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Unit 1 – Register Transfer Language
1
Swati Sharma , CE Department | 2140707 – Computer Organization
1. Explain the Register Transfer Language.
Definition: The symbolic notation used to describe the microoperation transfers among
registers is called a register transfer language.
 The term "register transfer" implies the availability of hardware logic circuits that can
perform a stated microoperation and transfer the result of the operation to the same
or another register.
 The word "language" is borrowed from programmers, who apply this term to
programming languages.
 A register transfer language is a system for expressing in symbolic form the
microoperation sequences among the registers of a digital module.
 It is a convenient tool for describing the internal organization of digital computers in
concise and precise manner.
 It can also be used to facilitate the design process of digital systems.
 Information transfer from one register to another is designated in symbolic form by
means of a replacement operator.
 The statement below denotes a transfer of the content of register R1 into register R2.
R2 ← R1
 A statement that specifies a register transfer implies that circuits are available from the
outputs of the destination register has a parallel load capability.
 Every statement written in a register transfer notation implies a hardware construction
for implementing the transfer.
2. Explain the Register Transfer in detail with block diagram and
timing diagram.
Definition: Information transfer from one register to another is designated in symbolic form
by means of a replacement operator is known as Register Transfer.
R2 ← R1
Denotes a transfer of the content of register R1 into register R2.
 Computer registers are designated by capital letters (sometimes followed by numerals)
to denote the function of the register.
For example:
MAR Holds address of memory unit
PC Program Counter
IR Instruction Register
R1 Processor Register
 Below figure1.1 shows the representation of registers in block diagram form.

2
Figure 1.1: Block diagram of register
 The most common way to represent a register is by a rectangular box with the name of
the register inside, as shown in figure.
 Bits 0 through 7 are assigned the symbol L (for low byte) and bits 8 through 15 are
assigned the symbol H (for high byte). The name of the 16-bit register is PC. The symbol
PC(0-7) or PC(L) refers to the low-order byte and PC(8-15) or PC(H) to the high-order
byte.
 The statement that specifies a register transfer implies that circuits are available from
the outputs of the source register to the inputs of the destination register and that the
destination register has a parallel load capability.
Register Transfer with control function:
 If we want the transfer to occur only under a predetermined control condition. This
can be shown by means of an if-then statement.
If (P = 1) then (R2 R1)
where P is a control signal.
 It is sometimes convenient to separate the control variables from the register transfer
operation control function by specifying a control function.
 A control function is a Boolean variable that is equal to 1 or 0. The control function is
included in the statement as follows:
P: R2 R1
 The control condition is terminated with a colon. It symbolizes the requirement that
the transfer operation be executed by the hardware only if P = 1.
 Every statement written in a register transfer notation implies a hardware construction
for implementing the transfer. Below figure shows the block diagram that depicts the
transfer from R1 to R2.
Figure 1.2: Transfer from R1 to R2 when P = 1
Figure 1.3: Timing diagram

3
 The n outputs of register R1 are connected to the n inputs of register R2. The letter n
will be used to indicate any number of bits for the register.
 In the timing diagram, P is activated in the control section by the rising edge of a clock
pulse at time t.
 The next positive transition of the clock at time t + 1 finds the load input active and the
data inputs of R2 are then loaded into the register in parallel.
 P may go back to 0 at time t + 1; otherwise, the transfer will occur with every clock
pulse transition while P remains active.
 The basic symbols of the register transfer notation are listed in Table below:
Symbol Description Examples
Letters
(and numerals)
Denotes a register MAR, R2
Parentheses ( ) Denotes a part of a register R 2(0-7), R2(L)
Arrow  Denotes transfer of information R2R1
Comma , Separates two micro operations R2R1, R1R2
Table 1.1: Basic Symbols for Register Transfers
 Registers are denoted by capital letters, and numerals may follow the letters.
 Parentheses are used to denote a part of a register by specifying the range of bits or by
giving a symbol name to a portion of a register.
 The arrow denotes a transfer of information and the direction of transfer.
 A comma is used to separate two or more operations that are executed at the same
time.
 The statement below, denotes an operation that exchanges the contents of two
registers during one common clock pulse provided that T = 1.
T: R2 R1, R1 R2
 This simultaneous operation is possible with registers that have edge-triggered flip-
flops.
3. Design and explain a common bus system for four register.
 A typical digital computer has many registers, and paths must be provided to transfer
information from one register to another.
 The number of wires will be excessive if separate lines are used between each register
and all other registers in the system.
 A more efficient scheme for transferring information between registers in a multiple-
register configuration is a common bus system.
 A bus structure consists of a set of common lines, one for each bit of a register,
through which binary information is transferred one at a time.

4
 Control signals determine which register is selected by the bus during each particular
register transfer.
 One way of constructing a common bus system is with multiplexers.
 The multiplexers select the source register whose binary information is then placed on
the bus.
 The construction of a bus system for four registers is shown in figure below.
 Each register has four bits, numbered 0 through 3.
 The bus consists of four 4 x 1 multiplexers each having four data inputs, 0 through 3,
and two selection inputs, S1 and S0.
 The diagram shows that the bits in the same significant position in each register are
connected to the data inputs of one multiplexer to form one line of the bus.
Figure 1.4: Bus system for four registers
 The two selection lines S1 and S0 are connected to the selection inputs of all four
multiplexers.
 The selection lines choose the four bits of one register and transfer them into the four-
line common bus.
S1 S0 Register
selected
0 0 A
0 1 B
A0
A1
A2
B0
B1
B2
C0
C1
C2
D0
D1
D2
S0
S1
4 x 1
MUX 3
3 2 1 0
4 x 1
MUX 2
3 2 1 0
4 x 1
MUX 1
3 2 1 0
4 x 1
MUX 0
3 2 1 0
3 2 1 0 3 2 1 0 3 2 1 0 3 2 1 0
Register D Register C Register B Register A
A2
B2
C2
D2 A1
B1
C1
D1 A0
B0
C0
D0
4-line
common
bus

5
1 0 C
1 1 D
Table 1.2: Function Table for Bus
 When S1S0 = 00, the 0 data inputs of all four multiplexers are selected and applied to
the outputs that form the bus.
 This causes the bus lines to receive the content of register A since the outputs of this
register are connected to the 0 data inputs of the multiplexers.
 Similarly, register B is selected if S1S0 = 01, and so on.
 Table shows the register that is selected by the bus for each of the four possible binary
values of the selection lines.
 In general, a bus system will multiplex k registers of n bits each to produce an n-line
common bus.
 The number of multiplexers needed to construct the bus is equal to n, the number of
bits in each register.
 The size of each multiplexer must be K x 1 since it multiplexes K data lines.
For example, a common bus for eight registers of 16 bits each requires 16 multiplexers,
one for each line in the bus. Each multiplexer must have eight data input lines and
three selection lines to multiplex one significant bit in the eight registers.
4. A digital computer has a common bus system for 16 registers
of 32 bits each. (i) How many selection input are there in each
multiplexer? (ii) What size of multiplexers is needed? (iii) How
many multiplexers are there in a bus?
(i) How many selection input are there in each multiplexer?
2n=No. of Registers; n=selection input of multiplexer
2n=16; here n=4
Therefore 4 selection input lines should be there in each multiplexer.
(ii) What size of multiplexers is needed?
size of multiplexers= Total number of register X 1
= 16 X 1
Multiplexer of 16 x 1 size is needed to design the above defined common bus.
(iii) How many multiplexers are there in a bus?
No. of multiplexers = bits of register
= 32
32 multiplexers are needed in a bus.

6
5. Explain three-state bus buffer. OR
Explain the operation of three state bus buffers and show its
use in design of common bus.
 A bus system can be constructed with three-state gates instead of multiplexers.
 A three-state gate is a digital circuit that exhibits three states.
State 1: Signal equivalent to Logic 1
State 2: Signal equivalent to Logic 0
State 3: High Impedance State (behaves as open circuit)
 The high-impedance state behaves like an open circuit, which means that the output
is disconnected and does not have logic significance.
 The most commonly used design of a bus system is the buffer gate.
 The graphic symbol of a three-state buffer gate is shown in figure 1.5 below:
Figure 1.5: Graphic symbols for three-state buffer
 It is distinguished from a normal buffer by having both a normal input and a control
input.
 The control input determines the output state. When the control input C is equal to 1,
the output is enabled and the gate behaves like any conventional buffer, with the
output equal to the normal input.
 When the control input C is 0, the output is disabled and the gate goes to a high-
impedance state, regardless of the value in the normal input.
 The high-impedance state of a three-state gate provides a special feature not available
in other gates.
 Because of this feature, a large number of three-state gate outputs can be connected
with wires to form a common bus line without endangering loading effects.
 The construction of a bus system with three-state buffers is demonstrated in figure 1.6
below:
Output Y=A if C=1
High Impedance if C=0
Control Input C
Normal Input A

7
Figure 1.6: Bus line with three state-buffers
 The outputs of four buffers are connected together to form a single bus line.
 The control inputs to the buffers determine which of the four normal inputs will
communicate with the bus line.
 No more than one buffer may be in the active state at any given time.
 The connected buffers must be controlled so that only one three-state buffer has
access to the bus line while all other buffers are maintained in a high impedance state.
 One way to ensure that no more than one control input is active at any given time is to
use a decoder, as shown in the figure: Bus line with three state-buffers.
 When the enable input of the decoder is 0, all of its four outputs are 0, and the bus line
is in a high-impedance state because all four buffers are disabled.
 When the enable input is active, one of the three-state buffers will be active,
depending on the binary value in the select inputs of the decoder.
 To construct a common bus for four registers of n bits each using three- state buffers,
we need n circuits with four buffers in each as shown in figure: Bus line with three
state-buffers,
 Each group of four buffers receives one significant bit from the four registers.
 Each common output produces one of the lines for the common bus for a total of n
lines.
 Only one decoder is necessary to select between the four registers.
Bus line for bit 0
D0
C0
B0
A0
S1
S0 2x4
Decoder
E
Select
Enable
1
2
3
0

8
6. Explain Memory Transfer
 Read Operation: The transfer of information from a memory word to the outside
environment is called a read operation.
 Write Operation: The transfer of new information to be stored into the memory is
called a write operation.
 A memory word will be symbolized by the letter M.
 It is necessary to specify the address of M when writing memory transfer operations.
 This will be done by enclosing the address in square brackets following the letter M.
 Consider a memory unit that receives the address from a register, called the address
register, symbolized by AR.
 The data are transferred to another register, called the data register, symbolized by
DR. The read operation can be stated as follows:
Read: DR M[AR]
 This causes a transfer of information into DR from the memory word M selected by the
address in AR.
 The write operation transfers the content of a data register to a memory word M
selected by the address. Assume that the input data are in register R1 and the address
is in AR.
 Write operation can be stated symbolically as follows:
Write: M[AR] R1
 This causes a transfer of information from R1 into memory word M selected by address
AR.

9
7. Explain Arithmetic Micro-operation.
 The basic arithmetic micro-operations are:
1. Addition
2. Subtraction
3. Increment
4. Decrement
5. Shift
 The additional arithmetic micro operations are:
1. Add with carry
2. Subtract with borrow
3. Transfer/Load , etc.
 Summary of Typical Arithmetic Micro-Operations:
R3  R1 + R2 Contents of R1 plus R2 transferred to R3
R3  R1 - R2 Contents of R1 minus R2 transferred to
R3
R2  R2’ Complement the contents of R2
R2  R2’+ 1 2's complement the contents of R2
(negate)
R3  R1 + R2’+
1
subtraction
R1  R1 + 1 Increment
R1  R1 – 1 Decrement
8. Explain Binary Adder in detail
 To implement the add micro operation with hardware, we need :
1. Registers : that hold the data
2. Digital component: that performs the arithmetic addition.
 Full-adder
The digital circuit that forms the arithmetic sum of two bits and a previous carry is
called a full-adder.
 Binary adder
The digital circuit that generates the arithmetic sum of two binary numbers of any
lengths is called a binary adder.
 The binary adder is constructed with full-adder circuits connected in cascade, with the
output carry from one full-adder connected to the input carry of the next full-adder.

10
Figure 1.7: 4-bit binary adder
 Above figure 1.7 shows the interconnections of four full-adders (FA) to provide a 4-bit
binary adder.
 The augends bits of A and the addend bits of B are designated by subscript numbers
from right to left, with subscript 0 denoting the low-order bit.
 The carries are connected in a chain through the full-adders.
 The input carry to the binary adder is C0 and the output carry is C4.
 The S outputs of the full-adders generate the required sum bits.
 An n-bit binary adder requires n full-adders.
 The output carry from each full-adder is connected to the input carry of the next-high-
order full-adder.
 The n data bits for the A inputs come from one register (such as R1), and the n data bits
for the B inputs come from another register (such as R2). The sum can be transferred
to a third register or to one of the source registers (R1 or R2), replacing its previous
content.
9. Explain Binary Adder-Subtractor in detail.
 The subtraction of binary numbers can be done most conveniently by means of
complements.
 Remember that the subtraction A - B can be done by taking the 2's complement of B
and adding it to A.
 The 2's complement can be obtained by taking the l's complement and adding one to
the least significant pair of bits. The l's complement can be implemented with inverters
and a one can be added to the sum through the input carry.
 The addition and subtraction operations can be combined into one common circuit by
including an exclusive-OR gate with each full-adder.
 The mode input M controls the operation.
When M = 0 the circuit is an Adder
When M = 1 the circuit becomes a Subtractor
 Each exclusive-OR gate receives input M and one of the inputs of B.
When M = 0,
We have C0=0
B ⊕ 0 = B
The full-adders receive the value of B, the input carry is 0, and the circuit performs A
FA
B0 A0
S0
C0
FA
B1 A1
S1
C1
FA
B2 A2
S2
C2
FA
B3 A3
S3
C3
C4

11
plus B.
When M = 1,
We have C0=1
B ⊕ 1 = B` ; B complement
The B inputs are all complemented and 1is added through the input carry. The circuit
performs the operation A plus the 2's complement of B.
A + 2’s compliment of B
 A 4-bit adder-subtractor circuit is shown as follows:
Figure 1.8: 4-bit Adder-Subtractor
 For unsigned numbers,
If A>=B, then A-B
If A<B, then B-A
For signed numbers,
Result is A-B, provided that there is no overflow.
10. Explain Binary Incrementer
 The increment micro operation adds one to a number in a register.
 For example, if a 4-bit register has a binary value 0110, it will go to 0111 after it is
incremented.
0 1 1 0
+ 1
--------
0 1 1 1
 The diagram of a 4-bit combinational circuit incrementer is shown above. One of the
inputs to the least significant half-adder (HA) is connected to logic-1 and the other
input is connected to the least significant bit of the number to be incremented.
 The output carry from one half-adder is connected to one of the inputs of the next-
higher-order half-adder.
 The circuit receives the four bits from A0 through A3, adds one to it, and generates the
incremented output in S0 through S3.
 The output carry C4 will be 1 only after incrementing binary 1111. This also causes
FA
B0 A0
S0
C0
C1
FA
B1 A1
S1
C2
FA
B2 A2
S2
C3
FA
B3 A3
S3
C4
M

12
outputs S0 through S3 to go to 0.
Figure 1.9: 4-bit binary incrementer
11. Draw block diagram of 4-bit arithmetic circuit and explain it in
detail.
 The arithmetic micro operations can be implemented in one composite arithmetic
circuit.
 The basic component of an arithmetic circuit is the parallel adder.
 By controlling the data inputs to the adder, it is possible to obtain different types of
arithmetic operations.
 Hardware implementation consists of:
1. 4 full-adder circuits that constitute the 4-bit adder and four multiplexers for
choosing different operations.
2. There are two 4-bit inputs A and B
The four inputs from A go directly to the X inputs of the binary adder. Each of the
four inputs from B is connected to the data inputs of the multiplexers. The
multiplexer’s data inputs also receive the complement of B.
3. The other two data inputs are connected to logic-0 and logic-1. Logic-0 is a fixed
voltage value (0 volts for TTL integrated circuits) and the logic-1 signal can be
generated through an inverter whose input is 0.
4. The four multiplexers are controlled by two selection inputs, S1 and S0.
5. The input carry Cin goes to the carry input of the FA in the least significant
position. The other carries are connected from one stage to the next.
6. 4-bit output D0…D3
x y
HA
C S
C S
x y
HA
C S
C S
x y
HA
C S
C S
x y
HA
C S
C S
A3 A2 A1 A0 1
S0
S1
S2
S3
C4

13
 The diagram of a 4-bit arithmetic circuit is shown below figure 1.10:
Figure 1.10: 4-bit arithmetic circuit
 The output of binary adder is calculated from arithmetic sum.
D=A+Y+Cin
Select
S1 S0
Cin
Inpu
t
Y
Output
D = A + Y + Cin
Microoperation
0 0 0 B D = A + B Add
0 0 1 B D = A + B + 1 Add with Carry
0 1 0 B’ D = A + B’ Subtract with Borrow
0 1 1 B’ D = A + B’ + 1 Subtract
1 0 0 0 D = A Transfer A
1 0 1 0 D = A + 1 Increment A
1 1 0 1 D = A – 1 Decrement A
1 1 1 1 D = A Transfer A
TABLE 1.3: 4-4 Arithmetic Circuit Function Table

14
 When S1 S0= 0 0
If Cin=0, D=A+B; Add
If Cin=1, D=A+B+1;Add with carry
 When S1 S0= 0 1
If Cin=0, D=A+B
̅; Subtract with borrow
If Cin=1, D=A+B
̅+1;A+2’s compliment of B i.e. A-B
 When S1 S0= 1 0
Input B is neglected and Y=> logic ‘0’
D=A+0+ Cin
If Cin=0, D=A; Transfer A
If Cin=1, D=A+1;Increment A
 When S1 S0= 1 1
Input B is neglected and Y=> logic ‘1’
D=A-1+ Cin
If Cin=0, D=A-1; 2’s compliment
If Cin=1, D=A; Transfer A
 Note that the micro-operation D = A is generated twice, so there are only seven
distinct micro-operations in the arithmetic circuit.
12. Draw and explain Logic Micro-operations in detail.
 Logic micro operations specify binary operations for strings of bits stored in registers.
 These operations consider each bit of the register separately and treat them as binary
variables. For example, the exclusive-OR micro-operation with the contents of two
registers R1 and R2 is symbolized by the statement:
P: R1 R1 ⊕ R2
1 0 1 0 Content of R1
⊕ 1 1 0 0 Content of R2
-----------------------------------
0 1 1 0 Content of R1 after P = 1
 The logic micro-operations are seldom used in scientific computations, but they are
very useful for bit manipulation of binary data and for making logical decisions.
 Notation:
The symbol ∨ will be used to denote an OR microoperation and the symbol ∧ to denote
an AND microoperation. The complement microoperation is the same as the 1's
complement and uses a bar on top of the symbol that denotes the register name.
 Although the + symbol has two meanings, it will be possible to distinguish between
them by noting where the symbol occurs. When the symbol + occurs in a
microoperation, it will denote an arithmetic plus. When it occurs in a control (or
Boolean) function, it will denote an OR operation.
P + Q: R1 R2 + R3, R4 R5 V R6

15
 The + between P and Q is an OR operation between two binary variables of a control
function. The + between R2 and R3 specifies an add microoperation. The OR
microoperation is designated by the symbol V between registers R5and R6.
List of Logic Micro operations
 There are 16 different logic operations that can be performed with two binary
variables.
 They can be determined from all possible truth tables obtained with two binary
variables as shown in table below.
x Y F0 F1 F2 F3 F4 F5 F6 F7 F8 F9 F1
0
F1
1
F1
2
F1
3
F1
4
F1
5
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1
1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1
1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1
TABLE 1.4: Truth Tables for 16 Functions of Two Variables
Boolean
function
Microoperation Name
F0 = 0 F0 Clear
F1 = xy FA ∧ B AND
F2 = xy' FA ∧ B
̅
F3 = x FA Transfer A
F4 = x'y FA
̅ ∧ B
F5 = y FB Transfer B
F6 = x⊕y FA⊕B Exclusive-OR
F7 = x + y FA∨B OR
F8 = (x+ y)' FA V B
̅̅̅̅̅̅̅ NOR
f9 = (X⊕Y)' FA ⊕ B
̅̅̅̅̅̅̅̅ Exclusive-NOR
F10 = y' FB
̅ Complement B
F1 1 =x + y' FA V B
̅
F12 = x' FA
̅ Complement A
F13 = x' + y FA
̅ V B
F14 = (xy)' FA ∧ B
̅̅̅̅̅̅̅̅ NAND

16
F15 = 1 F all 1's Set to all l's
TABLE 1.5: Sixteen Logic Microoperation
Hardware Implementation
 The hardware implementation of logic microoperation requires that logic gates be
inserted for each bit or pair of bits in the registers to perform the required logic
function.
 Although there are 16 logic microoperation, most computers use only four—AND, OR,
XOR (exclusive-OR), and complement from which all others can be derived.
 Below figure shows one stage of a circuit that generates the four basic logic micro
operations.
Figure 1.11 : One stage of logic circuit
S1 S0 Output Operation
0 0 E = A ∧ B AND
0 1 E = A V B OR
1 0 E = A ⊕ B XOR
1 1 E = 𝐴̅ Compliment
Table 1.6: Function table
 Hardware implementation consists of four gates and a multiplexer.
 Each of the four logic operations is generated through a gate that performs the
required logic.
 The outputs of the gates are applied to the data inputs of the multiplexer.
 The two selection inputs S1 and S0 choose one of the data inputs of the multiplexer
and direct its value to the output.
 The diagram shows one typical stage with subscript i. For a logic circuit with n bits, the
diagram must be repeated n times for i = 0, 1, 2, . . . n - 1. The selection variables are

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carried away by passion, nor showed anger unless designedly. His
language was equally remarkable for modesty and politeness; and
such his sobriety that, having once had the gout, he immediately left
off wine, and never again returned to it. His inclinations were
naturally amorous and addicted to sensual indulgence, but so
entirely were they under control, that even in earliest youth nothing
was ever alleged against him inconsistent with decorum and the due
influence of his rank. He was uniformly courteous and benignant to
those of private station, as well as to his equals and to men of birth.
With his soldiers he was ever familiar, calling them all friends and
brethren, and often addressing them as gentlemen or honoured
brothers, whilst he personally assisted the sick and wounded and
supplied them with money. None such were excluded from his table;
indeed he caressed and invited them by turns, so that all loved,
honoured, served, and extolled him, and those who had once been
under his command were unwilling to follow any other leader.
"But if his kindness was notable in the camp, it was much more so
among his people. While at Urbino, he daily repaired to the market-
place, whither the citizens resorted for gossip and games, as well as
for business, mixing freely with them, and joining in discourse, or
looking on at their sports, like one of themselves, sitting among
them, or leaning on some one by the hand or arm. If, in passing
through the town, he noticed any one building a house, he would
stop to inquire how the work went on, encouraging him to beautify
it, and offering him aid if required, which he gave as well as
promised. Should any answer him, that although desirous of making
a handsome dwelling, he was frustrated by the refusal of some
neighbour to part with an adjoining hovel at a fair price, Federigo
sent for its obstructive owner, and urged him to promote the
improvement of the city, kindly assisting to arrange a home for him
elsewhere. On hearing that a merchant had suffered loss in his

business, he would enter his shop to inquire familiarly into his
affairs, and, after learning the extent of his difficulties, would
advance him the means of restoring his credit and trade. Once,
meeting a citizen who had daughters to marry, he said to him, 'How
is your family?—have you got any of your girls disposed of?' And
being answered that he was ill able to endow them, he helped him
with money or an appointment, or set him in some way of bettering
himself. Indeed, such instances were numberless of his charitable
and sympathising acts, among which were the numerous poor
children of talent or studious tastes whom he educated out of love
for letters. On the death of those in his service, he took special
interest in their families, providing for their maintenance or
education, or appointing them to offices, and continually inquiring in
person as to their welfare. When the people came forth to meet him
as he went through his state, receiving him with festive
demonstrations, he had for each a word. To one, 'How are you?' to
another,'How is your old father?' or 'Where is your brother?' to a
third, 'How does your trade thrive?' or 'Have you got a wife yet?'
One he took by the hand; he put his hand on the shoulder of
another; but spoke to all uncovered, so that Ottaviano Ubaldini used
to say, when any person was much occupied, 'Why, you have more
to do than Federigo's bonnet!' Indeed, he often told the Duke that
his cap was overworked, hinting that he ought to maintain more
dignity with his subjects. Talking of his courtesy: when returning one
day from Fossombrone to Urbino, he met a bride being escorted to
her husband by four citizens, as was then customary; he at once
dismounted, and joined them in accompanying her, and sharing in
their festivities.
"Many similar anecdotes are preserved of him at Urbino and other
places; and it is told that, during a year of great scarcity, several
citizens secretly stored up grain, in order to make a large profit,
which being known to the Duke, he summoned them to his
presence, and thus addressed them:—'My people, you see how
severe is the dearth; and that, unless some measures be adopted, it
will increase daily. It is thus my duty to provide for the support of

the population. If, therefore, any of you possess grain, say so, and
let a note of it be made, in order that it may be gradually brought to
market for supply of the needy; and I shall make up what is
required, by importing from Apulia all that is necessary for my state.'
Some there were who stated that they had a surplus beyond their
own wants; others said they had not even enough. Of the latter he
demanded how much more they required, and had a list taken of
what each asked. He then regulated the sale of what had been
surrendered; and sent meanwhile to Apulia for a large store of corn.
When it arrived, he prohibited all further sales of grain, and called
upon those who had stated themselves as short of supplies to
purchase from him the quota they had applied for, accepting of no
excuse, on the allegation that, having bought in a quantity for them,
he could not let it be useless. Thus were those punished who,
refusing to sell what they had over at a fair price, lost the advantage
of their stock, and were forced to pay for more. In the distribution of
this imported grain, he desired that the poor who could not pay in
cash, should be supplied on such security as they could offer. The
distribution took place in the court of the palace, under charge of
Comandino, his secretary; and when any poor man came,
representing that, with a starving family and nothing left to sell, he
could find no cautioner, Federigo, after listening from a window to
the argument, would call out, 'Give it him, Comandino, I shall
become bound for him.' And subsequently when his ministers wished
to enforce payment from the securities, he in many instances
prevented them, saying, 'I am not a merchant: it is gain enough to
have saved my people from hunger.'
"There arose a notable matter which he had to settle, in reference to
Urbino. The citizens, having come to a resolution that no one from
the country ought to have houses in the town, petitioned Federigo to
pass such a law, on the ground that, the city being theirs, no one
else ought to intrude pretensions to it. He replied that there was
much reason in this, and that he wished to gratify them in every
such just proposal; but, before doing so, he wished their opinion
what he ought to say, should the country-folks in turn ask a favour,

alleging that, as the city was for the townsfolk, and the rural districts
for themselves, the citizens should be prohibited from holding extra-
mural property. Not knowing what to answer, they remained silent,
and no longer asked for any law of the sort. He was most particular
in the performance of justice, in acts as well as words. His master of
the household having obtained large supplies for the palace from a
certain tradesman, who had also many courtly creditors, and could
not get paid, the latter was obliged to have recourse to the Duke,
who said, 'Summon me at law.' The man was retiring with a shrug of
his shoulders, when his lord told him not to be daunted, but to do
what he had desired, and it would turn out for his advantage and
that of the town. On his replying that no tipstaff could be found to
hazard it, Federigo sent an order to one to do whatever this
merchant might require for the ends of justice. Accordingly, as the
Sovereign issued from the palace with his retinue, the tipstaff stood
forward, and cited him to appear next day before the podestà, on
the complaint of such-a-one. Whereupon he, looking round, called
for the master of his household, and said, in presence of the court,
'Hear you what this man says? Now give such instructions as shall
save me from having to appear from day to day before this or that
tribunal.' And thus, not only was the man paid, but his will was
made clear to all,—that those who owed should pay, without
wronging their creditors.

THE CONTESSA PALMA
OF URBINO
After the portrait by Piero
della Francesca in the
National Gallery
"It having been represented to him that the fashion of going armed
gave daily occasion for brawls and tumults, he made the podestà put
forth a proclamation that no one should carry any weapon, and took
care to be passing with his court when the crier was publishing it.
Stopping to listen, he turned:—'Our podestà must have some good
reason for this order, and that being so, it is right he should be
obeyed.' He then, unbuckling his sword, gave it to one of his suite to
be taken home; whereupon all the others did the same. Thus by his
example he maintained more prompt and perfect justice than others
could effect by sentences, bail-bonds, imprisonments, tortures, or
the halter; ... and it was just when he made least show of power

that he was most a sovereign. One Nicolò da Cagli, an old and
distinguished soldier in his service, having lost a suit, went to
Fossombrone to lodge an appeal with Federigo, and, finding that he
was hunting in the park, followed him, without ever considering that
the time and place were ill adapted for such a purpose. At the
moment when he put his petition into his sovereign's hand, a hart
went by with the hounds in full cry. The Count spurred after them,
and in the hurry of the moment dropped the petition, which Nicolò
taking as a personal slight, he retired in great dudgeon, and went
about abusing him roundly, as unjust, ungrateful, and haughty.
Federigo hearing of this, ordered the commissary of Cagli to send
the veteran to Urbino, who hesitated to obey the summons,
dreading punishment of his rashness. In reliance, however, on his
master's leniency, and his own merits, he set out, and found the
Count at breakfast in the great audience chamber. It was customary
while at his meals, for those who had the entrée to fall back on each
side, leaving the entrance clear, so that he saw Nicolò come in: and
when he had done eating, he called and thus addressed him:—'I
hear that you go about speaking much ill of me, and as I am not
aware of having ever offended you, I desire to know what you have
been saying, and of what you complain.' At first he turned it off with
some excuse, but on being pressed for an explanation, he recounted
what had occurred in the park; and that, considering his long and
zealous service, his sacrifices and wounds, it appeared to him a
slight, and virtually a cut direct, to run after a wild beast when he
came in search of justice; that having in consequence let slip the
opportunity of appealing, and so, irretrievably lost a cause of much
importance, he had in irritation given too great licence to his tongue.
Whereupon, Federigo, turning to the bystanders, said, 'Now see
what obligations I am under to my subjects, who not only peril their
lives in my service, but also teach me how to govern my state!' and
continued thus to the litigant, 'Friend Nicolò! you are quite right; and
since you have suffered from my fault, I shall make it up to you.' He
then ordered the commissary of Cagli to pay him down the value of
the house, and all his travelling expenses, although the fault was
clearly his for not bringing his appeal at a fitter time. Again, during

one severe winter, the monks at S. Bernardino,[*205] being snowed
up, and without any stores, rang their bells for assistance; the alarm
reaching Urbino, Federigo called out the people, and went at their
head to cut a way and carry provisions to the good friars."
These extracts, illustrating the true spirit of a paternal government,
amply account for the esteem in which the Duke of Urbino was held
by contemporaries, and for his fame which still survives in Italy,
although partially obscured north of the Alps by Sismondi's
indifference to whatever merit emerged among the petty sovereigns
of that fair land. Immensely superior to most of them in intellectual
refinement and in personal worth, he may be regarded as, in military
tactics, the type of his age, and was sought for and rewarded
accordingly. He served as captain-general under three pontiffs, two
kings of Naples, and two dukes of Milan. He repeatedly bore the
baton of Florence, and refused that of Venice. He was engaged by
several of the recurring Italian leagues as their leader in the field.
From the popes he earned his dukedom, and the royal guerdons of
the Rose, the Hat, and the Sword. Henry VII of England[*206] sent
him the Garter; Ferdinand of Naples conferred on him the Ermine. In
fine, Marcilio Ficino, a philosopher as well as a courtier, cited him as
the ideal of a perfect man and a wise prince.
Federigo's dying requests were, that his nephew and confidential
friend Ottaviano Ubaldini should charge himself with the care of his
youthful heir, and that his body should be interred by that of his
father in the parish church of S. Donato, a short distance eastward
from Urbino. The funeral, though celebrated with
"Those rites which custom doth impose,"
was more remarkable for the heartfelt grief which attested the
calamity fallen upon his people. His funeral oration, pronounced by
Odasio, whom we shall afterwards find performing the like sad office

to his son, is preserved in the Vatican, and has furnished us with
some traits of his character. His body, duly embalmed, was enclosed
in a marble sarcophagus in the new church of the Zoccolantines,
which he left unfinished, close to that of S. Donato.[*207] Thirty
years after his death, it was laid open by his grandson, Duke
Francesco Maria, who reverently plucked a few hairs from his manly
breast.[208] The tomb, thus strangely violated, remained open, and
Baldi, who wrote in 1603, describes the corpse as still perfect,
except a slight injury to the nose, and resembling a wooden figure,
fleshless, and covered with white skin. It was attired after the
fashion of Italy, in a gala dress of crimson satin and scarlet, with a
sword by its side. Muzio tells us that he too had seen the body half a
century before, when it was visited by Duke Guidobaldo II. and
many of his people.
We may here notice six likenesses still preserving to us the form and
fashion of that body, with which his people's posterity thus strangely
held converse, beginning with, I. the portraits of Federigo and his
consort, painted in tempera by Piero della Francesca, now in the
Uffizi gallery at Florence, which we reproduce. The individuality
belonging alike to the features and the costumes could scarcely be
doubted, even had we not historical authority for the Count's broken
nose, and that of Giovanni Sanzi for Battista's "grave and modest
eye," already more particularly mentioned at page 218.[*209] The
clear tone and enamel finish are admirable, notwithstanding a thick
varnish, with which old tempera pictures are invariably dabbled,
under the recent management of the Florence gallery. The panels
are painted on both sides, the subjects on the reverse being
triumphs of the two sovereigns in a style of mythological allegory
then in fashion. On a car drawn by two milk-white steeds with
docked tails, driven by Cupid, Federigo sits on a curule chair, in full
armour, pointing forward with his truncheon, and holding a helmet
on his knee, whilst a winged Victory, standing behind, crowns him

with a garland. On the front of the car ride four female figures, one
of whom, representing Force, has in her arms a broken Corinthian
column; another, emblematic of Prudence, is placed in the centre of
the group, holding a mirror in her hand; her face, bright with
youthful hope, looks in advance to the future, and the profile or
mask of a bearded and wrinkled old man, affixed to the back of her
Janus head, contemplates the past with matured experience; a
metaphor closely followed by Raffaele for his Jurisprudence in the
Stanza della Segnatura. Justice is introduced with her scales and
two-edged sword; and the fourth figure is scarcely seen. The distant
country, in this as in the others of these pictures, shows that their
author was unable to apply to landscape the excellence in linear
perspective displayed by his architectural designs. Countess
Battista's triumph is similarly treated; but her car is drawn by bay
unicorns, types of purity, and she sits on a chair of state, splendidly
attired, with an open book on her knee. Behind her a bright maiden,
meant probably for Truth, contrasts with an elderly female in semi-
monastic dress who may be intended for
"A pensive nun, devout and pure,
Sober, steadfast, and demure,
All in a robe of darkest grain,
Flowing with majestic train,
And ashy stole of Cyprus lawn
Over her decent shoulders drawn."
On the front of the car, Faith, with cross and chalice, sits by Religion,
on whose knee the pelican feeds her young, emblematic of the
Saviour's love for mankind. Under each of these allegorical paintings
is a strophe of Sapphic measure, which may be thus rendered:—
"In gorgeous triumph is borne the hero, whom enduring fame
worthily celebrates as a sovereign, equalling in his virtues the
greatest generals.
"Thus conducted amid her prosperity, and illustrated by the laurels
of her mighty husband's deeds, her name circles in the mouths of

mankind."[210]
II. Our next portrait of this Duke was probably obtained by the
Barberini family at the devolution of Urbino to the Holy See, about
1630, and remains in their palace at Rome. It is on a three-quarters
panel, life size, in full armour, wearing the ducal mantle of crimson
flowered with gold, and an ermine cape. From his neck hangs the
order of the Ermine, and below his left knee is the Garter. The ducal
cap of yellow silk, thickly studded with pearls, hangs on a tall lectern
in front of his armchair. He holds a crimson book, and reads from it
to his son, standing by his knee, in a yellow frock richly jewelled, a
sceptre in the boy's right hand. This head and figure have been
copied by Clovio, in an illuminated volume which we shall describe in
VI. of the Appendix; and although ascribed to Mantegna, they may
rather be a work of Piero della Francesca (if I may form an opinion
after the single visit and distant inspection allowed me in 1845 by its
jealous owner), but always with the proviso that that able artist's
blindness[*211] had not supervened in 1478, when, from the prince's
age, this picture must have been done. We have no notice of
Mantegna having been at Urbino, although this is probable, from
Sanzi's admiration of him.[212]
III. In 1843, there was in the possession of the widow Comerio, at
Milan, a very small head of Federigo on copper, which she wished to
sell as a Raffaele for 200l. I have learned, by the kindness of an
intelligent friend, that it is a good old copy of the seventeenth
century, the composition slightly varied from the Barberini picture
and Clovio miniature. It may have been the original of a poor
engraving prefixed to Muzio's life of this Duke, and would scarcely
have been noticed here had not the Abbé Pungileone, with his usual
lack of discrimination, ventured a conjecture that it was done by
Raffaele from a work of his father; a random guess,
discountenanced by the Italian editor of Quartremere de Quincy,
notwithstanding his readiness to adopt all speculative Raffaeles in
the hands of his Milanese townsmen. It is a duty to expose such

blunders, especially when greedily adopted as a foundation for
imposture.
IV. The picture of which we have now to speak possesses strong
claims upon our interest. Among the artists of Urbino who will figure
in our twenty-seventh chapter was Fra Carnevale, a Dominican
monk, who, at the Duke's desire, painted, for his new church of the
Zoccolantines, an altar-piece, transferred by French rapine to the
Brera gallery at Milan, where the imperfect restitution of 1815 has
left it. Tradition, fortified by a questionable MS., points out the
Madonna and child as portraits of Countess Battista and her son,
while Federigo's figure kneeling before her throne, cannot be
mistaken. But, as we shall afterwards have occasion to show, the
genius of Christian art was at that time opposed to embodying in
sacred personages the lineaments of real life, and, although the
apocryphal legend has been received without challenge by two
recent commentators on Fra Carnevale, a monkish limner seems
unlikely to have infringed the rule.[213] Marchese, correctly
describing the picture from Rosini's print, tells us that before the
enthroned Madonna and four attendant saints "is the Duke of Urbino
in armour, prostrate on his knees, and imploring her favour for
himself and his children, who appear grouped behind the throne."
After praising the life-like heads of these portraits, this critic from the
cloisters questions the propriety of so stowing away the ducal
progeny. But an artist friend, who at my request examined the
original work since I have been able to do so, informs me that the
latter are winged angels in long white robes and pearl necklaces,
although with faces apparently taken from the life. Federigo's figure
is unquestionably introduced, by a usual and very beautiful licence,
as donor of this altar-piece, thus bearing witness to the devotional
spirit which dictated his gift; and could we have it replaced in the
church that was reared at his bidding, over against the sarcophagus
which contains his remains, and believe that on its panel, painted in
pious commemoration of the birth of an heir, are preserved the
features of six of his family, no more interesting memorial of Urbino's
golden days could be conceived.

V. This Duke's portrait is delineated in another altar-piece at Urbino,
in which, being from the hand of a Fleming, such mixture of sacred
and historical art is less inconsistent. Having already alluded at page
205 to the occasion on which it was commissioned, and having to
describe it in our thirtieth chapter, we need not further notice it now.
VI. I saw at Florence in 1845, in the hands of Signor di Tivoli, master
of languages, an interesting but ruined picture painted on panel,
apparently by a Venetian master of the sixteenth century. In a chair
of state, on the elevated platform of a vast hall, is seated Duke
Federigo, with Guidobaldo at his knee, the Garter embroidered on
his left sleeve, and its star on his ducal mantle. Three courtiers stand
behind him, and another group on the floor below, listening to the
prelections of a figure in black robes. On a cornice of the saloon is
inscribed "Federigo Duke of Urbino and Count of Montefeltro." We
conjecture this subject to be a sitting of the Academy degli Assorditi,
though it may represent Odasio or some other lettered guest reading
his compositions: in either case the painting is an interesting, though
scarcely contemporary, memorial of this lettered court.[214]
By his first marriage Federigo had no family, but his wife Battista
Sforza brought him eight children in twelve years. Their son was the
youngest, but the daughters' seniority is disputed.
1. Guidobaldo, his heir.
2. A daughter, who died in infancy, 1461.
3. Elisabetta, born in 1461-2, betrothed March 1471, and
married in 1475 to Roberto Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, with
12,000 florins of dowry. This match was intended to solder up
the long feuds of the Montefeltri and Malatesta. At the age of
twenty she heard, at the same moment, of the deaths of her
husband and her father, and soon after assumed the veil by the

name of Sister Chiara, in a convent of Franciscan minor
observantines which she founded at Urbino in honour of that
saint, endowing it with all her possessions.
4. Giovanna, married in 1474, to Giovanni della Rovere, nephew
of Sixtus IV., who became Lord of Sinigaglia and Prefect of
Rome. From this marriage sprang the second dynasty of Urbino,
as we shall see in chapter xxxi.
5. Agnesina, married in 1474 to Fabrizio Colonna, Lord of Marino,
Duke of Albi and Tagliacozza. She inherited the talents and
literary tastes which, as we have already seen, had descended
to her mother, and transmitted them to a still more gifted
daughter, the illustrious Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of
Pescara. Of this marriage was also born Ascanio Colonna, Duke
of Palliano, who, in 1526 and 1529, set up claims upon Urbino,
on the ground that his mother was an elder sister of the
Prefectess Giovanna.
6. Costanza, married to Antonello Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno,
and had a son born in 1507. Their grandson was the patron of
Bernardo Tasso, whom we shall mention in chapter l.
7. Chiara, a nun.
8. Violante, married to Galeotto Malatesta.
Federigo's natural children were:—
1. Bonconte, a youth of singular promise and accomplishments,
on whom, in absence of legitimate issue, were centred his
father's hopes. Having been sent at fourteen to the court of
Naples, he died there of plague.
2. Antonio, who was legitimated, along with his eldest brother, in
1454, and became a student. But soon devoting himself to
arms, he attended his father in many campaigns, and especially
in the fatal one of Ferrara. A cloud, however, came over his

military renown at the battle of the Taro in 1495, where he
misconducted himself under the banner of St. Mark. He married
Emilia, youngest daughter of Marco Pio of Carpi, and died
childless soon after 1500. His wife was the chief ornament of
Urbino when its court was the model of intellectual refinement,
and she will often be noticed in after portions of this work. Her
charming social qualities are celebrated in prose and verse by
Castiglione, and she is called by Bembo a magnanimous and
prudent lady, remarkable for wisdom as for warm affection. The
Duchess Elisabetta, whose friend and companion she had been,
alike during the bright days of wedlock and the blight of
widowhood, bequeathed to her in 1527 the liferent of Poggio
d'Inverno, and appointed her an executrix of her will. Her
portrait from a medal will be found in our second volume.
3. Bernardino, who died at Castel Durante, 1458.
4. Gentile, a celebrated beauty, who married Agostino Fregoso
of Genoa, and had the Montefeltrian fief of Sta. Agatha. Their
sons, Ottaviano and Federigo Fregoso, will figure in our twenty-
first chapter, and attained the respective dignities of Doge of
Genoa and Cardinal. Ottaviano's posterity were Marquises of
Sta. Agatha in the seventeenth century.

BOOK THIRD
OF GUIDOBALDO DI MONTEFELTRO,
THIRD DUKE OF URBINO

I
CHAPTER XIII
The early promise of Duke Guidobaldo I.—Count
Girolamo Riario assassinated—The Duke’s marriage—
Comparative quiet of Italy.
N the life of Duke Federigo we have seen personal merit
accompanied by a remarkable continuance of good fortune. The
mystery of his birth was no bar to his enjoying unquestioned a
sovereignty to which he could not have established any clear right.
The popular outbreak which had cut off his predecessor shook not
the stability of his dynasty. To the fief he thus peaceably acquired he
added important territories by marriage and purchase. He
transmitted to a hopeful son an important and flourishing state, and
with it the highest title compatible with his station, obtained by his
personal merits. Among competitors and opponents of great military
renown he was ever conspicuous, and almost uniformly victorious.
In an age when letters and arts began their rivalry with arms he
retained, as the Maecenas of a cultivated court, the fame he had
gained as a successful general. The biographers of Guidobaldo[*215]
have justly ascribed to him no inferior merit, while they have
strongly contrasted the persecutions of fortune which he endured;
and they have established the probability that, with equal years and
equal advantages, his memory might have not been less glorious
than that of his father. Those portents attending the Prince's birth, to
which a miraculous character was assigned by the gratitude or
superstition of the people, have been mentioned in a preceding
chapter. It took place at Gubbio on the 17th or 24th of January,
1472, and on the 2nd of February he was baptized Guido Ubaldo
Girolamo Vincenzo;[*216] the first pair of these names, given in
memory of the old counts of Urbino, and of the patron saint of that
city, was commonly used by him in its contracted form Guidobaldo.

The court of his father, ever attractive to eminent men, was soon
after visited by the venerable Cardinal Bessarion, who, after being
twice within a vote or two of the triple tiara, was returning from his
last diplomatic mission to England a few months before his death.
Federigo availed himself of this opportunity to obtain for the infant
the rite of confirmation, though but three months' old. In two
months more, the condition with which Battista had accompanied
her prayers for a male heir was fatally fulfilled,[217] and Guidobaldo
was deprived of a mother's care long ere he could be sensible of the
sad bereavement.
Gio. Sanzi, pinx. L. Ceroni,
sculp.
GUIDOBALDO I.
From a picture in the
Colonna Gallery in Rome

Almost from his cradle the Prince was remarkable for a sweet and
docile temper, as well as for uncommon promise. We are gravely
assured by his preceptor that, while other infants had scarcely
learned to satisfy their instinctive need of sustenance, he could
express his wants; while they were trying to speak he was mastering
his rudiments; and these, with similar proofs of precocity, which we
shall presently cite, are asserted with the most solemn asseverations
of their literal truth. Fully aware of the importance of early directing
so prompt a genius, his father engaged, as the guide of his youthful
studies, Ludovico Odasio of Padua, an accomplished gentleman, as
well as a distinguished scholar, whom he ever treated with the
attention due to his own merits, as well as to the importance of his
charge. The after life of his pupil, and the language used by Odasio
in his funeral eulogy,[*218] bear ample testimony to the careful and
satisfactory tuition which the Prince imbibed, and the benefit he
reaped from his instructions. Nor were these ungratefully received
by the latter, who, on attaining majority, bestowed upon his
preceptor the countship of Isola Forsara, near Gubbio, which his
descendants continued to enjoy during many generations.
The Paduan sage describes his charge as a fit model of those
infantine Cupids whom painters delight to introduce in their pictures
of the Queen of Love. Nor were his dispositions less engaging;
gentle and just to all, generous but prudent beyond his years.
Neglecting the childish toys suitable to his age, his whole mind was
concentrated on his studies and on manly sports, occasioning in
many those anxious fears that so generally attend the premature
development of early talent. Such was the genius committed to the
care of Odasio, who seems to have rendered it ample justice.
Besides his native tongue, Guidobaldo rapidly acquired the Latin
language, and although Greek was then a comparatively rare
accomplishment, he so thoroughly mastered its difficulties as to
write it with freedom and Attic grace. Possessing great powers of
application, his reading included all the best classical authors. The
poets were his delight in boyhood, but by degrees he attached
himself more to the severer studies of philosophy and ethics. Nor

was his attention limited to abstract literature. Geography engaged
in turn his versatile talents, accompanied with practical information
as to the inhabitants by whom various countries were peopled, their
manners, their political relations, and the character of their
respective governments. But what his preceptor considered as the
great aim of a princely education was the development of his powers
of eloquence, and an extensive acquaintance with history; to these,
therefore, he drew Guidobaldo's attention with entire success. In
detailing to us these interesting particulars, Odasio takes little credit
for the progress of his pupil, whose quick apprehension rendered his
duty that of a companion and observer rather than of a teacher. His
powers of memory were especially remarkable, and by judicious and
habitual exercise were extended with advancing manhood. He is said
to have possessed that rarest gift, of never forgetting anything he
wished to recollect, and to have repeated with perfect accuracy
successive pages which he had read only once, some ten or fifteen
years before.
His insatiable thirst for knowledge did not prevent his perfecting
himself in every healthful and manly exercise. Precocious in his
amusements as in his talents, he devoted to these the play-time
which other children pass with noisy toys, and whilst they listened to
nursery tales, he hung upon the recital of heroic deeds, or the
stirring narratives of glorious war. To the boyish sports of ball and
dancing quickly succeeded gymnastic and military games, which
were followed with an enthusiasm, and accompanied by exposure to
fatigue and cold, that appear to have fatally affected his constitution.
Thus he grew up, adorned by the accomplishments, endowed with
the courage, and skilled in the martial exercises which formed a
perfect knight when the standard of chivalry was high. Nor were the
graces of person wanting to this phœnix of his age. Count
Castiglione describes him as represented in our engraving, of fair
complexion and hair; of singularly handsome features, in which a
severe style was chastened by gentle expression; of a person and
limbs the model of manly beauty.

The death of Duke Federigo in the disastrous campaign of Ferrara,
on the 10th of September, 1482, left Guidobaldo an orphan ere he
had completed his eleventh year. In times where so much of the
success, and even security, of a petty sovereign depended on his
personal qualifications, a minority was ever perilous; but, in the
present instance, there were circumstances of peculiar danger to
augment the delicacy of his position. The state of Urbino was
surrounded by those of the Church, of Florence, of Rimini, and of
Pesaro, whilst the more distant powers, whose influence habitually
bore upon the lesser principalities of Italy, were Venice, Milan, and
Naples. Of the former category, the Pope, though connected by
marriage, could scarcely be deemed friendly, for Federigo had died
in arms against the papal troops; Lorenzo de' Medici was indebted to
him for important aid, but had never shown any peculiar attachment
to his alliance; Rimini had once more passed into the hands of an
illegitimate heir, in whose eyes the intermarriage of his father with
the aunt of Guidobaldo[*219] might not counterbalance the
inveterate feuds between his grandfather Sigismondo Pandolfo and
Federigo. With Costanzo Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, the young Duke
could, indeed, calculate upon amicable relations, but these, with so
feeble a neighbour, were of negative rather than available
advantage. The open hostility of Venice, then almost at the climax of
her power, might well counterbalance the Neapolitan alliance, and
Ludovico Sforza was too busy with his own ambitious projects upon
the Milanese to interfere in support of a distant ally. But how vain
the calculations of human policy in the sight of Him in whose hands
are the issues of life! The perils which hung over the youthful
Guidobaldo passed away like the morning mists that precede a
brilliant sunrise.
Having performed the last duties to his illustrious father, the new
Duke, on the 17th of September, was solemnly invested with the
ducal mantle, and rode through Urbino receiving homage amid the
rejoicings of all ranks. Thence he proceeded to Gubbio and his other

principal towns, meeting everywhere a unanimous welcome, and
leaving, by his fine presence and engaging manners, a highly
favourable impression on his subjects. In the arrangements
necessary for the administration of his state, he was aided by his
cousin-german Ottaviano Ubaldini, of whom we have already
spoken.[220]
The messengers sent from Urbino to the combined powers of
Naples, Florence, and Milan, in whose service Duke Federigo had
met his death, returned with news which dissipated all present
anxiety as to the position of his heir, whom it at once placed on an
eminence that might have turned an older and more experienced
head. The allies, in faithful implement of his father's condotta,
continued to him the same command, entrusting to a child a charge
which had baffled the best generals of Italy. It is difficult
satisfactorily to explain this apparent absurdity. No doubt the
services of condottieri were in certain cases retained, rather for the
following which they could bring into active service than out of
regard to their personal qualifications, and it must have been most
important for the League to secure the brave and hardy militia of
Montefeltro. Yet this affords no valid reason for ostensibly setting a
mere schoolboy over many veteran officers. The appointment was
probably but nominal, and at a moment when no onward movement
seemed requisite—when, in fact, the war had been turned into a
blockade—it was sanctioned as a mere temporary expedient until
time should be gained to deliberate on ulterior steps, whether for a
renewal of offensive demonstrations, or for a general pacification. In
this view the measure was politic, as a flattering compliment to one
whom it was well to conciliate, without tying up the parties from
whom it emanated. But, whatever be the just explanation, the fact is
positive that, in the language of Odasio, the Duke was treated as a
man ere he had well completed his childhood; was ranked as a
veteran ere he had served as a cadet; was made general before he
had served as a soldier. The career thus happily opened was not,
however, that which was destined most to illustrate his name. When
compared with his father's achievements, or with the military science

of his successor, the martial feats of Guidobaldo sink into
insignificance. The promise of an active and athletic childhood, and
the premature honours of boyish command, were blighted by the
early development of constitutional infirmities, which in a few years
disabled him from service in the field. Fortunately for himself and his
reputation, nature had endowed him with other resources, the
cultivation of which not only consoled his own privations, but greatly
contributed to humanise the age.
Nor did the result of their policy disappoint the confederates, or
expose Guidobaldo's military fame to premature risks. The wayward
and fickle character of Sixtus IV. solved all difficulties, by suddenly
changing his side. Upon pretended compunction for the miseries
produced by the war, but in reality from finding the Venetians likely
to reap the exclusive advantage of successes to which he had in no
way contributed, he reconciled himself with Ferdinand of Naples, and
in a treaty to this effect, signed on the 6th of January, 1483, he left
to the Signory an option of adherence to its terms. The publication
of this new alliance was inaugurated at Siena by a triumphal
procession, during which the Pontiff's sudden amity with the two
Tuscan republics was celebrated in a chorus to this effect:—
"Whate'er on earth by thee is bound shall be
Bound in the heavens, freed what thou settest free:
So spake the Lord, when in St. Peter's hands
He left the sovereignty of Christian lands;
And such the League, now destined to unite
Our state with God's own Vicar in the fight.
Pray that the Virgin and her Son uphold
The Oak, the Lily, and the Lion bold."[221]
The abandonment by Sixtus of his design upon Ferrara, although no
doubt promoted by the confederates' threat of a general council,
was probably induced by a calculation that the condotta with 10,000
ducats of pay, and the vague promise of other fiefs in Romagna,
which were offered by Naples and Spain to Girolamo Riario, would

prove to him a more substantial boon than his stipulated share of
the Ferrarese territories, exposed to the chances of an obstinate and
expensive struggle, and coupled with the condition of handing over
the larger portion of that dukedom to the already dangerously
powerful republic of Venice. Thus was dissolved the League against
the d'Este, and with it expired Guidobaldo's commission, his position
being at the same time strengthened by a reconciliation with the
Church.
But though the parties had changed, the game of war was
continued. The Venetians had good grounds for umbrage at the
unceremonious desertion, by his Holiness, of the common cause,
without due notice, and still better reason for discontent on finding
themselves called upon to abandon their designs upon Ferrara, after
a long, expensive, and, on the whole, successful campaign. They
therefore, rejected the offer of joining the new alliance, and
persisted in offensive operations against Duke Ercole,
notwithstanding the displeasure of Sixtus, who, with his usual
violence, thundered an interdict against his recent allies for pursuing
the very policy to which he had persuaded them. Intent on forcing
peace upon the parties between whom he had recently stirred up
unprovoked hostilities, he directed the whole power of the new
combination against the Republic. To meet the exigencies of the
opening campaign, the combatants prepared their several forces,
and Guidobaldo was taken into the pay of King Ferdinand, with a
salary of 15,000 ducats for three years, more, of course, on account
of his contingent of 180 men-at-arms and 30 lances than with any
intention of putting his own military talents to the test. The
Venetians, nothing daunted by the formidable combination they
were called upon to oppose, engaged the services of Costanzo
Sforza, of Pesaro, with 300 men-at-arms. Thus, by a coincidence not
uncommon in the career of military adventurers, Guidobaldo was
pitted against an uncle with whom, and with whose states, the most
affectionate and cordial relations had always subsisted. But their
impending rupture was averted by the hand of fate. A malignant
fever cut off Costanzo on the 19th of July, and his subjects were left

to mourn a prince who had conciliated their affection by wise policy,
by attention to their welfare, and by zeal in the improvement of his
capital.
Death had, however, selected a partner in the game more important
than the Lord of Pesaro. The dread hour of reckoning was arrived to
the arch-spirit of turbulence, who from the chair of St. Peter had,
during thirteen years, been the scourge of Italy. Nor was his end out
of character with his career. By counter-plots, which we need not
stay to develop, the crafty Venetians contrived to seduce Ludovico il
Moro from the hostile band by whom they were beset, and turning
the tables upon the Pope, effected a pacification without including or
even consulting him. The treaty of Bagnolo aggrandised the
maritime republic with no reference to the interests of Riario. It
reached Sixtus on the 12th of August, 1484, and brought on a
sudden attack of his constitutional malady, gout, which struck him
speechless. In a few hours he expired of vexation, at finding himself
outmanœuvred in his favourite game of intrigue, and at seeing those
broils which he had done so much to foment, thus brought to an
unexpected close. The Venetians, on learning that their rancorous
foe had ceased to live, redoubled the joy with which they heard of
the general pacification; and the satirical wits of the day
commemorated his death in this biting epigram:—
"No truce could Sixtus bind, though ratified:
A peace at length proclaimed,—he heard and died."[222]
The successor of Sixtus was Cardinal Cibò, who took the title of
Innocent VIII. Between him and Duke Federigo had existed an old
friendship, which was cordially extended to Guidobaldo, and also to
Ottaviano Ubaldini: to these, therefore, it was a pleasure as well as a
duty to lay their congratulations at his feet, in return for which a
new investiture, already prepared by order of the late Pontiff, was
promptly forwarded to the young Duke. The aggressions of the Turk,
that standing grievance of Christian Europe, had of late menaced
Italy itself, and each pope, on ascending the chair of St. Peter,

sought to signalise his zeal by uniting the Peninsular powers against
the common foe. Yet, like his predecessors, Innocent was quickly
diverted from a project vast, glorious, and attractive, but
impracticable, to meaner objects; from the cause of Christianity to
ebullitions of personal pique. The rigour with which he exacted from
the King of Naples some arrears of cense, or ecclesiastical tribute,
due to the Camera under old investitures, but which had been
modified by Sixtus IV., occasioned an exchange of harsh words.
There occurred at Aquila, about the same time, a most serious
insurrection, headed by some Neapolitan nobles belonging to the
Angevine party, who, exasperated by a long course of oppressive
and injudicious government, appealed to Innocent for assistance.
The occasion seemed tempting for gratifying his indignation against
Ferdinand I., and for adding to the papal states that important fief.
The grand crusade against the Crescent was once more forgotten,
and the Pope, entering upon the career of Sixtus, became the
perturbator in place of the pacificator of unhappy Italy. Among other
small princes whom he retained for this struggle was Guidobaldo,
nor did he omit to secure the Venetians. Ferdinand was not idle on
his side, having made an alliance with the Florentines. Whilst the
ecclesiastical troops, under Roberto da Sanseverino and the Prefect
della Rovere, seconding the rebellious barons of Naples, carried an
aggressive war into the Abruzzi, the King made a diversion in La
Marca, by means of some military adventurers, who, at his
instigation, stirred up the people of Città di Castello, Fano, and
Osimo, to throw off the papal sway. To quell these movements, the
troops of Urbino, led by commanders sent by Innocent, and still
more the influence of the Duke, proved highly instrumental. The war,
begun without just cause, and leading to no important result, ended,
as usual, in a league which left the parties much as before. It
included the Pope, the King, Giovanni Galeazzo Sforza, and the
Venetian Republic, and was hailed with a joy that seemed wilfully
oblivious of the hollowness of former pacifications. It was concluded
on the 11th of August, 1485, and, unlike these, it secured the quiet
of Italy during the remainder of that pontificate.

The first actual service which it was the lot of Guidobaldo to witness
was in a cause at once vile and unimportant; but it placed him under
a rising soldier, who became one of the most distinguished
commanders of the age. Among the adventurers to whom we just
now referred as troubling the Marca, was Boccolino Guzzoni or
Uguccione, who, having made himself master of Osimo, continued to
hold out with obstinacy, embittered by a furious temper, and by the
impolitic severity which Innocent had manifested towards him. To
reduce this firebrand, Gian Jacopi di Trivulzio was sent from Milan in
May, 1487;[*223] and, although the mediation of Lorenzo de' Medici
saved Uguccione from impending destruction, an incident which
made him acquainted with so remarkable a general must be
considered important to the youthful Duke, who had only completed
his fifteenth year. His advance towards manhood was marked by
communications from the Court of Rome being henceforward
addressed to himself, instead of to Ottaviano; but he dutifully
continued to avail himself of his guardian's counsels in all matters of
moment.

Alinari
CATERINA SFORZA
After the picture by Marco
Palmezzani in the Pinacoteca of
Forlì
We have seen the peculiar circumstances in which, with the aid of
Duke Federigo, the sovereignty of Count Girolamo Riario and his wife
Caterina Sforza was established in Imola and Forlì.[224] They had
reigned there during eight years, cited by their flatterers as models
of paternal government; abused by those whom they had
disappointed and especially by the Florentine writers, as monsters of
tyranny. Truth may probably lie between. Girolamo has been accused
of no flagrant crime, except a participation in the Pazzi conspiracy,
which was instigated by his uncle Sixtus IV., while Caterina is
favourably distinguished even above those brilliant spirits who
abounded among the contemporary princesses of Italy. The Count is

alleged to have, by an overbearing manner, offended several of his
courtiers, but particularly Francesco Deddi de' Orsi. Another account
accuses Lorenzo de' Medici of intriguing to avenge the old injury
which he justly attributed to Riario, a charge which his eulogists
have indignantly repelled, and which, resting on no proof, is certainly
inconsistent with a character so noble. Francesco, at the head of a
band of conspirators, broke in upon Count Girolamo, and murdered
him in his palace at Forlì. They then threw his body into the piazza,
and the populace, ever ready for change, rose simultaneously, some
crying "Liberty," others "Church," and finished their work by
plundering his residence.[*225] Meanwhile the leaders of the
insurrection possessed themselves of the Countess, her mother,
sister, and six children; and finding that Giacomo Fea, captain of the
citadel, held it against them, they dragged her to the walls, and
insisted upon her summoning him to surrender. Upon his refusing,
they acceded to a proposal that she should be admitted, in order to
induce him to yield. Once within the castle, Caterina thanked its
defender, and stimulated the garrison to fresh resistance, directing
that all the artillery should be brought to bear upon the town, ready
to bombard it should the rebels attempt to execute their cowardly
threat of offering violence to her children.[226]
This bold bearing saved the cause of the young Riarii, without really
endangering their persons. Giovanni Bentivoglio, Lord of Bologna, a
faithful adherent of the Sforza, on the first news of this insurrection,
put himself at the head of a thousand horse and eight hundred foot,
and arrived in hot haste at the gates of Forlì. The conspirators,
divided in their counsels, and distracted by the decisive course which
the Countess had adopted, fled from the town without waiting to
resist, and thus the revolution was at an end. Within two short
weeks Caterina had been a happy wife, a bereaved widow, an
outraged prisoner, a triumphant sovereign. She remembered her
sorrows signally to avenge them; she threw aside her weeds to
assume a robe of triumph; and issuing from the castle, proclaimed
her son Ottaviano, Count of Forlì.

But a deep stain attaches to the punishment which she must have
sanctioned, if she did not direct it, and which was inflicted upon
Count Orsi, father of the assassin, with an accumulation of horrors
rarely exampled among even savage tribes. The old man, then in his
eighty-sixth year, after being exposed on the great square to insults
of the soldiery in presence of the whole populace, was bound to a
board, and drawn twice round the piazza, his snow-white head
projecting, and broken against the sharp stones; his quivering limbs
were then hacked in pieces by armed ruffians, whose atrocious
barbarities, as described by an eye-witness, are too revolting for
detail. All this the sufferer endured with a heroism and resignation
which produced on the spectators the usual effect of such brutal
perversion of justice, and converted their abhorrence of the crime
into sympathy with the criminal.
The murder of Count Girolamo took place on the 14th of April, 1488,
and the news of it excited great consternation at the court of Urbino,
which had always maintained a friendly footing with that of Riario,
he being cousin to the Prefect of Sinigaglia, husband of Guidobaldo's
sister. In the excited state of public feeling, men's minds caught
greedily at any trivial circumstance on which to found a surmise as
to the authors of the outrage, seeking for remote influences to
account for what seems to have been merely an outbreak of private
passion. The cries of "Church," which had mingled in the shouts of
the excited populace, were interpreted as an indication of the Pope's
privacy to a conspiracy, and doubts were entertained as to the part
which he might take in the revolution. But such ideas were quickly
dissipated. Whatever may have been the feelings of Innocent
towards the dynasty established by his predecessor at Forlì, the
occupation of that city by the Bolognese troops awakened his
jealousy of the Bentivoglii. He therefore despatched couriers,
instructing the Duke of Urbino to maintain at all hazards the
legitimate government of Forlì, as indispensable to the peace of
Italy, and for this purpose to hold himself in readiness for a march
into Romagna, as soon as commissioners should arrive from Rome
with a subsidy. Guidobaldo hastily assembled his troops, but ere the

Pope's paymaster made his appearance, the prompt aid of
Bentivoglio, and an army sent from Milan, had anticipated the
service which he was commissioned to effect.
Although the youthful Duke of Urbino was but little concerned in
these events of Italian history, they involved persons, and prepared
the way for political combinations, which turned the scale of his after
life, loading it with an undue portion of cares and sorrows. In
absence of domestic incidents during his minority, we may vary the
narrative by abstracting a few particulars from a volume of
regulations for his court. Though trifling, they throw light on his
personal habits, and supply an index to the civilisation of his age.
[227] To all persons composing the ducal household, unexceptionable
manners were indispensable. In those of higher rank there was
further required competent talents and learning, a grave deportment
and fluency of speech. The servants must be of steady habits and
respectable character; regular in all private transactions; of good
address, modest, and graceful; willing and neat-handed in their
service. There is likewise inculcated the most scrupulous personal
cleanliness, especially of hands, with particular injunctions as to
frequent ablutions, and extraordinary precautions against the
unpleasant effects of hot weather on their persons and clothing: in
case of need medical treatment is enjoined to correct the breath.
Those who wore livery had two suits a year, generally of fustian,
though to some silk doublets were given for summer use. They had
a mid-day meal and a supper: the former usually consisted of fruit,
soup, and boiled meat; the latter of salads and boiled meat. This
was varied on Fridays and vigil fasts by dinners of fish, eggs, and
cheese; suppers of bread, wine, and salads. Saturdays were semi-
fasts, when they dined on soup and eggs, and supped on soup and
cheese. The upper table offered but few luxuries in addition to this
plain fare, such as occasionally roasts, fowls, and pastry, with a more
liberal allowance of eggs and cheese on meagre days.
Of the diet at the ducal table we find sparing and unsatisfactory
notices; but its chief difference from that of the attendants seems to

have consisted in the more liberal use of sweet herbs and fruits. The
latter were presented in singular order: cherries and figs before
dinner; after it, pears, apples, peaches, nuts, almonds; before
supper, melons and grapes. The splendour of the table service
seems to have been more looked to than its supplies; and many
rules are given as to the covered silver platters in which meats were
brought up, the silver goblets and glass caraffes for wine, the fine
napery and the ornamental flowers. The regulations for the Duke's
chamber service indicate scrupulous cleanliness, both as to ablutions
in perfumed water, and frequent change of clothing, in strict
conformance to the directions of physicians and astrologers. Among
the conveniences enumerated for his bedroom are a bell, a night-
light, and in cold weather a fire. An attendant slept by him without
undressing, also a clerk in the guard-room within call. The music
provided to accompany the Duke on his rides seems to have been
somewhat miscellaneous—a company of bagpipers, a sackbut, four
trumpets, three drums, with a herald or pursuivant. The qualities
insisted on for ladies of the Duchess's household are exemplary
gravity and unsullied honour; they must further be handy, addicted
neither to gossip nor wrangling, and never talking unnecessarily in
her presence.
We here reach an eventful epoch in the life of Guidobaldo. Baldi
informs us that, when Duke Federigo went to Naples in 1474 to
receive from Ferdinand the order of the Ermine he formally
betrothed his son, then but two years and a half old, to Princess
Lucrezia of Aragon. He adds that she corresponded with the Duke
within a few months of his death, but gives no account of the
circumstances under which this engagement was broken off. When
Duke Guidobaldo had completed his sixteenth year, another alliance
was contracted for him, to the great joy of his people, with
Elisabetta (sometimes called Isabella) Gonzaga, youngest sister of
Francesco Marquis of Mantua. She was daughter of the Marquis

Federigo, by Margaretta daughter of Albert III. Duke of Bavaria: her
virtues, her manners, and her almost unearthly beauty are extolled
by Castiglione, in language which the evidence of all writers has
stamped with truth.[*228] Her age exceeded the bridegroom's by one
year, and her sister Madalena was at the same time betrothed to
Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, the celebration of both the nuptials
being deferred until the end of October, 1489.
Anderson
ISABELLA OF ARAGON
After the drawing by Beltraffio in
the Biblioteca Ambrogiana, Milan
The rivalry inherent in the relations between neighbouring towns of
the Peninsula had on this occasion pleasing opportunity for display,
for nowhere more than in Italy do the people delight in pompous

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