warned us that it is idle to expect a peaceful quiet
among men who have always been unruly and turbulent. The
sections which will probably give us most trouble now and in the
future are—the Wardaks inhabiting the country about the Ghazni
Road, who may drag in the Logaris, the Safis of Tagao, and the
Kohistanis. With the two former we have already come into collision;
General Macpherson having ventured into Tagao in search of
supplies, while General Baker on a similar mission at Maidan has had
to burn Beni-Badam in the Wardak country.[29]
It is probable that
both Safis and Wardaks will seek hereafter to have their revenge;
but in the meantime we shall not trouble them further, as we have
the Kohistanis to deal with. Kohistan lies due north of Cabul between
the Pughman, a spur of the Hindu Kush, and Tagao, and includes the
upper valley of the Panjshir River, which stretches away north-east
from Charikar, the most important town in the province. The lower
portion of Kohistan is known as the Koh-Daman (Mountain Skirt),
and is the district renowned for its vineyards and orchards, from
which Cabul is largely supplied with fruit. It is fertilized by
innumerable streams running down from the Pughman mountains,
and uniting to form a river, which, turned to the north by ranges of
hills facing Pughman, eventually empties itself into the Panjshir on
the western border of Tagao. Looking northwards from the Bemaru
Heights above Sherpur cantonments, one sees nothing but a mass of
hills piled together in picturesque confusion, the foreground being a
50. low range running parallel to the narrow swampy lake, which
borders the plain from which Bemaru rises. The road from Cabul to
Kohistan passes close to Sherpur on the east, crosses the grassy
plain, and over the lake on a raised causeway at a point where it is
very narrow and shallow, and thence over a low kotal called Paen
Minar. Koh-Daman is then fairly entered upon, and the route
northwards is as follows:—Paen Minar to Kila Ittafal Khan, six miles;
Ittafal Khan to Khoja Serai, five miles; Khoja Serai to Istalif, seven
miles; Istalif to Charikar, viâ Isturgehteh, thirteen miles; or a total
from Paen Minar, four miles from Sherpur, of thirty-one miles. While
we were encamped at Siah Sung the Kohistan Chiefs came in and
made professions of friendship, which were gladly accepted by
General Roberts. They remained with us for several weeks, but were
plainly disappointed that no large subsidy was promised to them for
their future good behaviour. A Governor, Shahbaz Khan, a Barakzai
sirdar who had intermarried with the Kohistanis, was appointed, and
was sent to Charikar, his mission being chiefly to furnish supplies for
our troops, and to prevent any Chief arrogating to himself power in
the province. No sooner do the maliks seem to have returned to
their villages than they began to concert measures to annoy us.
They gathered armed men together, set at nought Shahbaz Khan,
and, as I have said, have been bold enough to declare their
intention of attacking Sherpur. That they will do this seems too
absurd to believe, unless there is a general combination, but the
precaution of building breastworks on the Bemaru Heights has been
taken, and yesterday afternoon a small party of cavalry were sent
out to reconnoitre past Paen Minar. They saw no signs of any
gathering, but still there may be bands of men lurking about. We
have but a very small infantry garrison in Sherpur at the present
time, as 500 of the 92nd, 400 of the 3rd Sikhs, and 400 of the 5th
Punjab Infantry are out in Maidan, while the troops sent to hold the
road as far as Jugdulluck on the occasion of Yakub Khan’s journey
down are, as already stated, very numerous. General Baker has,
therefore, been warned to march to Sherpur with his brigade as
rapidly as his foraging arrangements will allow.
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