Creating a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice

CREATING A
NON-VIOLENT
JUVENILE
JUSTICE SYSTEM
Report 2013
Prepared by
The International NGO Council
on Violence Against Children

3
International NGO Council on Violence Against Children | Creating a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice System | October 2013
The International NGO Council on Violence against Children —
The International NGO Council on Violence against Children (formerly the NGO Advisory Council for
follow-up to the UN Secretary-General’s Study on Violence against Children) was established in 2006 to
work with NGOs and other partners, including member states, to ensure that the recommendations from
the UN Study on Violence against Children are effectively implemented. The International NGO Council
includes representatives from nine international NGOs, including major human rights and humanitarian
agencies, as well as nine representatives selected from their regions.
The International NGO Council works closely with the Special Representative to the Secretary-
General on Violence against Children, and encourages and maintains NGO involvement at the
national, regional, and international levels in follow-up advocacy with governments, UN agencies
and others for full implementation of the Study recommendations. A full list of membership may
be found in the Acknowledgements, and further information on the International NGO Council
may be found at: http://www.crin.org/violence/NGOs
Acknowledgements —
This report was prepared by Patrick Geary for the International NGO Council on Violence against Children,
with input from members of the Council.
The International NGO Council would like to acknowledge the financial support generously provided
by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for publication of this report. The Ministry has not taken
part in its production and does not assume responsibility for the content.
International NGO Council Membership —
International NGO Representatives
Veronica Yates Child Rights International Network – CRIN, (Co-Chair)
Theo Noten ECPAT International (Co-Chair)
Jo Becker Human Rights Watch
Peter Newell Global Initiative to End all Corporal Punishment of Children
Arelys Bellorini World Vision International
Ileana Bello Defence for Children International
Carolina Bárbara World Organization Against Torture (OMCT)
Fiyola Hoosen-Steele Plan International
Sara Johansson Save the Children
Regional Representatives
East and Southern Africa: Judith Mulenga, Zambia Civic Education Association, Zambia, (Co-Chair)
West and Central Africa: Mr MALLY Kwadjo Essediaba, WAO Afrique
(Action to stop child exploitation), Lomé, Togo.
North America: Katherine Covell, Children’s Rights Centre,
Cape Breton University, Sydney, Nova Scotia Canada
Latin America: Milena Grillo, Fundacion PANIAMOR, Costa Rica
The Caribbean: Silvia Mazzarelli, VIS/MDB, Dominican Republic
South Asia: A.K.M. Masud Ali, INCIDIN Bangladesh
East Asia & Pacific: Irene V. Fonacier-Fellizar, Center for the Promotion, Advocacy and
Protection of the Rights of the Child Foundation, Inc., The Philippines
Middle East and North Africa: Thaira Shalan, Arab Council for Childhood and Development (ACCD), Egypt
Europe and Central Asia: Thomas Mueller, Child Helpline International, The Netherlands
Published October 2013
Prepared by
The International NGO Council
on Violence Against Children
CREATING A NON-VIOLENT
JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM
Report 2013

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Contents —
Acknowledgements
Foreword —
Marta Santos Pais
Foreword —
Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro
Part I—
Creating a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice System
Part II
—
Building Blocks of a Non-Violent
Juvenile Justice System
Part III
—
A Comparative Journey Through Violent
and Non-Violent Juvenile Justice Systems
Part IV
—
Conclusion + Recommendations
References
Appendix —
International Juvenile Justice Standards
3
6
8
10
12
28
42
46
52

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FOREWORD:
Marta Santos Pais
Special Representative of the Secretary-General
on Violence against Children

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During the past decades, the international community has
developed sound normative standards to protect the rights
of children involved with the justice system. The Convention
on the Rights of the Child and other legal instruments call for a
specialized child-sensitive juvenile justice system that places the
respect for the dignity and the best interest of the child at the center
of legislation, policy and practice, while promoting children’s sense
of worth and long lasting reintegration in society.
The governance gap between these important international standards and implementation efforts on
the ground is, however, wide. Countless children across regions continue to see their rights neglected by
laws and institutions and endure harsh and retributive punishments that stigmatize and marginalize them
further. Children who are homeless and poor, who have fled home as a result of violence or neglect; as
well as, those that suffer from mental health illness and substance abuse find themselves at special risk.
Appropriate crime prevention efforts, support to parents and legal guardians to ensure a safe family
environment, and education and work opportunities for children who are old enough to have access to an
employment, are often lacking. The criminal justice system ends up being used as a substitute to weak or
non-existent child protection systems. And imprisonment and recidivism become a pattern for children
who are left with very few opportunities to re-shape their future.
In order to reverse this serious situation and reduce the risk of violence against children, their
involvement with the criminal justice system must be prevented. The development of a strong and
cohesive child protection system should be a first priority and the current standards on the rights of
the child in the juvenile justice system should be effectively implemented so that criminalization and
punishment of children can be avoided, diversion and restorative justice solutions can be given a genuine
chance of succeeding, and the development of children’s fullest potential be effectively promoted.
This important publication by the International NGO Council on Violence against Children illustrates
the magnitude of children’s exposure to violence in the justice system, it identifies areas where critical
efforts are needed to secure children’s rights and protection from violence, and it presents a vision of a
non-violent juvenile justice.
I welcome the continuing efforts of the International NGO Council to promote the prevention and
elimination of violence against children and I am confident that this publication will be a substantive
resource to accelerate progress in national implementation efforts to build a world where violence against
children has no place.
Marta Santos Pais
Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children

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FOREWORD:
The Independent Expert who led
the UN Secretary General’s Study
on Violence against Children

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This report from the International NGO Council
on Violence against Children creates an enriching
vision of a non-violent juvenile justice system.
The vision is no more than the fulfillment of states’
obligations under international law to create a distinct
and separate justice system which takes account of
the special status of the child, focuses exclusively on
rehabilitation and reintegration and protects the child
from all forms of violence.
Yet this vision is so far from being realized and indeed some states in all regions are
willfully moving backwards – lowering not raising ages of criminal responsibility, locking
up more children at younger ages in horrendous conditions. There are still executions
of children; many are sentenced to life imprisonment and 40 states retain whipping or
caning as a sentence of their courts for children.
I am saddened that we are so far from realising the detailed recommendations of
the World Report on Violence against Children, and that the UN system seems so far
from enforcing the relevant standards and convincing states that it is not only in the best
interests of children but the best interests of their societies to move quickly to develop
non-violent juvenile justice systems.
There is no room for compromise here. My dear colleague Thomas Hammarberg,
as Commissioner for Human Rights in the Council of Europe, and myself as Rapporteur
on the Rights of the Child for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, have
both written of the need for a new debate to separate the concept of “responsibility”,
which of course grows with the evolving capacity of the child, from criminalization - and
to stop criminalizing children. Also - as the World Report recommends, echoed in this
report, states must stop detaining children unless they clearly pose a serious danger to
others – and then only for the shortest necessary time. Let us hope that this report
feeds renewed and uncompromising advocacy to build the non-violent systems which
children are entitled to.
The Independent Expert who led the UN Secretary General’s
Study on Violence against Children

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Part I—
CREATING A
NON-VIOLENT
JUVENILE JUSTICE
SYSTEM:
An Introduction

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When the first juvenile courts opened their doors over one hundred years ago, it
was with the idea that children in conflict with the law should be treated with
special care and protection. Criminal justice systems were no place for young
offenders, who were to be spared lengthy, troubled and often violent journeys through
punitive legal proceedings. Retribution was firmly eschewed in favour of rehabilitation,
and the goal for every child became complete and productive reintegration into society.
These same ideas hold true today, and have been incorporated into international law on children’s
rights. Children in conflict with the law are now legally entitled to special consideration, and countries
around the world are obligated to ensure that all children grow, develop, thrive and reach their full
potential. As an integral part of this, justice systems must be designed and administered to respect
children’s rights.
While children’s rights are unquestionably interdependent and require broad, comprehensive
support, of critical importance to children in conflict with the law is the right to be protected from
violence. As enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which enjoys near
universal ratification, governments must “take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and
educational measures to protect [children] from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse,
neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation.”
There is a deepening consensus on the negative, long-term and in some instances permanent
consequences of children’s exposure to violence, whether physical, psychological or emotional.
Yet from the moment of their apprehension through to their eventual release, children in conflict with
the law risk traumatic and systematic exposure to violence. It seems, increasingly, that juvenile justice
systems are perpetrating the very same violence against children that inspired their creation.
In recognition of this growing epidemic, the United Nations Secretary-General in 2006 published a
World Report on Violence Against Children to examine the nature, extent and global magnitude of the
violence experienced by children across all settings, including juvenile justice. The International NGO
Council on Violence Against Children is now responsible for ensuring that this work remains relevant,
that its findings are disseminated, and that its recommendations are followed. These recommendations
include, among other things, that states:
• Prohibit all forms of violence against children in all settings;
• Prioritise preventing violence against children by addressing its underlying causes;
• Promote non-violent values and awareness-raising;
• Enhance the capacity of all those who work with and for children;
• Provide recovery and social reintegration services for child victims of violence;
• Create safe, confidential and accessible mechanisms to report violence against children; and
• Hold perpetrators of violence accountable through appropriate proceedings and sanctions.1
It is clear that not enough progress has been made toward the elimination of violence against
children in conflict with the law, and the Council believes that the non-violent juvenile justice imperative
must now be revisited. This report represents part of these efforts, and aspires not only to clarify the
many ways in which governments fail to protect children in conflict with the law, but also to present a
non-violent vision of juvenile justice. It is hoped that this vision becomes both inspiration and reality,
and that juvenile justice systems are made consistent with the rights of the child.
1 For a full list and description of the UN Study’s recommendations, see Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s
Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), pp. 18-24, available at http://www.unicef.org/violencestudy/reports.
html.

12
BUILDING BLOCKS
OF A NON-VIOLENT
JUVENILE JUSTICE
SYSTEM
Part II —

13
Countries have a legal obligation to create and invest in non-violent
juvenile justice systems. While these systems will inevitably reflect
national contexts and ideas around the rule of law, there are certain
identifiable elements that should be present across all jurisdictions. As
set out below, these represent the building blocks of non-violent juvenile
justice. Fundamentally, the rights and unique rehabilitative potential of
children in conflict with the law demand special consideration, and justice
systems must offer every child suspected or accused of an offence the full
protections to which they are entitled.
Juvenile justice should be neither punitive nor retributive, but rather emphasise
prevention as a first priority. If children have already come into conflict with the law,
however, rights-based measures should be taken to divert them away from the formal
justice system into community-centred social education and reintegration programmes
wherever possible and appropriate. Where children are nonetheless formally processed
and sentenced, every effort must be made to find a suitable non-custodial measure and
thereby ensure that children are deprived of their liberty only as a last resort and for the
shortest appropriate period of time. Restorative justice approaches merit particular
attention as they seek to address the root causes of offending behaviour rather than
simply examine the events surrounding an offence in isolation.
Children must also have recourse when violence is perpetrated against them, and
rights-based, child-sensitive complaints mechanisms should be accessible at all stages of
the juvenile justice system. At the same time, the situation of children in conflict with the
law must be actively monitored to guarantee full support and protection. In addition,
relevant data should be collected to determine the extent and nature of violence against
children in the juvenile justice system, and research should be undertaken to develop and
improve individual responses and interventions. Last, countries must build public
support for non-violent juvenile justice and foster greater respect for the rights of
children in conflict with the law.
Every effort must be made to find a suitable
non-custodial measure and thereby ensure
that children are deprived of their liberty
only as a last resort and for the shortest
appropriate period of time

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A Distinct Juvenile Justice
Juvenile justice requires a separate approach from the criminal justice system. Indeed, the language of juvenile justice is itself distinct – a “child in conflict with the law” should bear no more likeness to a “criminal” than a justice system designed for children should resemble an adult criminal court.2 As such, national laws and policies must not rely on existing models and systems that have been designed for adults,3 but rather be crafted to address the unique position of children in conflict with the law.
Most importantly, unlike the retributive ambitions of criminal justice, the cornerstone of juvenile justice is the rehabilitative ideal. In light of children’s reduced culpability and inherent potential for change, juvenile justice aims to guide and encourage the positive growth and development of children in conflict with the law. While children retain the same due process rights as adults, priority in the juvenile justice system is given to the investigation of a child’s personal, family and social situation rather than the production of evidence for prosecution. This becomes even more important when serious offences are alleged, and extensive multidisciplinary inquiries should be undertaken to determine why a serious offence took place and understand the reasons behind and larger context of the child’s actions.4
2 The Juvenile Justice Act of India adopts separate terminology for children in conflict with the law to distinguish the juvenile and criminal justice systems. See Ruzbeh N. Bharucha, My God is a Juvenile Delinquent (2008), p. 12, available at http://www.ruzbehbharucha.net/books/mygod.pdf.
3 A desk review of the laws and policies underlying eight juvenile justice systems revealed that seven of these offer little more than limited adaptations to the adult criminal justice model. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries: Overview report (2012), p. 12, available at http:// www.penalreform.org/resource/review-law-policy-prevent-remedy-violence- children-police/.
4 For a hypothetical case study on how a child accused of a serious offence might be handled, see Child Rights International Network, Stop Making Children Criminals (2012), available at http://www.crin.org/docs/Stop_Making_Children_ Criminals.pdf.
Juvenile justice also recognises children in conflict with the law as a vulnerable group5 entitled to special protection, and seeks to ensure that children’s rights are respected in all interactions with the justice system. This includes, among many other measures, taking steps to guarantee that children are never subjected to violence in any form as a result of their involvement with the juvenile justice system.
Relevant International Standards:
CRC (19); GC10 (4, 10, 13, 90-95); BR (1-2, 5, 24); RG (5, 52); JDL (1); GA (11, 14, 41); SG (A.1, B.2); HRC (8, 11)
5 The vulnerability of children in conflict with the law has been explored extensively in academic research; for a full review of existing literature, see Katherine Covell, Characteristics of Youth Who Commit Serious Offences.
http://www.crin.org/violence/search/closeup.asp?infoID=31838.
A study in the United Kingdom found, among other things, that roughly half of children in the juvenile justice system are also known to social services. By the same token, the lives of children in contact with the juvenile justice system in the United States are likely to involve emotional difficulties, histories of abuse and neglect, chaotic family environments, parental drug and alcohol abuse, divorce, relocation, financial hardship, and early entry into the foster care system.
See Barry Goldson & Ursula Kilkelly, International Human Rights Standards
and Child Imprisonment: Potentialities and Limitations, International Journal
of Children’s Rights (2013), p. 10; Barry Goldson, Damage, Harm and Death in Child Prisons in England and Wales: Questions of Abuse and Accountability,
The Howard Journal, Vol. 45:5 (2006), p. 455; Ilyse Grinberg et al., Adolescents
at Risk for Violence: An Initial Validation of the Life Challenges Questionnaire
and Risk Assessment Index, Adolescence, Vol. 40: 159 (2005), p. 584.
5 A study in the United Kingdom
found, among other things, that
roughly half of children in the
juvenile justice system are also
known to social services…

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Reach
The reach of the juvenile justice system should
extend only to children who are accused of committing
an offence. There should be a clear distinction between
children in conflict with the law and children in contact
with the law for other reasons, whether as child victims
or witnesses; migrants, refugees or displaced children;
children with mental health or substance abuse issues;
or children in need of care and protection.6 Children
not accused of committing an offence must never be
processed through the juvenile justice system as
offenders,7 and should instead be addressed through
the appropriate legal, administrative or social welfare
channel.
BR (3); GA (17, 36, 46, 52); HRC (15)
6 These groups of children are known to be overrepresented in the juvenile
justice system. See Joint report of the Office of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children on
prevention of and responses to violence against children within the juvenile justice
system (2012), p. 8, available at http://srsg.violenceagainstchildren.org/sites/
default/files/publications_final/web_juvenile_justice_final.pdf.
7 Juvenile justice legislation in Bangladesh problematically conflates children
in conflict with the law and those in need of care and protection, which regularly
results in the arrest and prosecution of the latter. UNICEF, Bangladesh, Justice
for Children Factsheet (2010), available at http://crin.org/resources/infodetail.
asp?id=27785.
Minimum Age and Jurisdiction
Children must never be held criminally responsible
for their actions. While in some instances children may
rightly be held accountable for offences they have
committed, criminalising children subverts the
rehabilitative goals of juvenile justice and must be
avoided at all costs.8 As established in widely accepted
international standards, all human beings below the
age of 18 years are entitled to special rights and
protections as children. As such, minimum ages of
criminal responsibility should never be set below this
level lest they risk redefining children in conflict with
the law as adult, criminal offenders.
Equally, the jurisdiction of the juvenile justice
system should extend to all children in conflict with the
law. As above, eighteen is internationally recognised as
the age at which children attain full majority and
should also represent the upper boundary of the
juvenile justice system. This means that every child
under age 18 at the time of an alleged offence should be
handled exclusively within the juvenile justice system,
and loopholes allowing for older children or children
accused of committing serious or violent offences to be
prosecuted in the adult criminal justice system must be
closed.9
CRC (1, 40); GC10 (30-39); BR (3-4); GA (13-14); HRC
(12)
8 See Child Rights International Network, Stop Making Children Criminals (2012),
available at http://www.crin.org/docs/Stop_Making_Children_Criminals.pdf.
9 In the United States, older children and children accused of committing
serious offences are regularly tried in adult courts. See U.S. Department of Justice,
Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention,
Trying Juveniles as Adults: An Analysis of State Transfer Laws and Reporting
(2011), available at https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/232434.pdf.
7 Juvenile justice legislation in Bangladesh
problematically conflates children in conflict
with the law and those in need of care and
protection, which regularly results in the
arrest and prosecution of the latter…

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Staffing
Professionals and staff involved in the juvenile justice system are often poorly trained or qualified. Appropriate education should be systematically available and required for all personnel, and screening processes must be put in place to ensure that juvenile justice staff do not have a history of violence against children. Children’s rights and child protection should form an essential part of official curricula, and any person who has direct contact with children should be trained in non-violent engagement, especially in interactions with vulnerable and disadvantaged children, and the promotion and protection of children’s right to be free from violence.10 In particular, staff working with children in detention should have a firm understanding of child psychology, child welfare, international human rights standards and positive, non-violent behaviour management techniques.
In addition, human resources are inadequate across the board,11 with widespread personnel shortages and the low status often accorded to employees within the juvenile justice system perpetuating a cycle of staff burnout and high turn-over. To break this pattern, staff must be adequately remunerated and hired in suitable numbers to fill clear and specific positions. Efforts should be made to improve the social standing of those involved in the administration of juvenile justice, and decent working conditions and climates of respect and positive recognition should enable the recruitment and retention of high-quality staff.
GC10 (13, 40, 92, 97); BR (1, 12, 22); RG (9, 58); JDL (81-87); GA (24, 28); SG (B.1-B.2, B.4); HRC (6); LA (31, 45)
10 In Ethiopia, children’s rights organisations partnered with police authorities to provide law enforcement officers with guidance on the rights of children in conflict with the law and the potential impacts of police interaction with street children. Sarah Thomas de Benitez, Research Paper on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Children Working and/or Living on the Streets, (2012), p.38, available at http://www.streetchildrenresources.org/wp- content/ uploads/2013/02/GlobalResearchPaperbySarahThomasdeBenitez.pdf.
11 Children in Sierra Leone spend many months in pretrial detention simply waiting for a judge to become available to hear their cases. Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 21.
11 Children in Sierra Leone spend
many months in pretrial detention
simply waiting for a judge to become
available to hear their cases…

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Prevention
While justice systems are inherently reactive, the
rehabilitative underpinnings of juvenile justice also incorporate
a focus on prevention. Respecting children’s rights is perhaps
the best way to prevent children from coming into conflict with
the law, and just as resources must be harnessed to address
an offence after it has occurred, so too must they be devoted
to ameliorate the factors that gave rise to these actions in the
first instance.12 These obligations cannot be overlooked on
grounds of expense or effort, as effective prevention and early
intervention services have been shown to produce significant
cost and time savings over formal juvenile justice responses.13
With this in mind, juvenile justice should form part of a larger
system designed to ensure that children have every opportunity
to grow, develop and thrive, and a comprehensive approach
to prevention should seek to better the situation of children
within society, community and family.
Along these lines, broad-based policies should seek to
address issues related to poverty, inequality and discrimination
on a societal level. Resources should be shifted from policing,
prosecuting and incarcerating children in conflict with the law
to providing social, economic and psychological support for
children and families in difficult circumstances. In terms of
formal mechanisms, a strong, cohesive and interdisciplinary
child protection regime can work to eradicate many root
causes of involvement in the juvenile justice system.14
On an individual level, parenting education, mentoring and
therapeutic interventions can improve families’ communication
and problem-solving capabilities, while academic enrichment,
social development and practical skills building programmes
can enhance children’s growth and development from an
early age.15
CRC (2, 4, 6, 19-20, 26-27, 39); GC10 (11, 16-21); BR (1); RG
(1-6, 9-66); GA (36, 41); SG (A.7, B.4); HRC (9)
12 For an illustrative list of youth violence prevention strategies, see World Health
Organisation, World report on violence and health, pp. 41-42, available at http://www.who.int/
violence_injury_prevention/violence/global_campaign/en/chap2.pdf
13 An analysis of the Child Justice Bill in South Africa found that juvenile justice reforms
emphasising prevention, diversion and non-custodial measures would ultimately result in
significantly reduced government spending. See UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives
to Detention (2010), available at http://www.unicef.org/tdad/index_55653.html.
14 See Joint report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on
Violence against Children on prevention of and responses to violence against children within the
juvenile justice system (2012), p. 17.
15 Evidence suggests that many such programmes can effectively reduce youth violence.
For example, a behavioural development technique employed in Norway to reduce bullying
has shown promise in preventing later violence and aggression. World Health Organisation,
World report on violence and health, p. 39.
15 A behavioural development technique
employed in Norway to reduce bullying
has shown promise in preventing later
violence and aggression…

18
Children not accused
of committing an
offence must never be
processed through the
juvenile justice system
as offenders, and should
instead be addressed
through the appropriate
legal, administrative or
social welfare channel.

19

20
Diversion
Despite the noble aims of juvenile justice, contact with any justice system is in practice likely to have a harmful impact on children.16 The punitive realities of many formal justice systems, potentially harsh consequences of involvement in legal proceedings, and societal stigmatisation of children who have come to the attention of the juvenile justice system cannot be ignored.17 In light of these failings, children in conflict with the law are often better served by constructive responses outside judicial proceedings that more effectively promote rehabilitation and social reintegration. These courses of action are made available through a process known as diversion, whereby children are channelled away from the formal justice system before a sentence is pronounced.
Diversion should be available at every stage of the juvenile justice process from apprehension to final disposition hearing, and should be specifically authorised, regulated and reviewed to ensure full and equal access for all children. In most instances, children should be diverted from formal justice processes at the earliest possible opportunity.18 Importantly, diversion should not be limited to minor or first-time offences, but considered as an available option wherever it would serve the best interests of the child.19
Possible diversionary measures include cautions or warnings; apologies to persons negatively affected by the actions in question;20 compensation, including non-monetary payment, for any damage caused; behavioural contracts; curfews; peer education or youth mentoring; mediation;21 referral to structured educational, vocational, community service or life skills programmes;22 and counselling, therapy, or substance abuse treatment.23 Deprivation of liberty is never suitable as a diversionary measure, and participation in any programmes that incorporate a residential element must be and remain strictly voluntary. In addition, diversion is never appropriate for children who do not admit to committing an offence, and children who proclaim their innocence must be presumed as such until a court has determined otherwise.
16 UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to Detention (2010).
17 Id.
18 In the Netherlands, 80 percent of children registered by the police are diverted before an initial court appearance. Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 12, available at
http://www.penalreform.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Bishkek-Conference- Report-FINAL-withphotos-1.pdf.
19 In South Africa, intensive therapeutic programmes are available for children in conflict with the law who have had multiple contacts with the justice system and are considered to be at high risk of reoffending. UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to Detention (2010).
20 Family and Community Group Conferences in Thailand aim to restore harmony between children in conflict with the law, victims and the community. Id.
21 In Kazakhstan, mediation is authorised for children accused of minor and moderate offences; it can take place before or at any stage of a legal proceeding, and the reaching of a settlement agreement closes consideration of the case. UNICEF Regional Office for Central and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States, Assessment of Juvenile Justice Reform Achievements in Kazakhstan (2009), p. 13, available at http://unicef.kz/files/00000135.pdf?sid=uptqp7proqr77iar5l74s1jbj2.
22 In the Philippines, the Community-Based Prevention & Diversion Programme offers children in conflict with the law an opportunity to share their life difficulties and experiences and look for ways to become responsible members of the community. UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to Detention (2010).
23 For a full list of possible diversionary measures, see id.
Decisions as to which diversionary measures are appropriate should be based on individual assessments of a child’s age, situation, and level of maturity with an appreciation of the services available in the child’s community. 24 Diversion should in all circumstances be at the consent of the child involved, and legal safeguards must be put in place to ensure that diversionary measures respect children’s right to privacy and are fair and suitable responses to the offence committed. Children must be fully informed about the nature, content and duration of any diversionary measure proposed, have access to legal assistance and the advice and support of a parent or guardian in deciding whether to accept this measure, and understand the potential consequences of failing to comply with an agreed solution.
Children should also have the possibility to seek review of an accepted diversionary measure at any point, and measures should wherever necessary be adjusted to suit any changes in circumstance. If and when a course of action is successfully completed, this must then provide definite, final closure to the case. In this vein, any records kept in relation to the diversion process must be strictly confidential and in no way treated as a criminal dossier.
It must, however, also be noted that diversionary measures are not always in children’s best interests. Diversion can sometimes fail to contribute positively to a child’s growth or development, and a constructive, rights-based formal judicial intervention may provide better access to the support and guidance needed to address the issues that underlie offending behaviour. As above, each child’s individual situation and needs must be properly assessed before a diversionary measure is offered, and children must be assisted in making an informed choice about whether to accept an alternative to prosecution.
CRC (25, 40); GC10 (3, 23, 24-27, 44-45, 68-69);
BR (5, 11, 58); GA (15, 35, 42); SG (A.8, B.2);
HRC (9-10); LA (45, 47)
24 In Georgia, children in conflict with the law may be diverted into the social welfare system, but few agencies are available to provide the services envisioned. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 35, available at http://www.primena.org/portal/Pages/download. php?page=8&lang=1&pg_id=2.
24 In Georgia, children in conflict with the law may
be diverted into the social
welfare system…

21
Non-custodial Measures
Despite the long-accepted international mandate
that children in conflict with the law only be detained
as a matter of last resort and for the minimum
necessary period of time, it is estimated that more than
one million children are deprived of their liberty. 25
Children are taken into residential custody upon arrest,
kept in detention while judicial proceedings progress,
and sentenced to serve out sentences behind bars.
They are held in police lock-ups, jails, centres for
reform or re-education, treatment facilities and secure
institutions, often in poor conditions and in the
company of adult criminal offenders.26
While any contact with the justice system can risk
exposing children to violence, this is significantly
greater for children in detention.27 Just as diversionary
measures channel children in conflict with the law away
from the formal justice system, non-custodial measures
keep children from being deprived of their liberty and
more effectively help children access the care and
protection they need. While diversion is largely
preferable as it obviates the need for children to go
through full legal proceedings and avoids the stigma of
a recorded disposition, providing non-custodial
measures for children who have already progressed
through the juvenile justice system must be a matter of
priority.
25 Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-
General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against
Children (2006), p. 191.
26 Id.
27 See, e.g., Harry Holman and Jason Ziedenberg, Justice Policy Institute,
The Dangers of Detention: The Impact of Incarcerating Youth in Detention and
Other Secure Facilities (2006), available at http://www.justicepolicy.org/images/
upload/06-11_REP_DangersOfDetention_JJ.pdf.
Non-custodial measures should be rights-based
and directed toward children’s full rehabilitation and
reintegration. The principle of detention as a last
resort and for the shortest possible period of time must
be enshrined in national law28, and children should
only be deprived of their liberty where they have been
assessed as posing a serious risk to public safety.
Effective and ongoing screening must be put in place to
make sure that children who meet this criterion are
only detained for as long as is absolutely necessary, and
police, judges and other professionals should be given
guidance and tools to identify the least restrictive
environment appropriate for each child. Pretrial
measures must in particular represent the minimum
level of interference with children’s liberty, given that
these children have not yet been found to have
committed an offence.
Appropriate non-custodial measures should be
selected based on both the nature and gravity of the
offence and the age, maturity, situation and
background of the child. Before trial, measures can
enable children to be released into the care of parents,
guardians or other responsible adults with
requirements that they report regularly to a police
station, comply with a curfew, or agree not to have
contact with the victim. If a child is later found to have
committed an offence, community-based measures can
further facilitate effective supervision, rehabilitation
and reintegration.29 Much as with diversion, specific
non-custodial measures might include probation,
community service, behavioural contracts, counselling,
intensive home supervision, attendance at a daytime
reporting centre, and participation in an educational or
competency development programme.30 For children
without parental support, open care facilities can
provide a safe residential environment from which to
access any necessary services.
28 Legal recognition of the principle that detention is a last resort for children in
conflict with the law has dramatically reduced the numbers of children deprived of
their liberty in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan, Ukraine and Georgia.
UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress, Challenges, Obstacles
and Opportunities (2013), p. 4, available at http://www.unicef.org/ceecis/EU_
UNICEF_Juvenile_Justice_in_the_CEECIS_Region.pdf.
29 The Juvenile Justice Alternatives Project in Tajikistan is a non-residential,
structured, multidisciplinary programme designed to prevent reoffending that
offers children services individually tailored to their social, family and educational
needs. Similarly, the National Institute for Crime Prevention and the Reintegration
of Offenders in South Africa operates the “Chance to Change” non-custodial
sentencing project, which offers children in conflict with the law a wide range of
non-custodial measures including substance abuse treatment, anger management
training, community service, life skills education, individual and family counselling,
and victim-offender mediation. UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to
Detention (2010).
30 For a full list of potential non-custodial measures, see UNICEF, Toolkit on
Diversion and Alternatives to Detention (2010).
29 The Juvenile Justice Alternatives Project
in Tajikistan is a non-residential, structured,
multidisciplinary programme designed to
prevent reoffending…

22
Sentencing decisions should be made in a child’s best interests, and families should be involved in the selection of non-custodial measures to the extent that their participation serves these interests. Individual assessment of each case is paramount, and allows for measures to be tailored to both the circumstances of the child and the programmes and services available in the community. Non-custodial measures must also be proportionate, meaning that they do not exceed the duration or level of intervention warranted by the nature and gravity of the offence committed. In the rare circumstances where it is determined that a custodial placement is appropriate, this should be regularly reviewed to revisit suitability for less restrictive measures.
It must be emphasised that non-custodial sentences serve the interests of both children and society. They offer children opportunities to pursue their education, develop valuable skills, and build connections with the communities in which they live, all at a social and financial cost far lower than that of incarceration.31 Not only is it a legal obligation for countries to provide non-custodial measures, but minimising deprivation of liberty also represents sound, evidence-based policy. Research has shown that non-custodial measures can reduce offending
by up to 70 percent,32 whereas time spent in detention only increases the likelihood that a child will come back into conflict with the law.33
CRC (37, 40); GC10 (3, 11, 23, 28, 44-45, 70-71, 73-74, 79-81); BR (5, 13, 16-19); JDL (1-2, 17); GA (15, 18, 41-42); SG (A.8, B.2); HRC (9-10); LA (47)
31 Harry Holman and Jason Ziedenberg, Justice Policy Institute, The Dangers of Detention: The Impact of Incarcerating Youth in Detention and Other Secure Facilities (2006), p. 10. For a comparison of the costs of diversionary measures and non-custodial measures with sentences involving deprivation of liberty, see UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to Detention: What are the costs involved for diversion & alternatives compared to detention? (2009), available at http://www.unicef.org/tdad/whatarecostsinvolved.
32 See UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to Detention 2009: Compilation of evidence in relation to recidivism, available at http://www.unicef.org/tdad/ evidencereducedrecidivism.
33 For example, studies from the United States and Cambodia reveal higher recidivism rates for children deprived of their liberty as compared with children offered non-custodial measures, and 60 to 80 percent of children sentenced to imprisonment in the United States are convicted of a later offence within 2 to 5 years’ time. In France, recidivism figures rise to 90 percent for children incarcerated a second time. Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 200; Angeliki-Marianthi Gyftopoulou, Child Imprisonment and Children’s Rights: A Question of Consistency, Unpublished Masters Thesis (2012); Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 27, citing La récidive des mineurs” (2009), available at http://pays-de-la-loire.emancipation.fr/ spip.php?article21.
33 Studies from the United States
and Cambodia reveal higher recidivism
rates for children deprived of their
liberty as compared with children
offered non-custodial measures...

23
Restorative Justice
Restorative justice aims to address the root causes
of offending behaviour by helping children in conflict
with the law to understand the consequences of their
actions. The restorative model asks children to take
responsibility for repairing the harm they have caused,
thereby encouraging them to show their capacity for
change and positive action. Through guided
interactions between these children and those who
have been negatively affected by their behaviour,
communities come together in an effort to restore
harmony and find mutually beneficial solutions that
promote children’s full reintegration into society. 34
Appropriate restorative justice responses can be
placed along a continuum from simple to complex,
depending on the level of involvement warranted.35
Apologies, directed reflections and open conversations
are more informal, while community gatherings and
facilitated conferences offer a more structured
approach. Specific interventions might include victim-offender
mediation36, family group conferences37,
and sentencing or open village healing circles.38
35 See International Institute for Restorative Practices, What is Restorative
Justice Practices?, available at http://www.iirp.edu/what-is-restorative-practices.
php. For more information on restorative justice initiatives, see United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime, Handbook on Restorative Justice Programmes, (2006),
available at http://www.unodc.org/pdf/criminal_justice/06-56290_Ebook.pdf.
36 Child Welfare Committees and Child Panels in Sierra Leone work to
facilitate reconciliation between children accused of committing offences and
any persons affected by the actions in question. African Child Policy Forum and
Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa
(2012), pp. 62-3, available at http://www.crin.org/violence/search/closeup.
asp?infoID=29168.
37 Family group conferences are common responses to children in conflict with
the law in New Zealand, and provide opportunities for child offenders and their
families to meet with victims, police and youth advocates under the guidance of a
youth justice coordinator. Children are given the opportunity to take responsibility
for their actions, victims are asked to describe the personal impacts of the offence,
and plans are agreed to rectify the harm caused and resolve the situation.
A similarly structured system of Youth Offender Panels exists in the United
Kingdom. See UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion and Alternatives to Detention
(2010).
38 Sentencing circles in Canada bring children in conflict with the law,
community members, elders, peers, family members, victims, and victims’
families together to shift the aim of dispositions for children in conflict with the
law from punishment to the restoration of social relationships and responsibility.
Likewise, Village Child Justice Committees in Namibia facilitate restorative
justice processes including family group conferencing, victim-offender mediation
and open village healing circles. Marie Wernham, Consortium for Street Children,
An Outside Chance: Street Children and Juvenile Justice – An International
Perspective (2004), p.137; African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children
International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 63.
Restorative justice measures build on the strengths
of traditional justice systems to provide effective,
flexible and locally appropriate responses.39 Even
where national resources are scarce, communities
can build programmes that support the rights,
growth, development, rehabilitation and reintegration
of children in conflict with the law.40 Restorative
approaches are particularly well-suited to diversion,
as they offer a means to address the offence outside the
formal justice system. 41 By the same token, restorative
elements may also be incorporated into dispositions
to provide more suitable non-custodial measures.
National laws, policies and practices should
facilitate restorative justice responses wherever possible
and appropriate given the individual circumstances of
each case. Nonetheless, it is important to recognise that
restorative justice processes are by their very nature
not strictly child-focused as they directly involve victims,
families, schools, peers and other members of the
community. While this wider approach promises to
more readily facilitate children’s reintegration, it must
not come at the cost of children’s rights. Measures
must be taken to ensure that children retain the right
to consult with a lawyer; have access to the assistance
of a parent, guardian or interested adult; and are fully
informed of their rights, the nature of the restorative
justice process, and the potential consequences of
accepting a restorative intervention.42
GC10 (3, 27, 44-45); SG (A.8, B.2); HRC (9)
39 Child Rights Community Committees build on traditional systems of justice
in Somaliland to provide communities a more structured way to resolve matters
concerning children in conflict with the law without resorting to the formal justice
system. Similarly, juvenile justice legislation in South Sudan and East Timor
has been drafted to build on the strengths of traditional restorative practices. Save
the Children, Juvenile Justice Law in Somaliland, Unpublished Submission to the
International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013); Joint report of
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on
Violence against Children on prevention of and responses to violence against
children within the juvenile justice system (2012), p. 8.
40 In Malawi, Community Crime Prevention Committees help to divert
children from the formal court system, offer family counselling, and support the
reintegration of children in conflict with the law. Paulo Pinheiro, Independent
Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against
Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 216.
41 In Papua New Guinea, a rights-based juvenile justice system developed
from cultural traditions of restorative justice encourages diversion from formal
court proceedings into community-based mediation. UNICEF, Toolkit on
42 See Basic Principles on the Use of Restorative Justice Programmes in
Criminal Matters (2002), Principles 1-4.
39 Legislation in South Sudan and
East Timor has been drafted to
build on the strengths of traditional
restorative practices...

24
Complaints Mechanisms
The absence of meaningful complaints mechanisms leaves children involved in the juvenile justice system with little recourse when violence is perpetrated against them. Children all too often have no avenues to draw attention to police or institutional violence other than through the police or institutions themselves, and it is no surprise that only a tiny fraction of the acts of violence against children is reported, let alone investigated.43 For this reason, it is essential that governments provide safe and effective means to report incidents of violence against children in conflict with the law and, as part of this, establish active monitoring mechanisms to ensure that children’s right to protection is respected throughout the juvenile justice system.
Children must be able to report violence in ways that are adapted to their rights, needs and level of understanding, and well-publicised complaints mechanisms should be accessible at all stages of involvement with the juvenile justice system. Among other measures, young, disadvantaged or otherwise vulnerable children should be given special assistance in making reports, and children in detention should have confidential access to avenues of complaint both within and outside the institutions in which they are held.44 Where physical violence is alleged, children should be examined by health professionals to ensure immediate medical attention and document the nature and extent of injury. Juvenile justice staff should also have a general duty to report incidents of violence or ill treatment, and internal systems should be put in place for raising any suspected violence against children.
43 Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary- General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 10; Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 10.
44 In the Netherlands, complaints made by children in detention are considered by committees, officials are assigned to both speak with these children in confidence and mediate discussions with staff members implicated, and further channels are available for independent review by higher authorities. Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 13.
Whatever their source, all reports of violence against children must be thoroughly, independently and impartially investigated.45 When a complaint is substantiated, those responsible for perpetrating acts of violence should be held accountable for their actions under a range of sanctions from suspension and termination to criminal prosecution. Equally, child victims should be given adequate compensation for the physical, psychological and emotional injuries they have suffered. National Human Rights Institutions, Children’s Ombudspersons and similarly situated independent bodies are often well-suited to oversee investigative and remedial processes, and should be given the necessary authority, resources and independence to do so.
While complaints mechanisms provide an essential avenue for children in conflict with the law to assert their rights, it is not enough to simply respond to concerns around violence as and when they arise. This is particularly true for children deprived of their liberty, who face threats of reprisal in reporting acts of violence and often have great difficulty proving violence has occurred.46 With this in mind, preventive monitoring provides a way to support and protect children in detention from violence in the first instance. Continuous, regular and at times unannounced47 monitoring should be conducted by external agencies or independent advocacy organisations with full access to facilities and the ability to interview children and staff in private. It should not only seek to identify areas of concern, but also aim to establish and improve systematic violence protection measures.48
CRC (12, 19, 39); GC10 (89); RG (57);
JDL (7, 24-25, 57, 72-78); GA (21-23, 25, 48);
SG (B.2, B.4); HRC (17); LA (41)
45 A separate, independent body has been established in Armenia to investigate serious crimes, including acts of torture, by public officials. Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 10.
46 See Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries: Overview report (2012), p. 37.
47 In Austria, sentencing judges meet with children in detention once a month, visit institutions unannounced, and write follow-up reports. Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 9.
48 For more information on preventive monitoring, see Association for the Prevention of Torture, Monitoring Places of Detention: A Practical Guide for NGOs, available at http://www.osce.org/odihr/29845.
47 In Austria, sentencing judges meet
with children in detention once a
month, visit institutions unannounced,
and write follow-up reports…

25
Data Collection and Research
Policy-makers must understand how the juvenile
justice system functions in practice, and advocates
must be empowered to hold government authorities
responsible where performance does not match stated
intention. Yet data are rarely collected, what exists is
often not centralised, and figures are published only
sporadically.49 Given this striking paucity of relevant
information, it is essential that governments begin to
systematically and transparently collect and publicise
data on juvenile justice indicators.
Juvenile justice data should include a wide range of
statistics from arrest rates and percentages of children
diverted from the formal justice system to the number
of children in detention and the proportion of children
offered reintegration assistance following release.50
Where it does not already exist, a full set of
disaggregated baseline data should also be collected on
the prevalence of violence against children in conflict
with the law during arrest, interrogation, trial,
sentencing, detention, and any other stages of the
juvenile justice process.
Building this fuller picture of the juvenile justice
system not only provides for more informed policy
decisions and increased public accountability, but also
supports ongoing research projects to develop ever
more effective, non-violent juvenile justice
interventions. These projects should be encouraged
and promoted, with valuable findings used to produce
increasingly positive outcomes for children in conflict
with the law.
CRC (44); GC10 (73, 98-99); BR (30);
RG (5, 9, 48, 61-66); GA (31); SG (B.2); HRC (16)
49 See, e.g., UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress,
Challenges, Obstacles and Opportunities (2013), p. 9.
50 For a list of suggested juvenile justice indicators, see United Nations Office on
Drugs and Crimes and UNICEF, Manual for the Measurement of Juvenile Justice
Indicators, available at http://www.unodc.org/pdf/criminal_justice/06-55616_
ebook.pdf.
Public Support
Fear and insecurity reinforce negative stereotypes
of children in conflict with the law, focusing public
perceptions of juvenile justice on youth violence rather
than underlying problems of social and economic
exclusion.51 Poorly resourced diversionary and
non-custodial measures, meanwhile, fuel ideas that
children act with impunity and cannot be adequately
rehabilitated in the community. Resulting pushes to
“get tough on crime” not only endanger the
development of sound juvenile justice policies, but also
encourage both official and unofficial violent responses
to children in conflict with the law.52
As the history and current state of juvenile justice
now show, the rehabilitative model requires the
confidence and informed support of the public to
succeed. Accordingly, a much greater public awareness
of children’s rights, juvenile justice and the harmful
effects of violence against children should be fostered.53
Juvenile justice systems must also become more worthy
of public support, and governments must fully accept
their international obligations to adopt, promote and
implement a rights-based, non-violent approach to
juvenile justice.
CRC (42); GC10 (96); RG (41-43, 49); JDL (8);
GA (11, 27); SG (B.4)
51 In Uruguay, youth violence was the second most prominent topic in the
media in relation to children and adolescents in 2008. Fundación Justicia y
Derecho and UNICEF, Justicia penal juvenil: Realidad, perspectivas y cambios en
el marco de la aplicación del Código de la Niñez y la Adolescencia en Maldonado,
Montevideo, Paysandú y Salto, p. 35, available at http://www.unicef.org/uruguay/
spanish/Justicia_penal_juvenil2010_FINAL.pdf.
52 NGO Advisory Panel for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study
on Violence Against Children, Violence Against Children in Conflict with the
Law: A Thematic Consultation (2005), p. 4, available at http://www.essex.
ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/000280.pdf; Joint report of the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against
Children on prevention of and responses to violence against children within the
juvenile justice system (2012), p. 7.
53 To publicise a new juvenile justice bill in Somaliland, advocacy and
awareness programmes targeted community leaders, law enforcement officials,
local and regional government figures, religious leaders and media professionals.
Save the Children, Juvenile Justice Law in Somaliland, Unpublished Submission to
the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
51 In Uruguay, youth violence
was the second most prominent
topic in the media in relation to
children and adolescents in 2008…

26
Research has shown that
non-custodial measures
can reduce offending
by up to 70 per cent,
whereas time spent in
detention only increases
the likelihood that a
child will come back into
conflict with the law.

27

28
A COMPARATIVE
JOURNEY THROUGH
VIOLENT AND
NON-VIOLENT
JUVENILE JUSTICE
SYSTEMS
Part III —

29
International NGO Council on Violence Against Children | Creating a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice System | October 2013 Despite near universal acceptance of international children’s rights
obligations and standards, violence against children remains
prevalent at all stages of involvement with the juvenile justice system.
From the moment of first contact through arrest, questioning, prosecution,
sentencing, disposition and eventual reintegration, children face violence
and other violations of their rights at each step along the way. While the
nature and form of these violations vary across and within each system, it is
abundantly clear that most countries are failing to protect children from all
forms of violence.
To illustrate the violent realities of juvenile justice, this report follows children’s
turbulent journey through a system theoretically designed to heal. This journey is based
in juvenile justice laws, policies, practices, reports, studies and anecdotes from around
the world. At the same time, the International NGO Council wishes to present a clear
vision of a hypothetical journey through a non-violent juvenile justice system. This is
based in international children’s rights obligations, accepted juvenile justice guidelines
and standards, and established best practices.
By placing real and ideal side-by-side, this report not only highlights the ways in
which flawed juvenile justice systems perpetuate violence against children, but also
shows how these systems can be reformed to ensure that each and every child who
comes in conflict with the law is fully protected from all forms of violence.
THE REAL:
A VIOLENT
SYSTEM
THE IDEAL:
A NON-VIOLENT
SYSTEM
V

30
THE REAL:
A VIOLENT
SYSTEM
THE IDEAL:
A NON-VIOLENT
SYSTEM
V
FIRST CONTACT
Lack of knowledge, understanding
Police officers form the front line of juvenile justice, yet lack practical knowledge about children’s rights.54 Many police officers have not been trained to interact with children in their official capacity, and address children in conflict with the law in the same way they would adult offenders.55 Children do not receive special treatment or attention in law enforcement, and divisions dedicated to juvenile justice issues are understaffed, underresourced or absent entirely.56
Specialised police units, social services
All law enforcement agencies have specialised juvenile justice units and general training programmes on children’s rights to ensure that reports, incidents and
cases concerning children are addressed with respect
and care.57 Social and child protection services are
linked with the police58 and, wherever appropriate,
form part of the initial response to children who appear
to be in conflict with the law.59
CRC (19); GC10 (13, 40, 92, 94, 97); BR (12, 22); RG (9, 58); GA (24, 28); SG (B.1-B.2); HRC (6,10)
Status offences, survival behaviours
Status offences criminalise acts committed by children that would not run contrary to the law were they above the age of majority. Commonly, these offences include curfew violations, school truancy, running away, anti-social or “uncontrollable” behaviour, associating with gangs or suspected criminals60, or even simple disobedience.61
To make matters worse, survival behaviours like begging, scavenging, loitering, vagrancy and prostitution are also outlawed, disproportionately impacting disadvantaged children and those living or working on the street.62
The criminalisation of status offences and survival behaviours reinforces ideas that equate poverty and youth with criminality.63 The broad authority and wide discretion granted to police in enforcing these laws64 further open the door to discrimination, aggression and violence directed toward children.65
Non-discrimination, social welfare support
Status offences are recognised as a form of harmful
age discrimination and eliminated, meaning that children are not approached, questioned or arrested for actions that would not violate the law if undertaken by adults. Survival behaviours are similarly not considered cause
for prosecution; rather, children found by police to be in need of care or protection are offered services and assistance through the social welfare system.
CRC (2, 19-20); GC10 (6, 8-9, 94); BR (3); RG (56);
SG (A.2); HRC (14)
Targeting vulnerable children
Disadvantaged, vulnerable and disempowered children are perceived by the police as delinquent, and hence more likely to become involved in the juvenile justice system.66 Police violence against vulnerable children is targeted and systematic, with frequent reports of extortion, threats, beatings, rape and even murder.67 These actions form part of larger campaigns to “cleanse” the streets68, and law enforcement performance targets based on the number of arrests made or crimes solved all but guarantee the over-policing of disadvantaged areas.69 As a result, patterns of discrimination and violence become further entrenched and increasingly erode relationships between the police and the communities in which they operate.70
Sensitivity to vulnerable children
Every child is treated with dignity and in a manner appropriate for his or her age and maturity. Situations of vulnerability and disadvantage are identified to ensure greater protection and provide additional support rather than to harass, interrogate or apprehend. Arrest, detention and conviction rates are in no way considered indicators of success, and police have built non-violent relationships of trust and confidence with children and communities.
CRC (2, 19, 40); GC10 (6, 18, 97); SG (A.5, A.7); HRC (8, 19)

31
APPREHENSION
Brutal, poorly documented arrests
Children are apprehended in violent circumstances,
sometimes even during late night or early morning raids
on their family homes71, and systematically searched with
little regard for their privacy or human dignity.72 Police
officers forget or refuse to register the details of arrest,
leaving children without formal recognition of their status
as suspects.73 Children may not know or understand
the charges against them, and are often not informed
of their legal rights, the nature of the judicial process,
or the potential consequences of a conviction or guilty
plea.74 Moreover, where children do not have official
identification with record of their birthdate75, police rely
on inaccurate or arbitrary means to verify their age76 or
presume that they are above the age of majority to avoid
providing the special protections to which they should be
entitled.77
Respectful transition into custody
Children are taken into custody with the utmost care and
consideration, and there is clear, rights-based guidance
for the conducting of searches and, where warranted, the
collection of samples. Among other measures, searches
are always conducted by police officers of the same
gender, and intimate searches are only undertaken when
exceptionally justified and with appropriate safeguards in
place.
All children are informed of the reasons for their arrest in
language they can understand and a manner appropriate
for their age and level of maturity.78 As soon as possible
following apprehension, written records are also made
regarding the date, time and place of arrest; the name
of the arresting officer; the name, age and details of the
child arrested; the reason for arrest; and any location at
which the child is or was held in custody or detention.
These records are considered confidential and made open
for inspection only as necessary to lawyers, social workers,
independent monitoring bodies, and other relevant
persons or agencies acting in support of children’s rights.
In addition, if there are doubts as to whether young
people are above the age of majority, they are treated as
children until their age can be properly determined in a
reliable, accurate manner that is respectful of their rights.79
CRC (16, 19, 37, 40); GC10 (39, 44, 46-48, 62-63, 72);
BR (8, 21); JDL (21); GA (12); HRC (19)
Harsh interrogations
Children are subjected to harsh, threatening and lengthy
interrogations, and are not made aware of their rights as
they relate to police questioning.80
Even where sufficient legal protections for interviewing
children thought to be in conflict with the law exist,
these are openly flaunted by investigating officers or
circumvented by redefining interrogations as informal
“conversations.”81 The failure to accord children their full
rights as suspects leaves them particularly vulnerable to
torture82, abuse and other forms of violence.83 Some fare
little better upon being formally charged, and violent
tactics are regularly employed to elicit incriminating
information.84 In many circumstances, children are tricked
or forced into signing confessions simply to end the pain
of interrogation.85
Child-sensitive interviews
Special, child-sensitive rooms are designated for
questioning children thought to be in conflict with the
law, and police interviews are of a duration and nature
appropriate for children.86 Children are accorded their
full rights as suspects, and are never asked to make
statements or sign documents outside the presence
of a lawyer and a parent, guardian or other interested
adult. Where necessary, interrogations are independently
monitored or audio-visually recorded to ensure that
young or particularly vulnerable children are protected
from violence during police questioning. Any evidence
obtained through torture, duress, ill-treatment or other
forms of violence is not admissible in court.
CRC (19, 37, 40); GC10 (56-58); BR (10); GA (11); SG
(A.3-A.4, B.2); HRC (19); LA (36, 47)

32
APPREHENSION
Discouraged family involvement
Parents and guardians are frequently not notified of their child’s arrest, given sufficient time to join their child at the police station or informed of their child’s first appearance in court.87 In some instances, parents are contacted only to extract a bribe in exchange for the release of their children;88 in other circumstances, they may wish to join their children at the police station, but are fearful that they, too, will be arrested.89 As a result, children are often left at the mercy of law enforcement authorities without the support, protection and understanding of a trusted adult.90
Full parental support
When children are taken into custody, their parents or guardians are promptly notified and asked to join them at the police station and any subsequent court appearances so long as this does not run plainly contrary to the child’s best interests.91 Where the identity of a child’s parents or legal guardian is not known, he or she is provided with an independent, reliable source of adult support in all official interactions with law enforcement authorities.
CRC (9, 40); GC10 (53-54, 58); BR (7, 10, 15), JDL (22); LA (47)
Absent, ineffective counsel
The vast majority of children cannot afford their own lawyer, yet legal aid is simply not available for many if not most children in conflict with the law.92 Children either do not have the right to counsel or cannot obtain representation in practice given the shortage of available defence lawyers.93 Even when legal assistance is in fact provided, it is often not offered until after children have been questioned by law enforcement.94 Alternatively, police may intentionally secure the appointment of lawyers who will knowingly fail to act in accordance with a child’s wishes or best interests during interrogation.95
Immediate, competent legal assistance
Children are given access a lawyer from the moment they are taken into custody.96 They may elect to be represented by a lawyer of their choice or by competent defence counsel at the expense of the government. Lawyers are trained and knowledgeable in representing children in conflict with the law, and wherever possible remain assigned to cases through to completion.97
CRC (37, 40); GC10 (49-50, 52, 58, 82); BR (7, 15); JDL (18); GA (16); SG (A.6, B.1-B.2); HRC (4); LA (18, 26, 28-29, 31, 40, 44-47)
V
Discouraged
family
involvement
Full parental support

33
P R E - T R I A L D E T E N T I O N
Unchecked, indefinite police custody
Vast numbers of children are held in detention without
having ever been tried.98 Even where laws demand that
children taken into custody be brought before a court
within a matter of hours, children languish in police jails
for days, weeks and months at a time.99 There are often
no firm upper limits set on the amount of time children
can spend in pretrial detention, and judges may be
able to extend this period indefinitely.100 Even where
these limits exist, they are frequently impossible to
enforce without documented dates and times of arrest.101
Judicially sanctioned release also does not guarantee an
end to pretrial detention, as bail amounts are often set
too high for children or their families to post.102
Despite their unsuitability for children, police cells are
by and large the venues of choice for pretrial detention.103
The conditions in pretrial detention rooms are grim104,
and children in pretrial detention do not benefit from
the same educational programmes available in long-term
residential facilities.105 Children are also especially
vulnerable to violence and abuse while in pretrial
detention, and run greater risks of deliberate ill-treatment
at police establishments than more formalised
institutions.106
Strict limits on deprivation of liberty
Pretrial detention is a matter of absolute last resort,107
and children held in police custody are brought before
a judicial authority as soon as possible and at the very
latest within 24 hours of arrest.108 Continued pretrial
detention is only authorised if there is a serious risk of
children causing significant harm to others, and then
only for the shortest possible period of time.109 Where
this is the case, children are placed in age-appropriate
residential centres that ensure full respect for their rights
and provide suitable care, protection and recovery
services.
Children are never held in pretrial detention for longer
than six months,110 and are reviewed by a judicial
authority at minimum every two weeks to consider new
information or changes in circumstance that would
enable their release. As in any legal proceeding,
children are represented by a competent lawyer and
accompanied by a parent, guardian or trusted adult.
At each hearing, the reasons and evidence supporting
continued deprivation of liberty must be presented
to any child ordered back into custody. When release
becomes appropriate, this is not made conditional on
providing monetary security, and children are wherever
possible returned to the care of a parent, guardian
or other responsible adult with necessary support for
reintegration in place.
CRC (37, 40); GC10 (11, 28, 42, 51, 79-84); BR (7, 10, 13,
19-20); JDL (17-18); GA (18, 35); SG (A.8, B.2); HRC (9)
V
Unchecked,
indefinite police
custody
Strict limits
on deprivation
of liberty

35
Many children in conflict
with the law simply do not
understand the nature of legal
proceedings or the roles that
judges, prosecutors and even
their own lawyers play.

36
TRIAL
Sparse, non-existent juvenile courts
Separate courtrooms and facilities for children in conflict with the law are few and far between. Juvenile court proceedings are held in the same facilities as adult criminal trials,111 and many children are simply tried in adult courts without any of the special protections to which they are entitled.112 These trials are often conducted in open courtrooms, leaving children to be scrutinised by members of their communities, media outlets and the public at large.113
Even where juvenile courts exist, children in some locations are forced to travel long distances to reach them.114 This not only makes children vulnerable to
police violence during transport, but effectively prevents parents or guardians without time and resources to spare from accompanying their children to court proceedings.
Adapted facilities, proceedings
All children in conflict with the law are brought before local juvenile courts in facilities adapted for their needs. Courtrooms are designed to be non-intimidating, and special child-sensitive waiting rooms are available. Sessions are held behind closed doors, and children accused of being in conflict with the law are never publicly identified unless at their express, informed request.115
Proceedings are informal and conducted in a language and manner appropriate for children’s age and level of understanding. Among other measures, judges, lawyers and court staff are not attired in robes or uniforms; sessions are scheduled with shorter hearings and regular breaks; and disruptions and distractions are kept to a minimum.116
CRC (40); GC10 (46, 64-67, 92-93); BR (8, 14); GA (14); SG (A.4, A.6, B.2); LA (46-47)
Enforced, unaccompanied silence
Many children in conflict with the law simply do not understand the nature of legal proceedings or the roles that judges, prosecutors and even their own lawyers play. As above, they are not entitled to have counsel guide them through hearings, and most receive poor quality legal advice at best.117 Even when children are assigned a lawyer for trial, this can be at extremely short notice and subject to frequent replacement as proceedings progress.118 Without representation, some courts do not permit children to testify, speak or communicate at all.119 Where children do take the stand, they can also be required to answer tricky, aggressive or confusing questions that make it difficult for them to provide accurate information.120
Full participation
All children are informed beforehand about the way that juvenile justice hearings work. They are able to participate fully in proceedings brought against them, and are treated with respect and sensitivity for their age, special needs, maturity and level of understanding. Children have the assistance of counsel and are able to contribute to their own defence. They have a right, but not an obligation, to provide evidence before the court. Where children elect to testify, they are asked straightforward questions in appropriate, child-sensitive language and protected from hostile cross-examination.
CRC (12, 40); GC10 (12, 43-46, 56, 59); BR (7, 14-15); SG (A.3, A.6, B.2); LA (45, 47)
Delayed, permanent justice
Juvenile courts are overwhelmed with massive caseloads and extensive backlogs,121 and cases are further stalled by bureaucratic procedural requirements and frequent adjournments.122 The resulting delays in processing, investigation and scheduling mean that some children wait years before their cases are resolved.123 When decisions are eventually reached, they are rarely presented in language that children can understand,
and children may have no additional legal or practical recourse to seek review before a higher court. Moreover, final dispositions are neither private nor expunged
upon a child attaining the age of majority, meaning that children effectively have a permanent criminal record.124
Prompt, confidential resolution
Recognising that time may pass more slowly for children125, cases involving children, especially children held in pretrial detention, are prioritised and resolved promptly and without delay.126 Judicial decisions and determinations are sufficiently documented and explained in a language that children can understand, and there is an immediate right of appeal to a higher authority. All records related to legal proceedings involving children in conflict with the law are kept confidential, and findings of responsibility for juvenile offences are expunged when children attain the age of majority.
CRC (16, 40); GC10 (27, 51-52, 60, 64, 66-67, 82-84);
BR (7-8, 20-21); JDL (17, 19); GA (23); SG (A.6); LA (41, 46)

37
D I S P O S I T I O N
Violent, inhuman sentencing
Children found to be in conflict with the law are subjected
to physically and psychologically violent sentences.
Children can be lawfully executed in at least seven
countries,127 and caning, whipping, flogging, stoning,
amputation and other forms of corporal punishment are
acceptable judicial dispositions in many more.128 Large
numbers of children are sentenced to life imprisonment,
some without the possibility of release, or else given
prison sentences so lengthy or of a perpetually
indeterminate nature that they are effectively expected to
die in incarceration.129
Even less restrictive environments can prove violent and
inhuman, with some children coerced into attending
military-style programmes that promote atmospheres of
intimidation and aggression.130
Rights-based dispositions
Children in conflict with the law are never subjected
to capital punishment, corporal punishment or life
imprisonment, and all forms of violent and inhuman
sentencing are prohibited by law. Dispositions both
respect children’s rights and serve their best interests,
and are developed with the input of relevant child
welfare experts and professionals.
CRC (3, 19, 37, 40); GC10 (10, 13, 71, 74-77);
BR (16-19); RG (54); SG (A.4); HRC (13, 19); LA (45)
Widespread deprivation of liberty
It was estimated in 1999 that there were one million
children in detention,131 and that figure is only likely to
have grown. Incarceration is the default option in many
systems,132 even for first-time offenders and children
charged with minor, non-violent offences.133 Children’s
social, familial, educational and economic circumstances
are rarely considered in sentencing, and little effort is
made to determine the least restrictive response.134
Suitable non-custodial measures are strikingly absent,
and many children are not offered services to which they
should be entitled135
Family, community-based services
Sentences involving deprivation of liberty are considered
a measure of last resort, only imposed on children who
are assessed as posing a serious risk to public safety, and
then only for the shortest necessary time.136 Wherever
possible, sentences of detention are suspended and
children are permitted to receive necessary rehabilitative
services in the community. Family and community-based
measures are prioritised and widely available; residential
placements are offered only where found to be in the
child’s best interests.
CRC (3, 37, 40); GC10 (11, 23, 28, 70-71, 73-74, 79-80, 94);
BR (17-19, 23, 28); RG (17-19; 32-35); JDL (1-2); GA (18, 42);
SG (A.8, B.2); HRC (9); LA (47)
V
Widespread
deprivation
of liberty
Family,
community-based
services

38
DETENTION
Adult, peer abuse
Although most countries have legal requirements that children in conflict with the law be detained in separate facilities from adults, this is rarely the case in practice,137 especially for the comparatively smaller number of girls involved in the juvenile justice system.138 Incarcerated alongside adults, these children face higher risks of sexual abuse139 and other forms of violence. Similar concerns exist even where children are held in separate facilities, as younger and more vulnerable children can be subject to bullying, abuse and other forms of victimisation by their older peers.140 Where conditions are poor and food and water scarce, peer violence becomes an increasingly endemic survival strategy;141 in the worst cases, this violence is systematically perpetrated by gangs of juvenile detainees.142
Separate, age-appropriate placement
The separation of children in conflict with the law from adults is mandated and enforced at all points of deprivation of liberty, including in police custody, pretrial detention and during transportation between facilities. Children are placed in age and gender-appropriate facilities tailored and staffed according to their rights and needs. Where necessary, children of differing ages and levels of vulnerability are separated to ensure their protection.
CRC (2, 3, 37); GC10 (40, 85-86); BR (26-27); JDL (27-29); SG (A.4)
Overcrowding, squalor, neglect
Prisons around the world are increasingly overcrowded,143 and some juvenile detention centres now exceed their stated capacity five times over.144 Conditions in these centres are deplorable. Dirty, windowless cells offer little fresh air and play host to disease-carrying rodents and insects.145 Personal hygiene facilities are sparse and inadequate; showers, soap, shampoo, toothpaste, toilet paper and clean clothes are routinely unavailable. Even safe drinking water and adequate sustenance are not reliably provided.146
The provision of medical care is inadequate or non- existent,147 and despite the prevalence of psychological concerns,148 these go unrecognised, unreported, undiagnosed and untreated.149 Mental health issues become exacerbated in detention,150 and ultimately lead to suicidal thoughts,151 self-harm152 and even death.153 Children deprived of their liberty are also not given a chance to pursue their education in a meaningful way,154 and have limited opportunities for recreation.155
High-quality housing, education, medical care
Detention facilities for children in conflict with the law are suitably large, well-lit, ventilated, properly furnished, appropriately decorated and equipped with spaces for learning, exercise and group activities. All children deprived of their liberty are screened by a doctor for physical and mental health-related issues; further check- ups are regularly scheduled, and ready access to medical care is provided at all times. There are dedicated psychiatric and psychological services, and therapeutic mental health care is widely available.
Children in detention also have a right to and receive a quality, comprehensive education aimed at the development of their full potential,156 and wherever possible attend community schools.157 Wider programmes include vocational training, preventive health instruction, physical education and supervised recreation.
CRC (24, 28, 31, 37); GC10 (40, 89); BR (13, 24, 26); RG (20- 28, 45); JDL (12-14, 18, 27-28, 30-55); SG (B.4)
V
Overcrowding, squalor, neglect
High-quality
housing,
education,
medical care

39
DETENTION
Violent discipline
Corporal punishment and other forms of violence are
widely and lawfully used as a form of control.158 Children
in detention are beaten, punched, hit with objects,159
tied down, verbally abused and humiliated.160 They are
physically and painfully restrained,161 deprived of food and
water,162 and kept in total isolation for lengthy periods.163
Visits from family members are restricted or prohibited,164
and children are transferred to secure institutions long
distances from their homes.165
The culture of violence in juvenile detention centres
permeates all levels of staff, leaving children in detention
vulnerable to extreme forms of abuse including rape166
and torture.167 Under the control of largely male
guards, girls are at particular risk of sexual violence and
harassment.168 Security staff also fail to protect children
from violence inflicted by other detainees, and may even
sanction or encourage abuse.169
Positive, non-violent responses
Written disciplinary rules uphold the rights and dignity
of children in detention, and staff are held accountable
for violations of established procedures. Physical
chastisement, solitary confinement and other degrading
or humiliating forms of discipline are prohibited.
The use of force is permitted only where children
pose an imminent threat of injury to themselves or
others, and any restrictive measures taken are executed
in line with formal safeguards.
Child protection policies also establish the duty of all
personnel to ensure that children are protected from
violence in detention, and special attention is given to
girls and other vulnerable populations.170 Positive, non-violent
communication with and among young people
is encouraged to build a climate of respect and trust.
Children are placed in facilities as close to possible to
their homes, and are permitted regular weekly visits with
family members in comfortable, private settings. Where
desired, children are also allowed to contact and seek
the support of outside organisations involved in the
development and rehabilitation of juvenile offenders.
CRC (2, 9, 19, 37); GC10 (87, 89); BR (26-27); RG (53-54);
JDL (26, 28, 56, 58-71, 87); GA (18, 20, 25, 35);
SG (A.4-A.5, B.1-B.2); HRC (19)
REINTEGRATION
Unsupported release
Detention has profoundly negative impacts on children’s
mental and physical wellbeing.171 The long-term effects
of institutionalisation include developmental delays,
disability and irreversible psychological damage.172
Many children who have been in detention have difficulty
returning to school,173 and incarceration has serious,
immediate and permanent negative effects on prospects
for education and employment.174
More often than not, there are no services available to
children once they leave the juvenile justice system.175
Children are returned to families who do not have the
resources to facilitate their reintegration176, and the
experience of detention can make reestablishing parental
relationships difficult.177 Within the wider community,
discrimination and stigmatisation pose significant
obstacles to children’s full reintegration.178 With little
to no support, diminishing educational and economic
opportunities, and increasingly strained familial and social
relations, many children find themselves back in contact
with the juvenile justice system within a short period after
their release from detention.179
Seamless transition
Formal transition plans are developed for all children
leaving detention with the participation of psychologists,
social workers, children and their families. Reintegration
services are discussed, agreed and put in place well
before children are released, allowing for a seamless
return to education, family, community and society.
Children who have been in conflict with the law are
assured legal protection from discrimination, and their
histories of involvement with the juvenile justice system
are viewed only as reasons to make additional support
available in the interests of preventing future offending
behaviour.
CRC (2, 12, 39, 40); GC10 (7, 12, 23, 29); BR (24-25, 29);
RG (20-39); JDL (38, 40, 45, 49, 51, 79-80); GA (35, 42);
SG (B.2, B.4); HRC (11)

40
The long-term effects of
institutionalisation include
developmental delays,
disability and irreversible
psychological damage.

41

42
CONCLUSION +
RECOMMENDATIONS
Part IV —

43
Despite long-standing international recognition of children’s right
to be protected from all forms of violence, children in conflict with
the law continue to face acts of aggression and abuse at every stage
of their involvement with the justice system. Children in all corners of the
globe are needlessly arrested, brutally interrogated, unfairly convicted,
and summarily imprisoned for weeks, months, years or even lifetimes.
Although there has been ample time, guidance and encouragement to
address this growing crisis, distinct juvenile justice systems remain
underdeveloped, underutilised, underresourced and underappreciated.
All too often, promises of positive, healing interventions into children’s
lives have collapsed into inevitable violations of their rights.
Juvenile justice may have fallen well short of its lofty ideals, but this is not cause
to abandon the rehabilitative ideal for a return to the one-size-fits-all criminal justice
model. This report demonstrates the broad support and clear imperative for a non-violent
juvenile justice, and presents an attainable global vision for the respectful
and restorative treatment of children in conflict with the law. It must be seen not as a
stinging indictment of juvenile justice systems, but as a call to action for international
organisations, national governments and children’s rights advocates alike.
With this in mind, the International NGO Council recommends the following:
Children in all corners of the globe
are needlessly arrested, brutally
interrogated, unfairly convicted,
and summarily imprisoned for weeks,
months, years or even lifetimes

44
To International/Regional bodies:
To International and Regional Intergovernmental Organisations
• Work in partnership to build a global consensus around the non-violent juvenile justice imperative, ensuring that juvenile justice and violence against children remain at the top of the international human rights agenda.
• Develop new guidelines, standards, model laws and best practices on non-violent juvenile justice, and provide technical and institutional support to national governments in the implementation of all relevant human rights instruments.
To the Committee on the Rights of the Child:
• Continue to monitor States’ progress in respecting, protecting and fulfilling children’s rights in juvenile justice, bringing violations to attention and issuing recommendations tailored to improve the situation of children in conflict with the law in national legal systems.
• Encourage the collection and publication of comprehensive juvenile justice information to facilitate a more informed debate and dialogue.
To the Human Rights Council
• In its full-day meeting on children’s rights and access to justice in March 2014 and follow-up activities thereafter, address children’s right to be protected from all forms of violence in the juvenile justice system and children’s right to a remedy where they have been subjected to violence and other rights violations.
To the Special Representative to the Secretary-General on Violence Against Children
• Following on the findings and recommendations of the UN Study on Violence Against Children and the World Report on Violence Against Children, provide worldwide leadership in eliminating violence against children in conflict with the law as exemplified in the Special Representative’s 2012 report on Prevention of and responses to violence against children within the juvenile justice system.
To National Governments:
On International Standards:
• Review and revise national juvenile justice legislation, regulations and policies in line with relevant international standards and the ideal model presented in this report to provide a clear mandate and sound legal framework for a non- violent approach to children in conflict with the law.
On Building a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice System:
• A Distinct Juvenile Justice: Operate a separate justice system for children accused of being in conflict with the law that is firmly grounded in the rehabilitative ideal and fully recognises children’s unique rights and vulnerability.
• Reach and Jurisdiction: Ensure that all and only children accused of being conflict with the law are processed through the juvenile justice system, meaning that no child is tried in adult criminal court and that any child in contact with the law not suspected of committing an offence is handled through a suitable alternate channel.
• Minimum Age: Prevent the criminalisation of children by raising the minimum age of criminal responsibility to match the internationally accepted age at which children attain majority.
• Staffing: Screen and hire qualified professionals, treat all juvenile justice personnel with suitable respect and appreciation, and offer staff continued training and education on children’s rights, non- violent interaction, and other pertinent topics.
• Prevention: Adopt a preventive focus as a front- line strategy, respecting children’s rights from birth and providing the familial, educational, social and financial support necessary to help every child grow, develop and reach his or her full potential.
• Diversion and Non-Custodial Measures: Promote diversion and non-custodial measures, recognising both that children in conflict with the law are better rehabilitated in the community and that children may only be lawfully detained as a matter of last resort and for the shortest possible period of time.

45
• Restorative Justice: Building on traditional
notions of justice, adopt community-based,
restorative solutions that help children to take
responsibility for their actions outside the formal
justice system.
• Data Collection: Systematically collect data on
juvenile justice indicators to determine the extent
of violence against children in conflict with the law
and aid in the analysis and evaluation of relevant
laws, policies and practices.
• Research: Encourage and fund research studies
in the area of juvenile justice with a view to
improving the effectiveness of non-violent
interventions.
• Public Support: Raise awareness of children’s
rights and the non-violent juvenile justice
imperative, enhancing public support and respect
for children in conflict with the law.
On Independent Oversight:
• Establish National Human Rights Institutions and
Children’s Ombudspersons with the independence,
authority and resources to investigate widespread
violations of children’s rights, receive complaints
from individual children, and provide effective
remedies to children whose rights have been
breached as a result of their interaction with the
juvenile justice system.
• Ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention
on the Rights of the Child on a communications
procedure to enable child victims of violence
and other rights violations to seek international
redress.
• Foster a vibrant and diverse civil society with the
power, resources and ability to challenge official
violations of children’s rights, ensuring that
advocates enjoy the full protection of the law in
all aspects of their work.
To Children’s Rights Advocates
On Effective Monitoring
• Support government efforts to realise children’s
rights in the juvenile justice system, providing
creative ideas and novel solutions that promise
to better serve the aims of the rehabilitative ideal.
• Monitor the situation of children in the juvenile
justice system, compiling anecdotal evidence
and numerical data to paint a clear picture of
the ways in which children’s rights are respected
or violated.
• Empower and assist children in conflict with the
law whose rights have been breached to challenge
these violations through judicial channels and
established complaints mechanisms.
On Increased Awareness:
• Disseminate accessible, child-sensitive
information on children’s rights in the juvenile
justice system from first contact to eventual
reintegration.
• Engage with the media to ensure ethical reporting
and draw public attention to juvenile justice law
and policy debates, violations of children’s rights
in the juvenile justice system, and other pressing
issues related to children in conflict with the law.

46
54 See Defence for Children International, Ending Violence against Children in Justice Systems: Strategies for Civil Society Engagement in the Follow-up to the UN Study (2009), p. 26, available at http://www. defenceforchildren.org/files/gabriella/Violence%20Report_EN.pdf.
55 Sensitivity training is noticeably lacking in Belize for large numbers of police officers who encounter children in conflict with the law during the course of their work. Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007).
56 Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 11.
57 The Child Rights Act in Sierra Leone established a Family Support Unit within the national police to manage cases involving alleged child offenders. The Family Support Unit aspires “to create a violence-free society by eradicating or minimising the incidence of...child offending.” African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 68.
58 In Jordan, social workers are positioned alongside law enforcement officers in special juvenile police units. Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 11. In Uganda, Child Protection Units operate in many police stations to ensure that children’s rights are respected throughout their contact with the justice system. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), pp. 124/125.
59 In parts of India, Special Juvenile Police
Units have employed social workers to
provide training, expertise and ongoing
support to police officers in making
decisions that are in the best interests of
children in conflict with the law.
Railway Children, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
60 In Uruguay, children can be detained merely because their appearance suggests involvement in criminal behaviour. Fundación Justicia y Derecho and UNICEF, Justicia penal juvenil: Realidad, perspectivas y cambios en el marco de la aplicación del Código de la Niñez y la Adolescencia en Maldonado, Montevideo, Paysandú y Salto, p. 22.
61 See Child Rights International Network, Global Report on Status Offences (2009), available at http://www.crin.org/docs/Status_Offenses_ doc_2_final.pdf.
62 The Juvenile Offenders Act of Belize specifically criminalises begging, being found wandering or destitute, being under the care of a criminal or drunk parent, being the daughter of a father convicted of an offence through gross indecency, frequenting the company of a thief, or lodging in a house used by prostitutes. In Nigeria, children can be arrested and detained for being “beyond parental control.” Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007); Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 194.
64 Begging, prostitution, vagrancy and loitering are reported to be frequent causes of arrest in Tanzania. Consortium for Street Children, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
65 In Colombia, two 14 year-olds were drenched in oil and burned at a police station in Bogotá for breaking a curfew. Defence for Children International, Violencia Institucional Vinculada al Functionamiento de los Sistemas de Justicia Penal Juvenil, p. 6.
66 In Egypt and Rwanda, street children in particular are labeled by police as destructive pests. Consortium for Street Children, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
67 Id.
68 Campaigns to “cleanse” neighbourhoods of street children have been widely reported in Cambodia. Id.
69 In Bangladesh, police officers are judged on the number of arrests made; in Russia, promotions are based on the number of crimes solved. In Belize, some police stations give awards to the officers who have made the most arrests. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), pp. 18, 91; Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007),
70 Widespread distrust of law enforcement has been reported among people living in disadvantaged areas of Bolivia and Peru. See Defence for Children International, Apuntes Sobre Seguridad Ciudadana y Jusiticia Penal Juvenil: Tendencias en America del Sur (undated).
71 Night-time raids are widely reported in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Defence for Children Palestine, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
72 Routine strip searches as performed in the United States are especially degrading for girls during times of menstruation and traumatic for children who have been victims of sexual abuse.
See Jude McCulloch and Amanda George, Naked power: Strip searching in women’s prison, in Phil Scraton and Jude McCulloch,
The Violence of Incarceration (2009).
73 Reports indicate that police officers in Russia often fail to register children’s date and time of arrest despite legal requirements. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 96.
74 One study found that over 90 percent of children found to be in conflict with the law in Belize had confessed to committing crimes without an adequate understanding of their rights, the court system, or the effect of a criminal record. Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007).
75 In Tanzania, for instance, age determination is a particular challenge given that only 20 percent of births are registered and only 6 percent of children under the age of 5 have a birth certificate. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 107.
76 Age determination methods undertaken by the police in Uganda have been revealed as problematic and inaccurate. Id. at 121.
77 Police in Bangladesh overestimate the age of children in custody to avoid following the additional regulations required when dealing with a child detainee. Id. at 18.
78 In Malawi, for example, police officers must inform children of the reasons behind and rights in relation to their arrest in a manner appropriate to the child’s age and understanding. African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 33.
79 Under rules governing the arrest and detention of children in Ecuador, any doubts regarding age are resolved in favour of the child. De la Detención de Adolescentes, Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
80 Children arrested in the Occupied Palestinian Territories report that they are rarely informed of their rights, including the right against self-incrimination. Defence for Children Palestine, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
81 UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress, Challenges, Obstacles and Opportunities (2013), p. 6.
References for Part III
54 — 81

47
82 There are wide reports of children being burned, cut, whipped and
intentionally humiliated in Papua New Guinea to extract confessions
and additional information. Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the
United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children,
World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 197.
83 Interviews with children who have been informally questioned
by the police reveal, among other things, practices of subjecting
child suspects to deprivation of water, sleep and access to toilets,
verbal abuse, physical violence, rape and electric shocks. Even more
worryingly, there are reports of extra-judicial executions of children in
police custody at the hands of law enforcement authorities in Honduras.
Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International
Conference Report (2012), p. 10; Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert
for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against
Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 297.
84 In Afghanistan, one survey found that
45 percent of children interviewed had
been physically abused by the police and
prosecuting authorities. In Bangladesh,
children in police custody are commonly
handcuffed or tied in ropes despite this
running contrary to police regulations.
Systematic violence against children
in police custody has also been
catalogued in Belgium, Bolivia, Ghana,
Kazakhstan and Nepal, among many
other jurisdictions.
Terre des hommes, An Assessment of Juvenile Justice in
Afghanistan (2010), p. 36, available at http://www.crin.org/docs/
Tdh_Juvenile_justice_web.pdf; Bangladesh Police Assessment Study
for Children (2009), available at: http://www.police.gov.bd/index5.
php?category=230; Defence for Children International, Stop the
violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform
juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), pp. 15-16;
Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent
and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial
detention in eight countries (2012), p. 61.
85 In Belize, there are indications that police misrepresent the
potential consequences of arrest and conviction to frighten children
into making confessions, while in Afghanistan many children reported
that they were unaware they had signed confessions until their first
appearance in court. Similarly, children in India have reported being
forced to sign blank pieces of paper on which confessions were later
written, and children in the Occupied Palestinian Territories cite
being presented with confessions written in Hebrew, a language few
understand. See Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System
in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007); Terre des hommes, An
Assessment of Juvenile Justice in Afghanistan (2010), p. 37; Ruzbeh N.
Bharucha, My God is a Juvenile Delinquent (2008), p. 289; Defence for
Children Palestine, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO
Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
86 In Kazakhstan, a child’s parent or guardian must be notified within
12 hours of arrest. A lawyer must be assigned from the moment of
apprehension and present during all interrogations. Children cannot
be questioned at nighttime, for more than two hours at a time, or for
more than four hours total over the course of a day. Penal Reform
International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence
against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries
(2012), p. 66.
87 Police in Kenya rarely contact the parents or guardians of
children taken into custody either to inform them of the child’s arrest or
scheduled appearance in court. CRADLE, The Undugu Society of Kenya
and the Consortium for Street Children, Street Children and Juvenile
Justice in Kenya (2004), p. 24, available at http://www.streetchildren.org.
uk/_uploads/Publications/1.Street_Children_and_Juvenile_Justice_in_
Kenya.pdf.
88 A police assessment study in Bangladesh revealed that parents
are often informed of their child’s arrest with the sole intention
of demanding a bribe. Bangladesh Police Assessment Study for
Children (2009), available at http://www.police.gov.bd/index5.
php?category=230.
89 In Uganda, parents or guardians often reported being too scared
to accompany their children to the police station. See Foundation for
Human Rights Initiative, Juvenile Justice in Uganda: Report for the
Period January to July 2009, available at http://www.beta.afronet.
biz/~fhri/Juvenile%20Justice%20Report%202009.pdf.
90 Children in Tanzania are generally not accompanied by a parent
or other adult when questioned by the police with regard to an alleged
offence. United Republic of Tanzania, Ministry of Constitutional
and Legal Affairs, Child Justice: Five Year Strategy for Child Justice
Reform (2012), p. 47, available at http://www.penalreform.org/wp-content/
uploads/2013/07/Tanzania-National-Child-Justice-Reform-
Strategy-2013-17.pdf.
91 In Germany, a child’s parents or guardians are required to attend
his or her first court appearance. Violence Against Children in Juvenile
Justice Systems: International Conference Report (2012), p. 13.
92 UN Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in
Criminal Justice Systems para. 5; Open Society Justice Initiative,
Pretrial Detention (2008), p. 28, available at http://www.
opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/Justice_Initiati.pdf.
93 Children in Austria may be questioned and asked to sign
statements outside the presence of a lawyer, parent or appropriate
adult. Ursula Kilkelly, Children’s rights and the European Committee for
the Prevention of Torture, p. 16, available at http://www.coe.int/t/dg3/
children/publications/CPTReport_en.pdf.
94 In Tanzania, one study found that only 22 percent of children
had legal representation while in police detention. See Penal Reform
(2012), p. 111.
95 In Russia, there are reports that police obtain defence counsel
who agree to the interrogation of a child client and subsequently make
no effort to defend the child’s rights during questioning. Penal Reform
(2012), p. 96.
96 Children in the Netherlands have the
right to consult a lawyer upon arrest and
to have a lawyer present throughout
questioning; where this right is violated,
evidence gathered during questioning is
not admissible in court.
Violence Against Children in Juvenile Justice Systems: International
Conference Report (2012), p. 13.
97 The Legal Aid Scheme in Kenya not only provides vulnerable
children with free legal assistance, but also facilitates cooperation
between lawyers, psychologists, social workers and non-governmental
organisations, provides professionals with training on children’s rights
and child development, and raises awareness of children’s rights and
child protection issues in the community. UNICEF, Toolkit on Diversion
and Alternatives to Detention (2010).
98 By some estimates, the majority of children deprived of their
liberty have not been tried. For example, the proportion of children
in detention awaiting trial is roughly 57 percent in France, 75 percent
in the Philippines, 80 percent in Haiti and 82 percent in Pakistan.
Joint report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children
on prevention of and responses to violence against children within the
juvenile justice system (2012), p. 7.; Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert
Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 191;
Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse
82 — 98

48
of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 11.
99 Despite laws designed to prevent extended pretrial detention, children in Jamaica, Burundi and Nigeria have been deprived of their liberty in police custody for years at a time. Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 191.
100 In Belgium, children may be held in closed detention centres for two initial periods of three months, and this may then be renewed on a monthly basis as deemed necessary. Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 13.
101 Because times of arrest are often not documented in Uruguay, children are unlawfully detained beyond prescribed limits with regularity. Fundación Justicia y Derecho and UNICEF, Justicia penal juvenil: Realidad, perspectivas y cambios en el marco de la aplicación del Código de la Niñez y la Adolescencia en Maldonado, Montevideo, Paysandú y Salto, p. 25.
102 The practice of setting bail amounts
too high for children or families to afford
is well documented in South Asia and
Malawi, and a full third of all persons in
detention in South Africa granted bail
are unable to post the amount required
for release.
Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary- General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 191; Open Society Justice Initiative, “Pretrial Detention” (2008), p. 29.
103 Laws in Zambia require police to detain children as far as possible in places of safety, but children are instead routinely held in police cells. African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), pp. 70-71.
104 In Albania, it has been reported that children in pretrial detention are held in damp rooms with cracked walls, uncovered beds and no toilets. Lights are kept on at all times, making sleep an extremely difficult prospect. Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 14.
105 In Estonia, children in pretrial detention are not given the option to pursue education, sports, recreation or any other activities suitable for their age. Two thirds of children in detention awaiting trial in Switzerland have no educational opportunities. In Tanzania, a large number of children in pretrial detention are held in adult prisons not adapted for their rights or needs. Ursula Kilkelly, Children’s rights and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture, p. 19.; Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 22, citing Conditions de détention inappropriées pour les mineurs (2007), available at http://www.humanrights.ch; Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 114.
106 Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 15.
107 Pretrial detention is used sparingly for children in conflict with the law in Georgia. Children can only be held in custody before trial where the alleged offence is punishable by more than three years’ imprisonment and detention is the least restrictive measure to guarantee attendance at trial, prevent further criminal activity or ensure that ongoing investigation is not obstructed. In addition, prosecutors’ requests for pretrial detention must always be confirmed by a court. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 35.
108 In Somaliland, children deprived of their liberty have the right to a prompt appearance in court and must be brought before a judge at the latest within 48 hours of their arrest. The Child Act of South Sudan states that detention of children in police custody shall be used as a matter of last resort and for a period not exceeding 24 hours. In Tunisia, children aged under 15 years cannot lawfully be held in pretrial detention at all. African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), pp. 51, 53, 92.
109 The Child Justice Act of South Africa establishes a presumption that children should not be held in pretrial detention, a preference for the least restrictive measure, and detailed criteria under which detention may be considered a viable option. See African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), pp. 54, 55.
110 In Kenya, children in pretrial detention must be released on bail after six months’ time. African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 92.
111 Children in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are tried in facilities that also function as adult military courts, and are brought into court wearing leg chains and standard issue prison uniforms. Defence for Children Palestine, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
112 There are widespread reports of children in Bangladesh being tried in adult courts in violation of the country’s juvenile justice legislation. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 25.
113 See, e.g., UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress, Challenges, Obstacles and Opportunities (2013), p. 6.
114 In rural regions of Bangladesh, police must bring children from remote villages to regional headquarters for juvenile court proceedings. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 25.
115 In Botswana, for instance, children’s courts are generally closed to the public and information relating to the identity of children appearing before the court may not be published or otherwise disclosed. African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 37.
116 In Malawi, there are requirements that
proceedings in child justice courts are
informal, technical language is avoided,
court personnel and legal representatives
do not wear robes or professional
uniforms, and courts take regular breaks.
African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 95.
117 In Belize, there is no requirement that children be granted legal assistance, and children regularly appear before courts without representation. Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007),
118 Reports in Bangladesh indicate that legal aid lawyers are assigned at the last minute and substituted throughout trials. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 25.
119 In Afghanistan, 40 percent of children in some regions reported that they were not permitted to testify, and were sometimes told explicitly that they should not speak or even make eye contact with the judge. Terre des hommes, An Assessment of Juvenile Justice in Afghanistan (2010), p. 38.
99 — 119

49
120 Children accused of being in conflict with the law are regularly
subjected to harsh, aggressive cross-examination by prosecutors in the
United States. See Frank E. Vandervort, A Search for the Truth or Trial
by Ordeal: When Prosecutors Cross-Examine Adolescents How Should
Courts Respond?, Widener Law Review, Vol 16:355 (2011), available at
http://widenerlawreview.org/files/2011/03/Vandervort.pdf.
121 Defence for Children International, Ending Violence against
Children in Justice Systems: Strategies for Civil Society Engagement in
the Follow-up to the UN Study (2009), p. 10.
122 In India, delays in filing simple paperwork can hold up cases by
a matter of months, and repeated adjournments mean that parents
may become so disillusioned with the process that they stop attending.
Ruzbeh N. Bharucha, My God is a Juvenile Delinquent (2008), p. 327.
123 Slow running investigations, lack of
transportation to courtroom facilities, and
adjournments when juvenile court judges
are unavailable mean that cases involving
children in conflict with the law in Tanzania
can take years to reach resolution.
Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and
remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in
eight countries (2012), p. 109.
124 Laws were recently changed in Uruguay to retain records of
certain juvenile offences beyond the age of majority. Fundación
Justicia y Derecho, Delincuencia juvenile en la ciudad de Montevideo:
Observatorio del Sistema Judicial (2013), p. 14, available at
http://observatoriojudicial.org.uy/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/
Delincuencia-juvenil-Mvd-completo-FINALweb.pdf.
125 See African Child Policy Forum and Defence for Children
International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012), p. 89.
126 Proceedings involving children in conflict with the law must be
resolved as quickly as possible in South Africa, and must be prioritised
and handled without delay in South Sudan. In Kenya, matters before
children’s courts must be finalised within three months of the child’s
plea or dismissed entirely. African Child Policy Forum and Defence for
Children International, Achieving Child Friendly Justice in Africa (2012),
pp. 91-92.
127 See Child Rights International Network, End Inhuman Sentencing
of Children Now!, available at http://crin.org/violence/campaigns/
sentencing/. In Iran alone, more than 40 children were executed
between 2000 and 2009. See Death Penalty Information Center,
Execution of Juveniles in the U.S. and other Countries, available at
http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/execution-juveniles-us-and-other-countries.
128 According to the Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment
of Children, 43 States have failed to prohibit corporal punishment as a
judicial sentence for children. See Global Initiative to End All Corporal
Punishment of Children, Global progress towards prohibiting all corporal
punishment (2011), available at http://www.endcorporalpunishment.org/
pages/frame.html.
129 See, e.g., Child Rights International Network, Life imprisonment of
children in the Commonwealth (2012), available at http://www.crin.org/
violence/search/closeup.asp?infoID=29148.
130 Juvenile boot camps are commonplace in the United States.
See Jamie Muscar, Advocating the End of Juvenile Boot Camps:
Why the Military Model Does Not Belong in the Juvenile Justice System,
UC Davis Journal of Juvenile Law & Policy, Vol. 12:1 (2008), available at
http://jjlp.law.ucdavis.edu/archives/vol-12-no-1/Muscar.pdf.
131 Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations
Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report
on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 191.
132 Judges in Indonesia have been found to consider incarceration
before all other options. Id.
133 The vast majority of children detained around the world are first-time
offenders, as is the case for up to 94 percent of children held in
custody in the Philippines. Id. at 175, 211.
134 Although social workers in Jordan are tasked with preparing
extensive background reports, lack of training and insufficient human
resources mean these reports are cursory at best and rarely of use to
judges during sentencing. Save the Children Sweden, Country Profile of
Jordan (2011), available at http://www.ibcr.org/editor/assets/Jordan%20
Country%20Profile.pdf.
135 In Nicaragua, judges have complained about a serious lack of
available non-custodial measures in practice, which often leaves them
no choice but to release children without sanctions. UNICEF, Toolkit on
136 Justice system reforms in Moldova
have restricted the use of pretrial and
post-sentence detention, making children
eligible for early release and thereby
reducing the number of children in
detention by 68 percent between 2007
and 2010.
UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress, Challenges,
Obstacles and Opportunities (2013), pp. 1-2.
137 In Switzerland, only 9 of 33 detention centres have separate
facilities for children. Defence for Children International, Stop the
violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform
juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 14.
138 New juvenile detention facilities in France have refused to accept
girls, leaving them to be accommodated in prisons for adult women.
This practice is also common across Central and Eastern Europe, where
it has been considered impractical to establish separate facilities for
girls given the small number on whom custodial sentences are imposed.
Id at 18; UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress,
Challenges, Obstacles and Opportunities (2013), p. 8.
139 One report finds that children detained with adults are five times
more likely to be sexually assaulted than children detained in separate
juvenile facilities. Defence for Children International, No Kids Behind
Bars: A study on children in conflict with the law: towards investing in
prevention, stopping incarceration and meeting international standards
(2003), p. 40, available at http://www.kidsbehindbars.org/english/docs/
RapportKBBtotaal.pdf.
140 Studies from Serbia, Montenegro and Jamaica reveal
victimisation of young detainees by older children. Bullying on the
basis of sexual orientation and race have been found to be especially
prevalent in the United States. Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert
Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p.176;
Anne Nurse, Locked up, Locked out: Young men in the juvenile justice
system (2010), pp. 95-101.
141 Increased peer violence in the face of poor conditions and
inadequate food and water has been noted in Argentina. Defence
for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial
detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of
Evidence (2010), p. 16.
142 Gang activity in juvenile detention centres is widely reported in
France and Brazil. Id. at 16; Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the
United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children,
World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 176.
143 Overcrowding has been cited as a particular concern in
Argentina, Costa Rica and Paraguay. See Defence for Children
International, Apuntes Sobre Seguridad Ciudadana y Jusiticia Penal
Juvenil: Tendencias en America del Sur (undated).
144 Geert Cappelaere, Children Deprived of Liberty: Rights and
Realities (2005), pp. 237-41, available at http://www.unicef.org/tdad/
geertchildrendeprivedliberty.pdf.
120 — 144

50
145 In the United States, persons who have been in detention are significantly more likely to suffer from infectious diseases. Michael Massoglia, Incarceration as Exposure: The Prison, Infections Disease, and Other Stress-Related Illness, Journal of Health and Social behavior, Vol. 49: 1 (2008), p. 56.
146 Defence for Children International, No Kids Behind Bars: A study on children in conflict with the law: towards investing in prevention, stopping incarceration and meeting international standards (2003).
147 Although nearly all children in some juvenile detention centres in India visibly suffer from diseases of the skin, visits from government doctors remain rare. See Ruzbeh N. Bharucha, My God is a Juvenile Delinquent (2008), p. 286.
148 See Katherine Covell, Characteristics of Youth Who Commit Serious Offences.
149 Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), pp. 194-95.
150 Research from the United States demonstrates how unhealthy environments created in juvenile detention centres entrench and escalate mental health issues. Harry Holman and Jason Ziedenberg, Justice Policy Institute, The Dangers of Detention: The Impact of Incarcerating Youth in Detention and Other Secure Facilities (2006), p.8.
151 In the United States, suicide rates for children in detention are four times the national average. Similarly, in Belgium, the prevalence of suicidal thoughts is three to times the national average. John Chapman and Julian Ford, Relationships Between Suicide Risk, Traumatic Experiences, and Substance Use Among Juvenile Detainees, Archives of Suicide Research, Vol. 12 (2008), p. 51; Eefje Suk et al., Adolescent suicidal ideation: a comparison of incarcerated and school-based samples, European Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Vol. 18 (2008), p. 377.
152 A study of children in detention in Japan found that 16 percent had cut their wrists or forearms and 28 percent had burned themselves. Toshihiko Matsumoto et al., Self-burning versus self-cutting: Patterns and implications of self-mutilation; a preliminary study of differences between self-cutting and self burning in a Japanese juvenile detention center, Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, Vol. 59 (2005), p. 66.
153 In France, there were 966 suicide
attempts and 122 suicides reported
among children in detention in 2005.
In Canada, one third of suicides are
committed by young persons involved
in the juvenile justice or child welfare
systems.
Sharon Detrick et al., Violence against Children in Conflict with the Law: A Study on Indicators and Data Collection in Belgium, England and Wales, France and the Netherlands (2008), p. 79, available at http:// www.defenceforchildren.nl/images/20/934.pdf; John Chapman and Julian Ford, Relationships Between Suicide Risk, Traumatic Experiences, and Substance Use Among Juvenile Detainees, Archives of Suicide Research, Vol. 12 (2008), p. 51.
154 The failure to provide children in detention with an appropriate level of education has been documented in Albania, Belgium, Colombia, Ecuador, Lebanon, Niger, Nigeria, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Sierra Leone and Uganda, among many other countries. Defence for Children International, Education in Chains: Gaps in Education Provision to Children in Detention (2009), pp. 24-25.
155 Lack of physical activity and intellectual stimulation is especially harmful for children; nonetheless, children in detention in Uruguay are reported to spend 22 hours a day in their cells. Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 32; Defence for Children International, Apuntes Sobre Seguridad Ciudadana y Jusiticia Penal Juvenil: Tendencias en America del Sur (undated).
156 The Code of Childhood and Adolescence in Colombia stipulates that children in detention have the right to an integrated education adapted to their needs and abilities. Defence for Children International, Education in Chains: Gaps in Education Provision to Children in Detention (2009), p. 21, available at http://www.defenceforchildren.org/ files/gabriella/Education-in-Detention-EN.pdf.
157 Children in pretrial detention in Jordan
are permitted and encouraged to attend
off-site academic and vocational training
courses.
Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 56.
158 According to the Global Initiative to end all corporal
punishment of children, corporal punishment is lawful in 78 countries
as a disciplinary measure for children in detention. See Global
Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, Global progress towards prohibiting all corporal punishment (2011), available at
http://www.endcorporalpunishment.org/pages/frame.html.
159 In Ecuador, a child was observed being hit on the head with a stone. Defence for Children International, Apuntes Sobre Seguridad Ciudadana y Jusiticia Penal Juvenil: Tendencias en America del Sur (undated).
160 Research and media reports from Pakistan suggest that up to 70 percent of children in contact with the juvenile justice system have been abused. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 73.
161 The violent restraining of children is commonly reported in
the United Kingdom. Howard League for Penal Reform, Twisted:
the use of force on children in custody (2011), available at
http://www.howardleague.org/fileadmin/howard_league/user/pdf/ Publications/Restraint.pdf.
162 See Defence for Children International, Ending Violence against Children in Justice Systems: Strategies for Civil Society Engagement in the Follow-up to the UN Study (2009), p. 11.
163 In Romania, children spend the first three weeks of their detention in isolation. In Denmark, children aged 15 and above can be held in solitary confinement for periods as long as 8 weeks. Ursula Kilkelly, Children’s rights and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture, p. 18; Save the Children, Report by Save the Children Denmark Concerning the Second Periodic Report on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child submitted by the Danish Government (2000), para. 61, available at http://www.savethechildren. dk/Admin/Public/DWSDownload.aspx?File=%2FFiles%2FFiler%2FMaterialer%2FResultater%2FChildren’s+rights+submitted+by+the+dansih+government+FN_Statusrapport_2000.doc.
164 Children in detention in Bangladesh are not permitted any correspondence or in person meetings with parents if found to be engaged in bad behaviour. Visits are severely restricted in Latvia, and some juvenile detention centres in Poland do not allow children to have contact with the outside world at all. Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 27; Ursula Kilkelly, Children’s rights and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture, p. 23.
165 Children in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are regularly moved over long distances and held in detention centres far from their place of arrest. Defence for Children Palestine, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
166 In the United States, 10 percent of children in detention report having experienced one or more incidents of sexual victimisation by a member of staff. Special Report on Sexual Victimisation in Juvenile Facilities Reported by Youth, 2008-09, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Program, Bureau of Justice Statistics (2010),
available at http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/svjfry09.pdf.
145 — 166

51
167 — 179
167 Paulo Pinheiro, Independent Expert for the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, World Report on Violence Against Children (2006), p. 175.
168 See, e.g., Candace Kruttschnitt, ‘The politics of confinement: women’s imprisonment in California and the UK’, in Alison Liebling and Shadd Maruna, S. (eds), The Effects of Imprisonment (2011); Linda Moore, and Phil Scraton, ‘The imprisonment of women and girls in the North of Ireland: A continuum of violence’, in Phil Scraton and Jude McCulloch, The Violence of Incarceration (2009).
169 United Nations General Assembly, Report of the independent expert for the United Nations study on violence against children, A/61/299, para. 59, available at http://www.unicef.org/violencestudy/ reports/SG_violencestudy_en.pdf.
170 In Pakistan, only special police stations
manned by female officers are permitted
to detain women and girls overnight.
Penal Reform International, A review of law and policy to prevent and remedy violence against children in police and pre-trial detention in eight countries (2012), p. 89.
171 Defence for Children International, Stop the violence!: The overuse of pre-trial detention, or the need to reform juvenile justice systems: Review of Evidence (2010), p. 24, citing Harry Holman and Jason Ziedenberg, Justice Policy Institute, The Dangers of Detention: The Impact of Incarcerating Youth in Detention and Other Secure Facilities (2006), p.2.
172 United Nations General Assembly, Report of the independent expert for the United Nations study on violence against children, A/61/299, para. 54.
173 Many schools in Belize automatically
suspend or expel students upon their first
contact with the juvenile justice system.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territories,
children in detention for more than 70
days are forced to repeat entire school
years and may be unable to continue their education immediately upon release.
Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize: A Vulnerability Assessment (2007); Defence for Children International, Education in Chains: Gaps in Education Provision to Children in Detention (2009), p. 24.
174 In the United States, 59 percent of children who have been in detention are no longer enrolled in school five months after their release and face worsening economic opportunities. Harry Holman and Jason Ziedenberg, Justice Policy Institute, The Dangers of Detention: The Impact of Incarcerating Youth in Detention and Other Secure Facilities (2006), pp. 9-10.
175 In Belize, follow-up services are not provided to children leaving detention. Diana Marian Shaw, The Juvenile Justice System in Belize:
A Vulnerability Assessment (2007).
176 In Albania, children returned to live in rural areas often cannot afford transportation to attend vocational courses in urban areas.
Save the Children, Unpublished Submission to the International NGO Council on Violence Against Children (2013).
177 In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, the lingering social, behavioural and emotional effects of imprisonment on child detainees have been found to negatively affect communication within families. East Jerusalem YMCA Rehabilitation Program and Save the Children, The Impact of Child Detention: Occupied Palestinian Territory (2012), p. 52, available at http://mena.savethechildren.se/PageFiles/3731/ Impact%20Report%20March%2012%20EN.pdf.
178 UNICEF, Juvenile Justice in the CEE/CIS Region: Progress, Challenges, Obstacles and Opportunities (2013), p. 7.

52
A large variety of international conventions, standards, guidelines, resolutions and plans of action govern and guide the way that legal systems interact with children in conflict with the law. Taken together, this collection of instruments provides a comprehensive picture of a non- violent juvenile justice system and forms the backbone of the vision set out in this report. The most prominent of these instruments are listed and described in further detail below, and are referenced by the shorthand abbreviations indicated in bold.
• UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (Beijing Rules) (1985) [BR]
The Beijing Rules call on States to establish legal protections that further the well-being of children in conflict with the law. The Rules cover children’s interaction with the legal system from first contact with law enforcement through to adjudication and disposition, directing States to establish separate juvenile justice systems with laws, regulations and policies that both protect children’s rights and meet their individual needs. Specifically, States are encouraged to provide for flexibility and discretion in conducting juvenile justice proceedings while at the same time guaranteeing children basic procedural safeguards.
• Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) [CRC]
The Convention on the Rights of the Child enshrines a comprehensive vision of children’s civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Of particular relevance to children in conflict with the law, the CRC recognises children’s absolute right to be protected from all forms of violence, prohibits torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and firmly limits deprivation of liberty to a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time. The Convention also sets out States’ obligations with respect to juvenile justice, reaffirming the central importance of rehabilitation and underscoring children’s right to fair treatment and special consideration before, during and after legal proceedings.
• UN Guidelines for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency (Riyadh Guidelines) (1990) [RG]
The Riyadh Guidelines take a child- centred approach to encourage young persons’ full participation in society, urging States to adopt laws and processes that address the conditions underlying juvenile delinquency. Among other measures, States are asked to enact laws that promote and protect the rights and well-being of children and to support mechanisms and advocacy services that ensure the status, rights and interests of children in conflict with the law are upheld. Following the principles of fairness and equity, the Guidelines further dictate that official intervention into a child’s life must always be pursued in the interests of that child.
• UN Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty (Havana Rules or JDLs) (1990) [JDL]
The Havana Rules give standards of reference to professionals involved in the management of the juvenile justice system from arrest through to release. They seek to uphold the safety and well-being of children in conflict with the law, emphasising in particular that deprivation of liberty should only occur in exceptional cases and for the minimum necessary time. The conditions and circumstances of detention should ensure respect for children’s rights, and each child must be individually assessed and cared for in line with their needs, status and special requirements. The Rules further address children’s rights to education, recreation, religion, health care, and to contact with the wider community, and would require States to provide effective remedies where these or any other rights are breached.
• UN Guidelines for Action on Children in the Criminal Justice System (Vienna Guidelines) (1997) [GA]
The Guidelines for Action are aimed not only at States, but also UN entities, NGOs, professional groups, the media and children. They address children who become involved in the criminal justice system in any capacity, whether as offenders, victims or witnesses, and encourage the full implementation of children’s rights in the administration of justice. On a national level, governments are urged to develop separate, child- oriented juvenile justice systems that take account of the specific needs of individual children. Most importantly, these systems should both guarantee respect for and prevent the violation of children’s rights.
• Committee on the Rights of the Child General Comment No.10 on Children’s rights in juvenile justice (2007) [GC10]
In its tenth General Comment, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child – the body tasked with monitoring the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child – provides extensive guidance on children’s rights in the context of juvenile justice. The General Comment encourages the development of juvenile justice policies that ensure respect for children’s rights, and maintains a particular focus on the prevention of delinquency and alternatives to formal judicial proceedings. It further clarifies the need for States to operate a specialised justice system for children in conflict with the law,
Appendix—
International Juvenile
Justice Standards

53
and notes the ongoing importance
of awareness-raising, training, data
collection, evaluation and research in
the effective administration of juvenile
justice.
• Guidance Note of the Secretary-
General: UN Approach to Justice for
Children (2008) [SG]
The Secretary General’s Guidance
Note seeks to ensure the full
application of international norms
and standards for all children who
come into contact with national justice
systems. The Note argues that States
should embrace a stronger rule of law
for children by empowering justice
institutions and adopting strategies
that specifically guarantee respect for
children’s rights. Guiding principles to
be followed include the best interests
of the child, the right to fair and equal
treatment, the right to be heard,
and the right to be protected from
violence. States are urged to integrate
these and other child-sensitive justice
notions into relevant constitutional
and legislative reform efforts, and
to promote overall integrity and
accountability in justice and law
enforcement.
• UN Human Rights Council
Resolution on Human Rights in the
Administration of Justice, in particular
Juvenile Justice (2011) [HRC]
In this Resolution, the Human Rights
Council calls on States to take
effective legislative, judicial, social,
educative and other measures in
implementing UN standards on
human rights in the justice system.
Rehabilitation, reintegration and
monitoring are stressed, and the
Resolution recognises that children in
conflict with the law must be treated
in a manner consistent with their
rights, dignity and needs. States
are advised to allocate resources for
legal aid in a way that promotes these
rights, and in particular urged to take
all necessary steps, including legal
reform, to prevent and respond to
violence against children within the
justice system.
• UN Principles and Guidelines on
Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice
Systems (2012) [LA]
The Principles and Guidelines
recognise an entitlement to legal aid
for persons who become involved
with the criminal justice system. The
particular vulnerability of children in
contact with the law is underscored,
and the Principles and Guidelines
make clear that legal aid should be
provided to children as a matter of
priority and in a manner consistent
the best interests of the child.
To meet this standard, States must
create legal aid programmes for
children that are accessible, age-appropriate,
multidisciplinary,
effective, and tailored to the needs
of individual children.
While the international standards
above apply at least in part
specifically to juvenile justice, it
must also be noted that a much
larger body of human rights
instruments exists in relation to the
overall administration of justice. By
and large, the provisions of these
instruments also extend to children
in conflict with the law, and their
relevance must not be overlooked.
Particular attention is drawn to the
following:
• UN Standard Minimum Rules for the
Treatment of Prisoners (1955)
• International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (1966)
• Code of Conduct for Law
Enforcement Officials (1979)
• Convention Against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment (1984)
• Body of Principles for the Protection
of All Persons under Any Form of
Detention or Imprisonment (1988)
• Guidelines on the Role of
Prosecutors (1990)
• Basic Principles for the Treatment of
Prisoners (1990)
• UN Standard Minimum Rules for
Non-custodial Measures (Tokyo
Rules) (1990)
• Basic Principles on the Use of
Restorative Practices in Criminal
Matters (2002)
• UN Guidelines on Justice in
Matters involving Child Victims and
Witnesses of Crime (2005)
• Basic Principles and Guidelines
on the Right to a Remedy and
Reparation (2005)
• UN Rules for the Treatment of
Women Prisoners and Non-custodial
Measures for Women Offenders
(Bangkok Rules) (2010)
• Updated Model Strategies and
Practical Measures on the Elimination
of Violence against Women in the
Field of Crime Prevention and
Criminal Justice (2011)
Beyond international standards, there
are also regional guiding documents
that address children’s rights and
matters of concern to juvenile justice.
While these are too numerous to list
in full, they include:
• African Charter on Human
and Peoples’ Rights (1981)
• African Charter on the Rights
and Welfare of the Child (1990)
• American Convention on Human
Rights (1969)
• American Declaration on the Rights
and Duties of Man (1948)
• Council of Europe Guidelines on
Child-friendly Justice (2010)
• Council of Europe Policy Guidelines
on Integrated National Strategies
for the Protection of Children from
Violence (2009)
• Council of Europe Recommendation
20 concerning new ways of dealing
with juvenile delinquency and the
role of juvenile justice (2003)
• European Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms (1950)
• European Rules for Juvenile
Offenders Subject to Sanctions or
Measures (2008)
• Guidelines on Action for Children in
the Justice System in Africa (2012)
• Principles and Guidelines on the
Right to a Fair Trial and Legal
Assistance in Africa (1999)

Creating a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice

56
Vision —
The International NGO Council on Violence against Children envisions a world where all children are born in a safe and nurturing environment and grow up free from violence.
Mission —
To ensure that the recommendations of
the UN Study on Violence against Children
are effectively implemented worldwide.
CREATING A NON-VIOLENT
JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM
Report 2013
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Creating a Non-Violent Juvenile Justice

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