Curriculum: Organizing Knowledge for the Classroom. Section 6

SAIDE

Curriculum Organizing knowledge for the classroom

2ND EDITION

Hoadley • Jansen

Extract of Section 6 of the work
Curriculum 9780196987218, published 2009,
used with permission from the publishers
Oxford University Press Southern Africa

Introduction 6.1
What have we learnt so far?
We have spent a lot of time debating what the word ‘curriculum’ means,
and how we go about developing curricula appropriate for schooling. This
entailed making decisions about a process to follow, who should be involved,
what should be included, and who makes these decisions. We have also
found that there is a gap between the curriculum plan and the practices of
teachers. This is sometimes problematic, particularly when it is a consequence
of teaching inadequacies or rigidities. But at other times, the gap is, in fact,
the space in which a teacher innovates and improves a curriculum plan.
It has become increasingly clear, though, that curriculum making and
teaching are not simply technical matters. Instead, we have noticed that
curriculum, like schooling, is intensely political. We became acutely aware
of this in the last section on how the South African curriculum was made.
Choices of the plan’s content and form are often made on the basis of the
beliefs of certain groups – the state, unions or labour, or academics, for
example. Teachers’ beliefs determine how they teach, and which bits of
content they emphasize, and, ultimately, the choices made in terms of
plan and practices have consequences for learners.

What will you learn in this section?
In this section we shall begin looking at how curriculum is organized or
structured. We are especially interested in this section in curriculum as the
organization of knowledge.
Remember that a curriculum plan provides a course of learning, and
that the course starts and ends somewhere. A good curriculum plan needs
to be written in such a way that it makes sense to teachers and can provide
guidance for teachers and learners by providing a path for learning. So,
when we think about ‘organizing knowledge in a curriculum’, we think
about what knowledge is selected for the curriculum, and also the order
in which it is placed (its sequence). We are also interested in how the
curriculum fits together – in other words how do different subjects, and
different topics within a subject fit together?
As in the preceding section, we are also interested in how choices made
in South Africa might impact on different groups of people in our country.
We saw in the previous section how the South African curriculum has
shifted to a more integrated, outcomes-based curriculum. In this section
we look at some of the implications of this, and we also consider some
theoretical tools that we might use to analyse curriculum.
By the end of Section Six, you should be able to:
• understand some theoretical tools you can use to analyse the curriculum,
and the way in which it organizes knowledge;
• explain how the ways in which different curricula organize knowledge
might affect different groups of learners differently;

172 Introduction

• explain how marginalized learners might be further disadvantaged even
by curriculum reforms that are designed to benefit them and redress
educational inequality;
• distinguish between everyday knowledge and school knowledge, and
explain why this distinction is important for curriculum and classroom
practice, especially if the learners are working class;
• consider some of the critiques of the outcomes-based curriculum
model.

Shifting forms of knowledge
organization 6.2
How has knowledge organization changed in
South Africa’s curriculum?
Let’s consider for a moment what we know about how knowledge
organization in the curriculum has changed in South Africa.
Consider some of the features of the ‘old’ curriculum in South Africa:
• It was content led, and this content was organized according to separate
subject disciplines.
• Content was often abstract and theoretical and unrelated to most
learners’ experiences of the real world, or the development of their
competence to deal with the world.
• Assessment focused on the ability of learners to recall content and, in
some cases, to understand the subject.
• Curricula tended to be developed by experts and imposed on teachers
and learners from ‘above’; teachers and learners had very little say in
what they taught and learnt.
• Teaching tended to be teacher-centred, with a focus (in the best classes)
on good explanations, question-and-answer sessions, and individual
writing by learners.
• Much of the content was biased towards those who held political power
offering a white, male point of view and thus tended to serve those who
were already privileged.

Curriculum 2005 was an attempt at radical change to this curriculum form
by reorganizing the curriculum. Much of the change came in the way in
which knowledge was organized.
Thus the new curriculum:
• was competence based, and organized knowledge in integrated learning
areas;
• learning areas attempted to link theory and practice, and relate all learn
ing to the lives of learners so that they could use what they learnt in
life and work.

This integration was achieved through:
• replacing vast collections of facts and concepts with broad ‘critical’
outcomes and specific outcomes, which could be achieved by a variety
of routes;
• themes in ‘phase organizers’ and ‘programme organizers’, which crossed
the divides between school subjects.

Assessment was based on learners demonstrating that they had achieved
the specified learning outcomes; there were to be demonstrable competences.
The curriculum and learning-area syllabuses were developed by a range
of stakeholders, through consultation, and not imposed from above.
(However, in practice this often did not occur as planned).

174 Shifting forms of knowledge organization

In addition, the curriculum was supposed to be a guide that allowed space
for teachers to shape their own learning programmes and even select content,
provided they could achieve the specified outcomes.
Teaching was to be learner-centred, allowing space for learners to be
active participants in their own learning, and sometimes even in the design
of what was to be learnt.
These changes – in aims, content, and pedagogy were supposed to
eliminate much of the elitism, and the dominance of the white, male
orientation in the curriculum.
The review of Curriculum 2005, however, found that there was too much
integration in the curriculum, and too little specification of content to be
learnt. What was at jeopardy in the curriculum was the learning of concepts
at progressively higher levels within subjects. There was also too little
specificity around what learners should know at specific points. So, for
example, exactly what Mathematics a grade one learner should learn was
not clearly stated in the curriculum.
The National Curriculum Statement retained the outcomes-based form. It
also retained some integration at the GET level. But it specified what
outcomes, in terms of both skills and knowledge, needed to be achieved
in each grade, rather than in each phase – except in the Natural Sciences
where outcomes were grade specific but knowledge was still specified for
each phase rather than each grade. It also did away with phase organizers
– the themes which guided learning across subjects. At the FET level it
re-introduced subjects. Lists of contents were also introduced to specify
precisely what should be learnt in different subjects at different grades.
The level of specificity varies across subjects. Some attempt was made to
focus on ‘vertical demarcation’ – the development of concepts and
knowledge within a subject over time.
Teaching was to remain learner-centred as a matter of policy. Assessment
was to include continuous assessment and was to be varied.
So we can see that we already know a fair amount about the organization
of knowledge in the curriculum. We know that:
• It can be integrated (as in Social Studies) or presented in separate subjects
(History and Geography)
• It can be clearly specified (exactly what is to be learnt and when) or left
more open
• It can focus on what the teacher must teach (teacher-centred) or on the
knowledge that the learners bring into the classroom (learner-
centred)
• It can be organized in a sequence, so that one piece of knowledge is
ordered to follow another, in increasing complexity (vertical demarcation).
Or it can consist of unrelated topics.

In the next section we look at the work of Basil Bernstein, a British sociologist
who has written extensively about the different ways in which knowledge
can be organized in a curriculum. Reflecting on the changes discussed above,
his work helps us to see what the implications of the different forms of
organization are.

Shifting forms of knowledge organization 175

Two curriculum approaches: competence and
performance curricula
Bernstein describes two distinct types of approaches to curriculum, which Bernstein
he calls the ‘competence’ model and the ‘performance’ model: identifies more
than one kind
of competence
Model Characteristics, according to Bernstein approach.
Competence • characterized by the idea of integration between subjects You can read
• makes strong links between school learning and real life about these in
B. Bernstein,
Performance • stresses the importance of separate subject disciplines Pedagogy,
• does not draw extensively from real life in order to teach at school Symbolic control
and Identity
(London, Taylor
These two ‘models’ provide us with an ideal type against which we can and Francis,
review the current curriculum debate in South Africa. But remember: ideal 1996).
types, or models, are ideal. They are, essentially, teaching or analytic tools
that help us clarify our thinking. Curriculum in the real world seldom if
ever matches the ideal type; it is most often a hybrid of many types.
Let’s look more closely at what characterizes these curriculum models.

Competence curriculum
The key characteristic of a competence curriculum is named in the title:
❛
Curriculum
it is interested in learner’s competences which are believed to be innate.
Thus knowledge is not imposed from the outside, but the competences
in the real
that learners already have are sought on the inside. Thus it encourages world seldom,
teaching that draws from a learner’s own experiences and ‘everyday if ever,
knowledge’ and, in turn, assists learners in using their new learning in matches the
their lives and work. ideal type; it
The focus on the learner and everyday experience tends to affirm learners is most often
and build their confidence, whatever their background. It also provides a hybrid of
the teachers and learners with important ‘ways into’ the formal ‘school many types.
knowledge’ that is to be taught, and later with the basis for applying that
formal knowledge.
Because a competence curriculum blurs the line between school learning
and everyday experience, very specific places for learning – for example
school classrooms – aren’t regarded as very important. Learning, it is
❜
assumed, does and can take place anywhere: at home, at work, and at
school.
Predictably, then, learning tends to be organized around themes and
projects and to be based on experience. Learners also have a large measure
of control over:
• what they learn (selection);
• when they learn it (sequence);
• how quickly they progress through the learning (pacing).


❛
The
In other words, the competence approach is learner-centred. Learners take
control of their own learning, and the teacher’s role tends to be covert.
Rather than directly transmitting learning, the teacher acts as a guide and
facilitator. Pedagogy is personalized and process-orientated.
competence Knowledge in a competence curriculum is often horizontally organized.
approach It introduces themes, projects and problems which don’t necessarily link
is learner- to each other. In other words, rather than focusing overly on a curriculum
centred; that progresses vertically − where new work builds on old work, and
learners take becomes increasingly difficult − it organizes teaching around one theme,
control of and then moves to another theme that may not be connected in any way
their own with the first.
learning and In competence approaches, all learners are regarded as essentially com
the teacher’s petent, and able to arrive at a certain outcome. How they arrive there, and
role tends to how long it takes them, will vary from learner to learner, and learners may
be covert. express the outcome in a number of different ways.
As a consequence, the focus in evaluation is on ‘presences’ – on what

❜
the learners know or have achieved rather than what they don’t know
(absences). For instance, the learner might draw a picture, and the teacher
might respond as shown below, rather than comment on the weaknesses
in the learner’s drawing technique.

What a lovely picture.
Tell me about it.

Stop Think
Look back at the curriculum excerpts (syllabus A and syllabus B) on
pages 73–77 of Section Three. In what ways do these suggest a
competence model of curriculum? Would one be more typical of what you
Take some time now know as a competence approach? Think in particular about who
to reflect on the would have control over the selection, sequencing, and pacing of the
issue being raised learning in each syllabus.
here.

Performance curriculum
For Bernstein a performance curriculum is characterized by developing
high levels of understanding, often in particular subjects. As a consequence,
the curriculum tends to:


• be very specific about what content must be learnt, and in what
order;
• focus on depersonalized, formal ‘school knowledge’ rather than on
everyday knowledge and experience;
• be more vertically organized than a competence curriculum. In other
words, it builds knowledge and understanding in a specific sequence.
(Each bit of knowledge becomes more complex than the previous bit
of knowledge).

Stop. Think.
Think briefly about the difference between Life Orientation and
Mathematics. Which subject lends itself more to a performance
curriculum? In Life Orientation, is it important to know certain bits of
knowledge before others? In Mathematics, does it matter what order Take some time
concepts are introduced in? We’ll return to these questions. to reflect on the
issue being raised
The process of learning in the performance curriculum is more strongly here.
defined and controlled by the teacher. The role of the teacher tends to be
overt. He or she has a lot more control over the selection, sequence, and
pace of learning than teachers teaching within a competence curriculum
model.
Performance approaches are thus more content- and teacher-centred
than competence approaches. Consequently, teaching tends to take place
in specific learning places – the classroom, lab, or training workshop –
where access to formal school knowledge is easier. Learners have less
control over the selection, sequence, and pacing of their learning. In
performance models of curriculum, there are very definite rules about how
to learn, and definite ways of judging right from wrong.
Performance approaches base evaluation on deficits (‘absences’), or what
is missing. The aim is to develop a clearly defined behaviour or understanding
– a performance rather than the more general competence required in a
competence model – and so teaching and assessment focus on refining
this by pointing out what still needs to be mastered.
For example, in a performance model a learner may draw a picture, and
the teacher will respond in the following way.
❛
Performance
approaches
are more
content- and
teacher-
centred;
learners have
What a lovely house!
less control
But where is the over the
chimney? selection,
sequence,
and pacing of
their learning.
He or she will point out what is still needed to draw the house in the
correct way.
❜


In performance approaches learners may still be active, but their activities
are based on an external goal, rather than driven from within. They will
also tend to be directly related to the performance that must be attained,
and this will be clearly specified in the curriculum.

Summarizing the differences
That is a very broad summary of Bernstein’s ideas about the curriculum.
He wants to understand what the implications are of changes in the way
curricula are organized over time.
He argues that, over time, the two kinds of curricula, competence and
performance, have alternated in popularity. Generally, competence models
are supported by people interested in education as an emancipatory act
(as Freire was). Progressive education, discussed in the last section, is also
located within a competence mode. But, as Bernstein says, differences can
be seen within each model. For instance, he argues that the competence
model can be used for different kinds of emancipation; a liberal, cognitive
emancipation, and a more radical, political emancipation.
In Reading 8.6, Taylor makes reference to these differences as he discusses
the competence-based and integrated curriculum, and the relationship
between school knowledge and everyday knowledge.

Stop. Think.
But before you read this, glance at our table summarizing the two models.
Add details where we have missed out on anything. Later, after reading
the article and completing this section, come back to this table and add
Take some time to it.
to reflect on the
issue being raised
here.


Competence Performance
(also called an acquisition- (also called a transmission-
competence approach, or an performance approach, or a
‘integrated’ curriculum) ‘collection’ curriculum)
Learner ∙∙ control over the selection,
has ∙∙ little control over the
has
sequence, and pace of learning selection, sequence, and pace
∙∙assumption that all learners of learning
can learn but will do so in ∙∙assumption that not all
different ways and at different learners can learn at all levels;
speeds as learning proceeds vertically,
some learners are excluded
Teacher ∙∙indirect role as facilitator of ∙∙direct teaching role; transmits
learning knowledge according to defined
∙∙control is personally negotiated pedagogical rules
∙∙control is hierarchical, the
teacher decides
Pedagogy ∙∙learner-centred ∙∙teacher- and subject-centred
∙∙integrated ‘learning areas’ ∙∙clearly demarcated subject
∙∙strong links to learner areas
experience and everyday ∙∙ link between formal
little
knowledge school knowledge and everyday
knowledge
Assessment ∙∙general competence criteria ∙∙specific performance criteria;
∙∙focus on presences; on what there are clear rights and
learner knows and can do wrongs
∙∙ failure; only different lengths
no ∙∙focus on absences – on what
of time in which to succeed the learner has left out
∙∙teacher shares the task of ∙∙failure if the learner does
evaluation with the learner not complete things fully or
correctly
∙∙teacher performs the task of
assessment
Learning ∙∙anywhere ∙∙clearly marked learning sites
sites

What is the debate about curriculum
6.3 integration?

This quotation Bernstein, like Freire and many other teachers, is interested in the relation
comes from between school and society. One of his best-known statements is:
B. Bernstein, How a society selects, classifies ... transmits and evaluates the educational
Class, codes
and control – knowledge it considers to be public, reflects both the distribution of power and
Towards a theory the principles of control (in that society).
of educational
transmission,
(London,
Routledge and
Keegan Paul,
Powerful knowledge
1975).
As we noted earlier, a competence curriculum is often supported by people
interested in opening up education to all groups in society, and in using
education to emancipate groups that are oppressed and exploited. You may
remember that one of the key motivations for Curriculum 2005 was to
create a schooling system that served to redress the inequalities created by
apartheid education. But we also saw in Section Five that this type of
curriculum can also disadvantage those it intends to serve. Curriculum 2005
did not provide a clear guide to those teachers and learners who needed
more input on how to go about teaching and learning. But more importantly,
there is also a strong argument that giving students access to strong
discipline-based knowledge, to the special knowledge of schooling, is what
is in fact emancipatory. It is this knowledge that will allow them access to
positions of power and influence in society. Michael Young, another well-
known curriculum theorist, calls this ‘powerful knowledge’.
Bernstein’s ideas about curriculum help us to talk about these issues at
a more general level. A crucial idea that he introduces in relation to powerful
knowledge is classification.

Classification
We now turn to your Reading 8.8 On the curriculum by Bernstein. Bernstein
points out that one of the most obvious characteristics of any curriculum
is that there is a selection of what is to be learnt, and this is organized in
a particular way. Now, if we have a whole series of ‘whats’ – say Science,
History, Mathematics, Life Skills and Geography, one of the interests is
how these different subjects are related to each other. Either they can have
strong boundaries around them, and be very separate from one another
(in this instance there will be no relationship between History and
Geography, and Science and Life Skills will be understood and taught as
very different subjects), or the subjects can have weak boundaries – so that
they are more integrated. History and Geography might be put together
into Social Studies, and specific themes might relate Science to Life Skills
– for example, electricity might be dealt with in Science in terms of how
it works, and in Life Orientation in terms of safety precautions. In short

What is the debate about curriculum integration? 181

then, Bernstein uses the term ‘classification’ to refer to the boundaries
between different parcels of content.
Let’s go through this one more time. A strongly classified curriculum is
characterized by a subject, for example History, having clear boundaries
which distinguish it from another subject, for example Science. These
boundaries are established by the fact that each subject deals with very
different content and concepts, uses different kinds of language, and inves
tigates the world using different kinds of methods. In short, subjects have
different disciplinary rules. A weakly classified curriculum will integrate
different subjects, and introduce ways of linking different subjects and
topics. The special language, concepts and ways of arguing will be less
important, and the connections between subjects will be more important.
Now we can go one step further. We can use the term classification to
describe the relationship – or the boundary – between our ‘everyday
knowledge’ (such as driving a car, tying your shoelaces, cooking rice) and
formally taught ‘school knowledge’ (addition, climatology, World War II).
A curriculum can be described as strongly classified if clear distinctions
are drawn between what is learnt in school and what is learnt in everyday
life. School systems that make very little use of everyday life experiences
to teach school knowledge, or test the application of knowledge in real
life, are strongly classified.
Some subjects tend to be, by their nature, more strongly classified than
others. For example:
• Life Orientation would be a weakly classified subject because it doesn’t
have many special terms or language which must be understood to
understand the subject. It generally uses everyday language, concepts,
and content in its teaching. By its nature, Life Orientation draws on
the everyday knowledge of learners, and refers to everyday knowledge
and practices.
• Mathematics, which can be understood only at higher levels, especially
if one understands abstract Mathematical content, concepts, and
Mathematical language. For example, we need to understand the words
‘addition’, ‘equation’ etc. to do Mathematics. Mathematics tends to be
a strongly classified subject. The boundary between Mathematics and
everyday life is strong.

Stop. Think.
Think back to Bernstein’s distinction between competence and
performance curricula. Which do you think would be characterized by
strong classification and which by weak classification? Was Curriculum
2005 strongly or weakly classified? What about the National Curriculum Take some time
Statement – is it strongly classified? Does it vary at different levels? to reflect on the
issue being raised
here.

Collection and integrated curricula
In his article, Bernstein uses the difference between strong and weak
classification to introduce a distinction between two types of curriculum
models. A curriculum that has strong classification or has strong boundaries

182 What is the debate about curriculum integration?

(where the emphasis is on keeping parcels of content apart) would be
referred to by Bernstein as a ‘collection’-type curriculum. A curriculum
which has weaker boundaries between subjects would be referred to as an
‘integration’-type curriculum.
And:
• a ‘collection’ curriculum and a performance curriculum refer to similar
sets of curriculum practices;
• an ‘integrated’ curriculum and a competence curriculum refer to similar
sets of curriculum practices.

What do these concepts, ‘collection’ and ‘integrated’ curricula, mean in
practice? How are these terms related to Bernstein’s use of performance
and competence approaches to curriculum?
Let’s explore the subject History again using these two ideal types of
knowledge organization. But remember that in reality there are degrees
of integration or collection in all curricula.

Collection-type, performance curricula
Think back briefly to your own schooling. How did the Mathematics class
differ from the History class, and if you had one, the Art class? Were you
expected to behave in different ways? Was the way the teacher taught very
different? Was the organization of the classroom different?
In a collection type of curriculum, History would have a clearly stipulated
amount of time designated to it in the week. The History classroom would
be clearly marked out, with wall displays relevant only to that subject. It
would be very distinct from subjects such as Mathematics or Geography.
Each of these subjects would have its own rules, different ways of teaching
and learning, and different ways of assessing and evaluating learning.
These would be distinct from the other subjects.


Learners would need to ‘collect’ units of knowledge, which had been clearly
specified at different levels, in order to ‘pass’. Assessment would be based
on clear, externally determined criteria of what is right and wrong, and
would often be formal, for example an examination.
Access to this knowledge, especially at the higher level would not be a
right for all, it would be a privilege that learners earned by doing well in
their studies (by passing). In a sense knowledge resembles private property,
with various kinds of ‘fences’ around it to exclude those who don’t have
it or have failed to get it. For instance, learners are carefully screened, by
means of streaming or stiff examinations, to establish who belongs and
who is to be excluded. Learners are encouraged at higher levels to develop
subject loyalty, and they come to identify themselves as ‘historians’, or
‘mathematicians’, etc.
In a collection type of curriculum there is a hierarchical (or ‘vertical’)
organization of knowledge. In other words, new knowledge builds on
previous knowledge and becomes increasingly complex and abstract.
Teachers or lecturers usually have considerable control over content, pace,
and sequencing because the teachers are responsible for initiating learners
into the mysteries, rules, and understandings of the discipline. Learners
have very little control. ‘After all,’ people holding this view would say,
‘how can learners decide what to learn when they don’t yet fully know
what History or Mathematics is about?’
This is education for knowledge in depth – a lot of detail, content, and
increasingly demanding or difficult concepts within individual disciplines.
This kind of knowledge tends to carry high status and prestige, and is
usually theoretical, stressing its remoteness from everyday knowledge and
life.
A collection type of curriculum is associated with the performance model
of curriculum. Subject content, space, and time are strongly classified in
both.

Stop. Think.
At this point add any new information (or queries) you have to the
summary on page 179.

Take some time
Integrated, competence-based curricula to reflect on the
issue being raised
here.
Now let’s look at the subject ‘History’ in an integrated type of curriculum.
History would probably belong to the Human and Social Sciences learning
area. It would also be taught as part of a broader theme or project, most
often drawn from everyday life or the learners’ own experiences. It might,
for example, be something like ‘My Community’. The decision to explore
a theme such as ‘My Community’ was probably made in discussion with
a number of teachers of different subjects such as Geography, Music,
Languages, and, even, Mathematics. It was probably also either discussed
with learners or, at least, decided on after carefully examining who the
learners were.


The theme – My Community – would determine the content for all the
subjects collaborating on this particular unit of work. The kind of Mathematics
or History or Science taught would be determined by the kind of activities
that are logically part of a theme such as ‘My Community’. In other words,
subjects are no longer defined by their own content, concepts, language,
and rules. Instead, they are taught using the everyday language of the
theme, and concepts are taught if they can be used by the learner.
In an integrated type of curriculum, then, subjects stand in an ‘open
relation’ to one another. They are weakly classified.
The classroom walls would probably reflect broader themes, rather than
focusing specifically on History. Since there is more room in integrated
curricula for a greater degree of learner participation, learners would also
probably be encouraged to express their own understandings and experiences,
and bring various relevant articles into the classroom. Teaching and learning
are less likely to be teacher-driven and more likely to allow some space for
learners to decide on what they learn, in what order and at what level of
depth.
We can see that in the integrated curriculum contents of different subjects
are blurred in relation to each other. This is education in breadth. There
is less focus on detailed understanding of specific subjects, and much more
emphasis on ‘horizontal’ or ‘lateral’ links across a greater range of
subjects.
An integrated curriculum is associated with the competence model we
outlined earlier. Both are characterized by weak classification, both in
terms of boundaries between subjects and boundaries between everyday
knowledge and school knowledge.

Applying Bernstein’s concepts to describe SA
curriculum
Curriculum 2005 was, largely, an integrated and competence-based
curriculum, while the old South African curriculum tended to be a collection-
type, performance-based curriculum. The National Curriculum Statement


is a hybrid or mixed model. It is more strongly classified and less integrated
than Curriculum 2005, but it keeps many aspects of a competence model
of curriculum, such as a learner-centred pedagogy. At the GET level
❛
Curriculum
2005’s
classification between subjects is weaker (and we get Natural Sciences
instead of Physical Sciences and Life Sciences), but at the FET level, overriding
traditional subjects have been reintroduced and classification between emphasis on
subjects is strong. The specification of outcomes and content also make integration
the National Curriculum Statement more performance-like in relation to was intro
knowledge. Can you see how the concepts introduced allow us to describe duced at
and compare the curricula? They also give us some indications of the the expense
implications of different models. For example, given the mixed model of
the National Curriculum Statement, there is likely to be some confusion and
of giving
contradiction in how it is implemented. attention to
In the next activity we will see how Bernstein’s concepts were used to progression
analyse Curriculum 2005 in the Ministerial review of Curriculum 2005 in within
2000. The review, you will remember, gave rise to the National Curriculum specific dis
Statement, our current national curriculum. ciplines and
to systematic
conceptual
Activity 30 coherence.
Read the first excerpt from the Report of the Review Committee on
Curriculum 2005 (Reading 8.2), then answer the following questions in
your workbook:
❜
1. How do ‘lateral demarcation’ and ‘vertical demarcation’ relate to
Bernstein’s concepts of ‘integrated curricula’ and ‘collection curricula’?
2. What does the Review Committee claim was the major problem caused
by Curriculum 2005’s emphasis on integration?
3. Why is this problem a particularly serious obstacle in learning areas Spend about
such as Mathematics, Science, and Languages? one hour on this
4. Why is it also important in learning areas such as Life Orientation or activity.
Human and Social Sciences, where it is not always so vital to teach
content in a particular sequence?

What did we learn?
The Curriculum 2005 Review Report makes it quite clear that this curriculum’s The quote
overriding emphasis on integration – across disciplines, and between above is from
school knowledge and the learners’ experience of everyday life – was the Review
introduced at the expense of giving attention to progression within specific Committee on
Curriculum 2005
disciplines and to systematic conceptual coherence within subjects. In
other words, they pointed to the need for building up the knowledge of
a subject by organizing concepts so that they relate to each other, and
move towards increasing levels of difficulty.
The Review Committee did not reject integration itself, nor did it say
that the curriculum designers ignored progression. The problem was that
because the main organizing principle was integration, there wasn’t enough
other specification in the curriculum to make sure that learners would be
able to make systematic conceptual progress. This was particularly the case
in Mathematics and Science, where such progress is crucial, and in which
the logical sequence of learning steps allows only limited variation. In


other words, in these subjects, certain concepts have to be learnt before
others, and the curriculum did not show teachers what these concepts
were and in what order they should be taught. But the Committee found
in all subjects that the conceptual sequence was not clear. They argued
that it was important that this be addressed to ensure that learners actually
progress, moving on to higher levels of complexity, without unduly repeating
some items of content, or missing out entirely on others that might be
important.

❛
The
The Review Committee’s criticism was thus based on the need for more
balance in the subjects between horizontal and vertical organization. In
other words, they were saying that the curriculum had swung too far to
an integrated curriculum, and needed to rescue features associated with a
Curriculum collection curriculum.
2005 Review If the Review Committee is right, then it is clear that the curriculum
Committee had shifted too far towards integration. The Committee argues that there
members is a need for an emphasis on systematic conceptual progression – a hallmark
found of a collection, performance curriculum – but it doesn’t imply a return to
that the the rigid collection/performance curriculum of apartheid. The National
prescription of Curriculum Statement attempts to achieve a balance between these different
an integrated approaches. It is uneven across subjects in how it does this. Whereas in
curriculum Mathematics, for example, the National Curriculum Statement leans more
did not work towards a strongly classified, performance-type curriculum with a vertical
for most organisation of knowledge, subjects such as Arts and Culture, Life Orientation,
and to a certain extent Social Sciences are still very integrated, with content
learners. less well specified within grades.

❜
You will find that the review makes a similar argument to the one we
introduced earlier around powerful knowledge. Committee members found
that the prescription of an integrated curriculum did not work for most
learners. They point out (on page 242) that ‘social transformation can
only be successfully pursued through widespread access to high level skills
and knowledge’. They argue that ‘a high knowledge and skill curriculum
thus becomes the means to promote social justice, growth and development’,
and that the learners who would lose out most heavily would be those
whom the new curriculum was designed to benefit. In other words, they
are arguing that if schools increasingly teach everyday knowledge and
neglect conceptual knowledge – as a radically integrated curriculum tends
to do – then those who most need to escape from poverty, and find or
create work for themselves in the increasingly demanding work environment
of a global economy, will not be given the specialized skills and knowledge
required to do this.
In the next section we return to the issue of school knowledge and
everyday knowledge. It is a key distinction in thinking about the curriculum
as an organization of knowledge. Blurring the distinction between everyday
and school knowledge is supposed to give a greater number of learners
access to the curriculum, by drawing on their own experiences and
understandings. But does it in fact achieve its aims?

School knowledge and everyday
knowledge 6.4
Activity 31: Looking at how we sort knowledge
1. Look at the pictures below:

Spend about 20
minutes on this
activity.

2. Sort the pictures into two groups, in any way that you like.

Group One Group Two

3. Now write down a reason why you sorted the pictures in this way.
4. Look at the pictures again. Sort them into groups once again. You may
sort them in any way you wish, but do so differently from the way you
did it the first time.

Group One Group Two

5. Now write down a reason why you sorted the pictures in this way.
6. Now look at the two reasons that you gave for sorting the groups. Think
carefully: what is the difference between the reason you gave for the
first sorting and that you gave for the second sorting? Write down the
difference.

These tasks were originally presented by Bernstein to two groups of seven-
year-old children from the same school. One group came from middle-class
homes, and the other group from working-class homes. Both groups were
given a number of cards showing different kinds of food. The children
were asked to group the food in any way they pleased, and then to explain
why they had grouped them in this way. The children gave the following
kinds of reasons.

Working-class children Middle-class children
Reasons ∙∙ what we have for breakfast.’ ∙∙
‘It’s ‘They’re vegetables.’
∙∙ what Mum makes.’
‘It’s ∙∙‘They’ve got butter in them.’
∙∙ don’t like those’.
‘I ∙∙‘They come from the sea.’

188 School knowledge and everyday knowledge

Stop. Think.
∙∙ what ways are the kinds of reasons given by the two groups
In
different?
∙∙ experiences do the groups use to explain the way in which they
What
grouped the food?
Take some time
to reflect on the
issue being raised To sort the cards, the working-class children, on the one hand, mainly
here.
used criteria which were based on the context of their everyday lives. They
referred to people and events in their homes, and they expressed personal
emotions. Their principles for sorting the cards were related specifically
to the local contexts of their lives.
The middle-class children, on the other hand, did not use personal,
localized principles for sorting the cards. Their responses were more indirect
and abstract, and did not reflect their own experiences so directly.
The experiment continued. The cards were mixed up again and the two
groups were asked to sort them in a different way.

Can you do it a second
time? Can you put
them together in a
different way?

This time, the middle-class children grouped them according to their
everyday experiences, using personal and localized categories. The working-
class children sorted the cards in much the same way as they had done
before. The middle-class group were able to change their principles for
classifying the cards, but the working-class group did not show an ability
to do this.

What does this tell us?

Nick Taylor’s
remarks here
are taken from
N. Taylor and
P. Vinjevold,
Getting Learning … middle-class children have access
Right: Report of to two principles of classification [here
the President’s he means sorting, not classification
Education in Bernstein’s sense of the term]: one
Initiative formal and specialized (a system learnt
Research Project at school and associated with school
(Johannesburg, knowledge) and the other personal and
JET, 1999.) localized (a system learnt informally and
associated with everyday knowledge).

School knowledge and everyday knowledge 189

In the school context, where the research was conducted, the first classification
principle (school knowledge) is preferred by the middle-class children.
Working-class children, who have access only to non-specialized principles
of classification, sorted according to their personal experience.

What do we mean by ‘specialized’?
Specialized here refers to the particular knowledge, skills, and language
that apply to a specific area of activity. Specialized, formal knowledge usu
ally has special language and concepts that make it specific. For example,
you may complain that you have a sore stomach. You will use the term
‘sore tummy’. Your doctor will use quite different terms – he or she applies
a specialized language to describe your problem, which is based on
specialized knowledge. So the doctor might refer to your ‘sore tummy’ as
‘gastroenteritis’, or even, ‘appendicitis’.
How would this operate in ‘specialized school knowledge’? In everyday
terms you might say: ‘I have an apple, then someone gives me another
apple, so I have two apples.’
But in terms of school knowledge you might say: ‘One plus one equals
two.’ Here the knowledge is specialized through language (‘plus’ and
‘equals’) and concepts (addition). It is a more formal, abstract, and specialized
way of thinking and speaking about things. It tends to be distanced from
the personal and the local (for example your particular stomach ache, or
apples).
But what does the above experiment with middle- and working-class
children mean for teaching? This is what Taylor says:

The problem raised by this research is obvious:
middle-class children, because of factors such
as the kinds of conversations which they
experience in their homes and social circles, and codes: in this
their access to books, computers, travel and instance, code
other sources of information and experience, refers to the
have ready entry into and are familiar with the conventional
principles which underlie school knowledge. ways of thinking
Consequently, education tends to reinforce the and speaking
codes which these children bring to school, and that children
it provides more opportunities to the middle bring to school
classes for success, greater access to higher
education and to the professions and other
higher-earning occupations.

Working-class children have a greater distance to travel to acquire the
elaborated language codes and specialized principles of classification which
structure formal school knowledge.
Taylor is saying that there is a significant difference between the home
contexts of working-class children and the context of the school. In some
ways the middle-class children’s experiences at home (what they see, do,
and talk about) have a closer match with what they learn at school. But
what has this to do with curriculum?


In South Africa, after the demise of apartheid, curriculum reform tried
to address the very big differences between learners by introducing everyday
knowledge into the curriculum. It was hoped that, in this way, the experiences
of all learners would be recognized, and that all cultures and ways of life
would be affirmed. However, such shifts, when they have been made in
other countries as well as in South Africa, seem to produce unanticipated
outcomes. Earlier we spoke about powerful knowledge. Strong classification
between everyday knowledge and school knowledge means a greater chance
of being inducted into specialized knowledge. We live in a society which
is based on expertise, experts, specialists. Everyone needs to be specialized
to do something particular. This is partly why to be specialized means to
have access to powerful knowledge. And powerful knowledge provides
greater opportunities and better chances in life and in work. We have to
question then, whether introducing more everyday knowledge into the
curriculum will help, especially working-class learners, to access better life
chances. In the next activity, the implications will become clearer. Before
that look at the text box below which summarizes the differences between
everyday knowledge and school knowledge.

What do we mean by ‘everyday’ and ‘school’ knowledge?

∙∙Everyday knowledge is randomly acquired – from conversations overheard, from the
TV or radio, from watching the parents, from punishments or praise.
∙∙Everyday knowledge is unsystematic – it is picked up in bits and pieces.
∙∙Everyday knowledge is oral – it is difficult to hold on to and repeat.
∙∙Everyday knowledge is based on opinion – it is personal and local.
∙∙Everyday knowledge is practical and concrete – it belongs to and talks about a
particular context.
∙∙ type of everyday knowledge that is acquired depends on family and community
The
context and culture.
∙∙School knowledge is grouped into particular subject disciplines – like Mathematics,
Science, Geography, which develop their own language.
∙∙School knowledge is taught systematically, with simpler concepts or tasks coming
first and more complex concepts or tasks building on that later.
∙∙School knowledge generalizes, puts ideas together into concepts and becomes
increasingly abstract – it makes statements that claim to be true for many different
contexts.
∙∙Disciplinary knowledge is based on evidence – it comes from a long tradition of
research and debates about what counts as important knowledge.
∙∙School knowledge is written, which gives it more continuity over time.
∙∙School knowledge depends on a national curriculum that is the same for all
children.


Activity 32
Now read the following transcript of an actual grade one lesson,
conducted after the introduction of the new curriculum reforms that
emphasized everyday knowledge. Then respond to the questions that
follow it. The teacher’s name is John.
Spend about 30
Transcript of an actual grade one lesson minutes on this
activity.
John: I want us to talk about milk. What do we do with milk?
Learner: We pour it on cereal. And on tea.
John: Who drank milk this morning?
There is no response from the learners.
John: Where do we get milk?
Learner: In oats.
Learner: Cornflakes.
Learner: In tea.
Learner: From a cow.
John: Let us brainstorm a cow.
John sticks a picture of a cow on the board, over the word ‘cow’. He writes the
word ‘milk’ on the board. Although there are real cows milling about all over the
township in which the school is situated, John continues:
John: Let me show you a cow. Some of you don’t know a cow.
Learners: We do.
John: Show me where we get meat in the cow.
A learner goes to the board and points to the cow’s udders. John leads the learners
in singing a song about milking a cow. The learners all know the song, and sing
enthusiastically.
John: You said we get meat from the cow. Who doesn’t eat meat?
There is no response from the learners. John writes the word ‘meat’ on the board.
John: What colour is a cow’s meat?
Learners: Brown.
John: We don’t say it is brown, we say it is red. What else do we get
from a cow?
Learners: Fur.
John writes the word ‘fur’ on the board.
John: How many things do we get from a cow?
Learners: Three.
John: Count them.
John points to the three words as the learners count.
Learners: One, two, three.
John: Name things we get from milk.
Learner: Cheese.
Learner: Amasi.
Learner: Butter.
John: What else do we get from milk?
Learner: Long life.


Transcript of an actual grade one lesson
John: Long life is milk.
There is silence.
John: Have we finished? Maybe we will remember it later, Let’s go to
meat. What do we get from meat?
Learners: Bones.
Learner: Fat.
Learner: Lean meat.
Learner: Biltong.
John: Let’s move on to fur. What do we get from it?
Learners: Shoes.
Learners (shout): Belts. Leather. Jackets.
Learner: A pillow.
Learners: Shirt, school bag.
John: What I want us to do is to draw a cow. You must keep quiet
because you will make mistakes if you talk.

1. In the light of what Taylor says, why is this lesson problematic? Do you
think the children from disadvantaged homes will benefit from the
significant amount of everyday knowledge used in this classroom?
Briefly sketch your argument in your workbook.
2. Do you think that the learners have learnt anything new in this lesson?
Are they able to respond appropriately to most of John’s questions? To
what do the questions relate?
3. Can you identify any new concepts that are introduced in this lesson?

In John’s lesson there is no systematic building up of knowledge. The
teacher does not move from the everyday to more formal concepts. The
discussion stays rooted in the everyday, and the learners are not given an
opportunity to arrive at new concepts on the basis of their experiences.
The form of the discussion is unsystematic, and resembles everyday ways
of speaking. When we talk, we tend to ‘jump’ around. We link concepts
by the associations we make spontaneously in our minds, such as milk, a
cow, things you get from a cow – beef, and horns. John conducts the
classroom discussion in much the same way, and the content – if one can
call it that – draws predominantly on everyday knowledge. John uses only
concepts and content that are familiar to his learners – he makes no
systematic attempt to extend their knowledge, or to take them into a
deeper understanding of processes, for instance how milk comes from a
cow to their tables or how leather goods are different from plastic.

Stop. Think.
Think about this lesson for a few minutes.
Take some time ∙∙ could John have guided the learners to move beyond their
How
to reflect on the everyday experiences?
issue being raised ∙∙ could he have taught them something new in this lesson?
How
here. ∙∙ new concepts could have been introduced?
What
∙∙ resources could he have used that were easily available?
What


The lesson illustrates the overwhelming predominance of everyday
knowledge, which sweeps across a bewildering mix of concepts: dairy
products, materials derived from cattle, meat products, to mention a few.
It would seem unlikely that learners will develop a systematic understanding
of any of these ideas under such conditions. Indeed, the lesson seems
designed to encourage the most superficial approach to learning, most of
which could be related to the personal experiences of the learners, but
which are unlikely to result in solid conceptual development. This is perhaps
why the lesson concludes with the simple activity of drawing a cow.
This is not to say that there is no room for everyday knowledge. Concepts
can be derived from real-life situations where appropriate, and concepts
can be illustrated by drawing from the experience of learners. But John’s
lesson is not designed to encourage or facilitate any systematic conceptual
development. As Nick Taylor says in the Reading on p. 276: In the hands
of teachers whose own conceptual frames are not strong, the results are likely to
be disastrous where school knowledge is totally submerged in an unorganized
confusion of contrived realism.
To sum up what Taylor is saying: everyday knowledge (and discourse)
is unsystematic, and tends to be disordered. It is appropriate in its context
(everyday life), and as a ‘ground’ from which to draw examples or in which
to apply learning – to make concepts accessible to learners. By starting
with everyday examples and then moving on to broader concepts, we are
inducting learners into formal school knowledge. But there is a danger of
using everyday knowledge at the expense of conceptual development. If
teachers never move learners beyond everyday knowledge, they are unlikely
to develop the ability to think with more advanced concepts, or to order
their knowledge in tune with the requirements of today’s world.
But what about the issue that we raised earlier, that middle-class children
have greater access to school knowledge than working-class children? Does
a predominance of everyday knowledge in the classroom help learners
from working-class families to learn better? It could be argued that it in
fact achieves the opposite. A curriculum crowded with everyday knowledge
does little to develop more flexible ways of knowing amongst working-class
learners. The result is likely to be failure to gain access to the forms of
knowledge and discourse that will open up higher levels of learning and
provide gateways to the increasingly technical nature of work today.

This is how the radical thinker Antonio Gramsci put it:
[The job of the school is to] accustom the students to reason, to think
abstractly and schematically while remaining able to plunge back from
abstract to real and immediate life, to see in each fact or datum what is
general and what is particular, to distinguish the concept from the particu-
lar instance. … It remains the teacher’s pre-eminent obligation to acceler-
ate the child’s formation in conformity with the former [concepts] and in
conflict with the latter [the particular].
(Gramsci, 1986, quoted in Muller, 2001, p. 66)

We don’t want to restrict any learners to the particular and the local, and
in the name of equal opportunities all learners should be given access to
the general and more universal forms of knowledge that mean greater
access to thinking and to life beyond the here and now.


Activity 33

Now turn to Reading 8.6 by Nick Taylor entitled Curriculum 2005: Finding a
balance between school and everyday knowledges.
In this extract, Taylor expands on the points we have raised in looking
at knowledge and the curriculum. Taylor asserts that education generally
Spend about two
and a half hours has moved towards a competence model of curriculum. In the article he
on this activity. differentiates between a number of different competence models, and
looks at Curriculum 2005 in terms of radical competence and progressive
competence modes. Think about these questions as you read the article.
1. What is the difference between the two models in terms of their
approaches to the distinction between everyday knowledge and school
knowledge?
2. What are the implications of adopting a competence model of
curriculum for teachers?

Using these ideal types to analyse two lessons
Brett, another teacher at Goniwe, and Marge have very different ways of
teaching. Look at the following pages to see the transcripts of them
teaching literacy to grade three learners.

Activity 34
1. Read the following two transcripts carefully. Then answer the following
questions:
a. Write a few sentences on how knowledge is classified in the two
lessons. Is there a strong boundary between school knowledge and
Spend about one everyday knowledge or a weak boundary? Answer separately for
and a half hours
on the activity.
each lesson, and try to give a few reasons for your answers.
b. What do the learners in Brett’s class learn?
c. What do the learners in Marge’s class learn?
d. On the scale below, how would you rate the teacher and learners in
Marge’s and Brett’s classes?

closed questions: Scale showing differences in approach from least learner centred to most
questions that learner centred
require simple,
factual answers 1 2 3 4 5
of the sort that Learners Learners more Learners Learners Learners fully
are either right totally passive: involved: some required to participate active and
or wrong (‘open’ respond of the activities solve some actively in class: responsible for
questions require automatically’ and teacher’s problems, and expected to own learning:
learners to think to teacher’s questions encouraged take a lot of the expected to
about their closed require to relate work responsibility initiate many
answers). questions, responses to their own for their own activities, solve
which are from learners, experiences learning, they problems,
aimed only at but these and interests. often work in investigate, and
checking that are focused Teacher is groups. Teacher do research
they are paying narrowly on in control of provides – individually
attention. the teaching lesson focus, structure for or in groups.
Teacher’s content. Only pace, and groupwork, and Teacher a
main function the teacher’s sequence, holds back from guide: suggests
is to instruct input is and is always being resources
and impose recognized the main the main source and provides
structure and as having source of of information. necessary
control. authority. information. structure only.


2. Complete the following table in relation to the lessons. (You will find
this a fairly easy task if you use the lists provided in Activity 15, pages
87–88 as a guide.)

Assumptions about Marge’ lesson Brett’s lesson
Teachers and learning
Learners and learning
Resources
Knowledge
Evaluation (try to infer this from the
teacher’s general approach)
Social change

4. Now, how would you describe each lesson in terms of competence and
performance models? Give reasons for your answers.

BRETT’S LESSON
T: We are completing the story we were doing yesterday about the seasons of the
year.
T: Let’s not make a noise. We are completing yesterday’s story. Have we all turned
to the correct page?
Ls: Yes, Sir
T: We have to. We really have to complete it. We can’t start a new thing without
finishing it.
T: Have we all turned to page 20?
L: Page 22, Sir
T: I said page 20. We are going to read it again.
T: Let’s look at our books so that we can explain some of the things that we didn’t
explain yesterday. So that we can explain some of the things that we didn’t
explain yesterday.
T reads same story as they read yesterday about the seasons of the year. He stands in
front of the class.
T: [reading] In spring animals and birds breed and it’s warmer than winter. This
time is the beginning of summer. In some places it rains a lot. Autumn is a
period when people harvest what they’ve sown and they reap vegetables [same
as yesterday]. Leaves … winter … dry …
T: That is the end of the story. They have been well explained. We have to move
onto something else. There are four seasons of the year: spring, summer,
autumn, and winter. How many?
Ls: Four
T: You can see clearly the order in the picture. Autumn then winter, spring, these
times follow each other my children. They start with summer, then autumn, then
winter, then spring. Ehlotyeni is summer in English. It is what?
Ls: It is summer
T: Ehlotyeni is summer in English. It is what?
Ls: Summer
T: Summer in what?
Ls: In English


T: Summer in English
T: Ukwindla is autumn in English. It is what?
Ls: Autumn
T: Ubusika is winter in English. It is what?
Ls: Winter
T: Intwasahlobo is spring in English. It is spring in English. I confuse autumn and
spring. There is no need to write these down, we will do that later. There are
certain things that happen in each season and that is why seasons are named
like that. There is a reason why we call that period before summer spring. What
I want to tell you. In summer it’s warmer than winter, leaves turn green, and it
rains in other areas. For example, in summer it rains in the Eastern Cape, where
some of us come from. I said in summer it rains in some places, for example
the Eastern Cape. But here where we are it rains in winter. In the Eastern Cape
it rains in summer. Here it rains in winter, because we are in the Western Cape.
Where are we?
Ls: Western Cape
T: So Western Cape is an example of where it rains in winter. It is said that leaves
get beautiful in summer, they turn green. It is the time when we plant our food
in the Eastern Cape because it rains. But here in urban areas we don’t plant,
except in summer, in areas set aside for that, like farms. But in the Eastern
Cape we have fields where we plant. Mothers and fathers stand at that time
ploughing the fields, and maybe that is why God had a plan as to why the rains
have to come in summer there. The rain there is heavy and is different from
the winter rain here. It is heavy because of the fact that it is hot. The rain there
is heavy. Our rain here is fine. Yesterday we touched on autumn, we said it’s a
cool time, people start eating fresh vegetables. People work hard in the Eastern
Cape. They plant vegetables. Some of you don’t know imithwane [first veggies
that come up] but do know about pumpkins and butternuts. The women who
sell outside sell them. Those who live in the Eastern Cape know imithwane.
Now I have read and I also want you to read. Sonto read for us. Stand in front.
Please don’t make a noise so we can all hear Sonto read. Sonto will read and
then someone will read after her, but it must be a boy.
Sonto: [reads] In spring animals and birds breed and it’s warmer than winter. This time
is the beginning of summer. In some places it rains a lot. Autumn is a period
when people harvest what they’ve sown and they reap vegetables.
T: Thank you Sonto. Sit down.

MARGE’S LESSON
T: I want the Joeys on the mat.
Ls start unpacking sets of cards from small Tupperware containers in their book bags
T: Quickly.
T: Brandon, let’s see if you can be first for a change, not last. Well done Candi, you
can begin as soon as you’ve finished putting them out.
L: Start, market, startle, spark, chart, sharpener, sparkle
T: Sorry, I need a sentence for startle.
L: Brandon startled me, like scared, surprised or scared.
T: Brandon startled me doesn’t actually tell me what it means. I walked down the
passage and Brandon came into the room and startled me. Something you
weren’t expecting. That’s what startled means. Read.
L: Crown, drown, flower, power, powder, shower, trowel, tr…
T: Trowel yes.
L: Trowel, vowel, towel


T: I need a sentence for trowel.
L: Trowel
T: We spoke a lot about it at the beginning of the year. We even watched the
builders with their trowels.
L: Oh. They use trowels to put the cement on the walls.
T: A trowel is a tool. Um, tie your shoelaces please Brandon. Other Brandon.
L: Short, porter, reporter, order, report, perform, shorten
T: Shorten. I need a sentence for shorten.
L: Last night we had to shorten my tracksuit pants.
T: Because?
L: Because it was too long.
T: They were too long. Yes.
L: Mouth, Loud, about, trout, south, ground.
T: Well done. Shoo. Give me a sentence for trout.
L: Me and my brother went trout fishing at the river.
T: Mmm. Why didn’t you go to the sea for trout fishing?
L: Because trout don’t swim in the sea.
T: You say my brother and I went trout fishing at the river. Well done.
L: Purchase, curtain, disturb, survive, surface
T: Surface. Did you practice these words?
L: Yes
T: But with whom? Mmm? Alone?
L: No with my big brother.
T: With your big brother, with your mother or father next time, hey. Read this one
again.
L: Surface
T: Surface. Purpose. Now give me a sentence for surface.
L: I surf in the sea.
T: You surf in the sea. Okay. You surf in the sea. That’s good. That means you ride
along the waves. Do you swim right under the sea or do you swim on top of the
water?
L: On top
T: You swim on the …
Ls: Surface
T: Okay. You swim on the surface, on the top. Surface. You must do homework
with your mom or your dad please.
T: Good. Put your cards away.
T: And what are we reading?
L: Atlantis’ race.
T: Okay. Move into me. Right in. So what was the story about yesterday?
L: The day they found out that the worm is used for cloth.
T: Yes, and what’s it called? What kind of cloth do they make from those worms? It
starts with a ‘ssss’.
L: Silk


T: Silk. Absolutely. Silk. Atalanta’s Race. Atalanta’s Race. Page 42. Candi do you
want to begin?
L: Atalanta was the swi…
T: Swiftest
L: Swiftest runner in the world.

What did we learn?
In both lessons the object of the lesson is literacy – that is teaching how
words sound and mean and are put together. But the lessons differ. In
Brett’s class, there is very weak classification between school knowledge
and everyday knowledge. The teacher focuses on knowledge that is familiar
to the learners, and that many of them know. There is also weak classification
in that it is not always clear whether this is a literacy lesson or a Geography
lesson, with a focus on climate and place. The learners in Brett’s class are
not required to produce new knowledge themselves, but answer simple
questions from the teacher. In both lessons the teachers seem to act on
certain assumptions about learners and their roles in classrooms; about
whose knowledge is valid in classrooms; about evaluation; about classroom
interaction, and so on. We also noticed that these lessons seem to cross
the boundary, which is often the case in reality, between Bernstein’s ideal
types.
In Brett’s lesson, the teacher does not encourage the learners to offer
their own knowledge. They do very little talking.
In Marge’s lesson, although the teacher controls the selection, sequence,
and pace of the lesson carefully, she directs the learners in offering their
own productions. In Marge’s lesson there is strong classification of the
subject literacy. Although drawing on everyday examples, the focus is
strictly on how words sound, how they are put together grammatically,
and the meaning of words. In neither lesson are learners given very much
opportunity to bring their own knowledge and experiences into the
classroom.
Marge presents the learners with corrections to what they produce, which
she assumes should not be open to debate. Hers approximates more of a
performance type of pedagogy – where absences in learners’ productions
are identified and corrected. In Brett’s lesson, no correction of learners is
made, and no time is spent finding out what various learners already know.
The teacher does not enable them to make links between the rather remote
content that they are about to be taught and their own experiences.
It’s not hard to imagine that in Marge’s lesson the learners will probably
have to work individually, and will be marked according to their ability
to reproduce the knowledge that the teacher has given them. In Brett’s
lesson, the learners might be given a chance to work in groups to discuss
particular questions, but it is unlikely that any formal evaluation will take
place.
Marge has full control over the selection of content, sequence, and
pacing of her lesson. Both lessons are relatively teacher-centred.
It is difficult to classify Brett’s lesson as either competence or performance.
However, in at least one sense Brett’s lesson does not conform to the
competence approach: in the excerpt that we read, he is still pretty much


in control of the pacing and sequence of the lesson, if not of the selection
of knowledge and ideas coming from the learners. He has not opened up
this part of the lesson to group discussion, for instance.
So, in both lessons we can detect some mixing of approaches, though
Bernstein’s ‘performance/competence’ analysis provides a useful framework
for identifying the assumptions and curriculum approaches adopted by
the two teachers.

Pulling it all together

Stop. Think.
Now, using the above descriptions of the competence and performance
models of curriculum, think about whether Tyler’s, Stenhouse’s and
Freire’s ideas about the curriculum are closer to performance or
competence models. Take some time
to reflect on the
issue being raised
We can see once again that Bernstein’s models or ideal-types provide us here.
with a way of categorizing the assumptions that underlie different approaches
to the curriculum. In terms of these categories, we can broadly classify the
assumptions that we have come across so far in the following way.

Competence/Integrated Performance/Collection
Ben’s views (pages 27, 64) Rose’s views (page 27)
Freire, Stenhouse Tyler
Marge’s lesson
Syllabus A (page 73) Syllabus B (page 76)
Curriculum 2005 National Curriculum Statement (hybrid)

Remember that these are broad distinctions, but we can say that the above
table reflects that which the various views on curriculum most closely
approximate. Thus, we can say that Stenhouse’s and Freire’s proposed ways
of producing curriculum are closer to a competence model of curriculum,
and that Tyler’s way of producing curriculum suggests a performance
model. However, Freire’s competence approach is more learner-centred
and politically radical than Stenhouse’s.
What the theory allows us to do is to identify these differences, and then
explore their implications.

6.5 Conclusion
Key learning points

1 In previous sections we established that ‘curriculum’ refers to
more than the intentions of planners. We found that teachers
and learners ‘reinterpret’ the plan, and that conditions, for
example the availability of resources or the backgrounds of
teachers and learners, influence this ‘reinterpretation’.
2 We have also seen indications that the same curriculum plan
serves different social groups differently and unequally. This
suggests that education, rather than being a process that
equalizes society, could be a process that entrenches
inequalities.
3 This also suggests that curriculum choices are value choices
with political implications, rather than value-free, technical
choices. We examined South Africa’s move to outcomes-based
education to see what values underpinned this choice, and the
implications it may have for South African society.
4 In this section we further explored the move towards an
integrated, competence-based curriculum. Using Bernstein’s
analysis, we found that the new curriculum shares characteris-
tics with new curricula elsewhere in the world. Bernstein called
this a move away from performance (or collection) curricula
towards competence (or integrated) curricula.
5 Some of the key characteristics of this shift were moves away
from:
• abstract and content-heavy subjects towards learning that drew
strongly from the contexts of learning, and focused on developing
the competence to operate in that context;
• strictly segregated and discipline-based subjects towards
integrated theme-based, or issue-based learning areas;
• teacher-centred transmission of important knowledge towards
learner-centred acquisition of knowledge and skills through
active learning;
• a strict separation of school knowledge and everyday knowledge
towards a pedagogy in which this separation is blurred.
6 We found that these changes in how knowledge is organized in
the curriculum have different implications for different learn-
ers. In the South African context, Taylor argues that
working-class learners might be excluded from the promised
benefits of the prescribed curriculum by the rigid application of
an ‘integrated’ curriculum. He argues that the ‘radical’ integra-
tion and over-focus on everyday knowledge means that the
curriculum has the unwanted consequence of denying working-
class and poor learners access to the higher-level thinking skills,
specialized knowledge, and conceptual development associated
with school knowledge and performance curricula.

Conclusion 201

7 We used Bernstein’s ideal types as a lens to analyse the enacted
curriculum in two classrooms, helping us to see more clearly
how teachers work with knowledge.
8 We concluded the section by warning that, like other theoreti-
cal models, these were also ideal-types and should not be
simplistically imposed on the real world. However, we also
emphasized that ideal-types – theoretical models – were impor-
tant tools that enabled us to understand better changes in
curricula. We tried to show how Bernstein’s models mirrored, in
some ways, the curriculum models we’d examined earlier.

Curriculum-analysis assignment – thinking about outcomes

Not much has been written yet about the National Curriculum Statement.
One ardent critic of outcomes-based education, however, is Stephanie
Allais. She has written extensively about the National Qualifications
Framework and Outcomes-Based Education.
Spend about
1 Turn to the National Curriculum Statement extract on page 237 and three hours on
find the definition of what an outcome is. Does this definition make this assignment.
clear to you what an outcome is? What questions do you still have
regarding outcomes? Write these down.
2 Turn to Reading 8.9, Stephanie Allais’ article, ‘Problems with qualifica-
tion reform in senior secondary education in South Africa’ on page 292.
In this extract Stephanie identifies a number of problems with
outcomes. Read carefully through the extract and write down at least
four problems that she identifies with outcomes.
3 Now find the National Curriculum Statement for your own subject/
learning area. Look carefully at the outcomes. Using examples,
explain why you think Stephanie Allais is correct or incorrect in her
criticisms of outcomes. From your own practice, can you think of
any strengths or weaknesses in using outcomes to organize your
teaching? Are there any other criticisms that you can think of that
Stephanie has not mentioned? Do you think there are some advan-
tages to the outcomes approach that have not been mentioned?

Imagine that you are writing your answers in order to present them to
teachers at your school. Make sure your ideas are well stated in your own
words, and your examples are clear.

Curriculum: Organizing Knowledge for the Classroom. Section 6

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Curriculum: Organizing Knowledge for the Classroom. Section 6