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22. were slain in the struggle. Some of their provincial houses also were
sacked or closed, and the inmates had to fly for their lives.
In the following year, 1835, the Society was again proscribed, by the
Regent Christina, and the Jesuits were scattered. They now sided
openly with Don Carlos. Alleging, as usual, that they were indifferent
to politics and must discharge the spiritual services demanded of
them under any banner, they followed in the rear of the advancing
Carlists and opened colleges in the districts conquered by them. One
Jesuit guarded the conscience of Don Carlos, another was tutor to
his children, and others ministered in his camps. At length an abler
Christinist General, Espartero, cleared the Carlists from the Basque
Provinces and closed the Jesuit houses. By the time of the revolution
of 1848 there were none but a few disguised and timid survivors of
the Society in Spain.
From Portugal the Jesuits were rigorously excluded during fifteen
years after the restoration of the Society. John VI., a constitutional
and sober monarch, refused to irritate his subjects by admitting
them, and had no need of their stifling influence on education in
Portugal. He resisted all the pressure of Rome in their interest, and
observed the Liberal Constitution which he had accepted. His
granddaughter Maria succeeded to his throne and policy in 1826,
under the regency of her uncle, Dom Miguel. Here again the Jesuits
were admitted in virtue of an act of treachery and throve in an
atmosphere of savagery. Dom Miguel intrigued for the throne, and,
when he took an oath to respect the Liberal Constitution, was
permitted to occupy it. "His Jesuit training," says the Cambridge
Modern History (x. 321), "would make it easy for him to rest content
with the absolution of the Church for a breach of faith committed on
behalf of the good cause." He at once violated his oath and turned
with ferocity upon the Liberals. It is estimated by some of the
Portuguese writers that more than 60,000 were executed, deported,
or imprisoned in the next four years.
Such was the second of the leading Catholic monarchs to seek the
aid of the Jesuits. None of the members of the old Portuguese
23. Province could be discovered, or induced to resume work in a
bitterly hostile world, and eight Jesuits had to be sent from France,
in 1829, to begin the work of restoration. They make little pretence
of an enthusiastic reception in this case. None of their former
property was restored, and for a time they had to take refuge in the
houses of rival orders. They had, however, their usual good fortune
to attract the sympathy of noble ladies, and were enabled to secure
their old house at Lisbon in the following year. When the King saw
that no violent upheaval followed their arrival, he began to patronise
them, and secured for them their famous college at Coimbra. In the
same year they had the satisfaction of establishing a house at
Pombal, where their old antagonist had died, and their superior
describes, in an edifying letter, how he at once "ran to say a prayer
over the tomb of the Marquis"; he was deeply pained, it seems, to
find that the remains of Pombal had not even yet been interred,
while the children of Ignatius were received with honour in his
name-place.
But the ferocity of Miguel had already deeply stirred the population,
and in the following year the defrauded young Queen's father, Don
Pedro, Emperor of Brazil, crossed the ocean to secure her rights and
the Constitution. The Jesuits were painfully perplexed. Don Pedro
seems to have felt that he could not hope for a lasting triumph
without the aid of the Jesuits, and he made a secret offer to them,
in an autograph letter (in March), of his protection and favour if they
would desert Miguel. The issue was uncertain, and, when Don Pedro
entered Lisbon in July, the Jesuits assured him that his letter had
reached their hands too late for them to consider his offer. They had
remained ideally neutral in the war, and had nursed the cholera
victims in both camps with religious impartiality.
The people of Lisbon saved Don Pedro from the dilemma which this
excellent or prudent conduct imposed on him. On 29th July a mixed
throng of soldiers and citizens assaulted and sacked the Jesuit
residence. It would have gone very hard with the fathers themselves
had not certain English naval officers chivalrously saved them. In the
following May (1834) Don Pedro renewed the sentence of
24. suppression. From their handsome college at Coimbra they were
conveyed to Lisbon, to face the hoots and taunts of a rejoicing mob,
and then to be deposited in prison. The French afterwards secured
their release from prison, but they have never since had a legal
existence in the land of Pombal.
We turn next to England, to study the fortunes of the followers of
Ignatius up to the middle of the nineteenth century. In the latter
part of the eighteenth century the Jesuits had availed themselves of
the more tolerant spirit of the age of the Georges, and again
increased to a considerable body. Their colleges in Spain, France,
and Belgium received numbers of young Catholic aspirants, and we
find that at the time of the suppression of the Society the English
Province boasted 274 members, of whom 143 were actually in
England. The suppression in Spain and France reduced their
colleges; the two colleges at Bruges were violently closed by the
authorities in 1773; there remained only a house at Liège and the
English missions at Liverpool, Preston, Bristol, and a few other
towns.
They continued to live in community in these residences after the
abolition of the Society, and minister as secular priests. In 1794 their
situation was again altered by the French invasion of Belgium, when
the English fathers were expelled from their last continental seat, at
Liège. The disaster proved, however, to be the starting-point of their
more prosperous modern development in England. One of their old
pupils, Thomas Weld, offered them a house and estate at
Stonyhurst, near Preston, and on 29th August the refugees reached
what was destined to be one of their most important centres. They
opened a school—to be directed by certain "gentlemen from
Liège"—and quietly awaited the future.
In the meantime the ex-Jesuits who had remained in England bore
their disgrace very impatiently. One of their number, Father Thorpe,
wrote in 1785 so scurrilous a Sketch of the Life and Government of
Pope Clement XIV. that his colleagues had to withdraw it from
publication at the demand of their own admirers. In the following
25. year the English ex-Jesuits opened a correspondence with their
rebellious colleagues in Russia, and, although they could devise no
pretext whatever for disobeying the Pope in England, they offered to
unite with the Russians. Their proposal was declined or postponed,
and they waited until the Pope officially recognised the Russian
Society in 1801. By that time the Abbé de Broglie had led his little
colony of Fathers of the Faith from Austria to London and opened a
college at Kensington. Some of the ex-Jesuits and many emigrant
French priests were attracted to this authorised Congregation, but
Paccanari was now an object of suspicion to most of them, and, on
the other hand, there was increasing hope of a restoration of the
Society.
The proposal to enlist under the Russian General was now revived,
and both ex-Jesuits and Fathers of the Faith made their way, secretly
and individually, to Russia and renewed their vows. By the year 1804
there were between eighty and ninety Jesuits in England. The
general and violent hatred of the French had led to much sympathy
with the clerical victims of the Revolution, but England was not yet
prepared for this substantial resurrection of the Jesuits. Stonyhurst
was growing into a large and busy colony, owing to the continued
bounty of Weld and the return of surviving members of the old
province, and in 1804, and more peremptorily in 1807, the
Government ordered the dissolution of their communities.
Such an order was a feeble check on their growth, and they took
advantage of the successive movements which aided the restoration
of Catholicism. The stream of French emigrants, the Act of Toleration
of 1791, the beginning of Irish immigration, and the advocacy of
Catholic Emancipation by Pitt enabled the Catholics to enter the
nineteenth century in increased numbers. The Catholic Relief Act of
1829 so inflated them that they then estimated their numbers in
London alone as 146,000, or nearly a tenth of the population; to-day
they number about one-fiftieth of the population of London. The
Jesuits shared the growth with the rest of the clergy. Between 1826
and 1835 they built eleven new churches, and in 1830 the Roman
authorities made a formal province of the English group. The Irish
26. fathers had been detached from the English in 1829, and formed a
vice-province. Ten years later began the Catholic movement within
the Church of England, to the considerable profit of Rome.
The early history of the Jesuits in the United States is one of the
most interesting chapters in their modern story. When the Society
was abolished and its members momentarily discouraged, John
Carroll, a member of the suppressed English Province, led a small
group of fathers to the North American Colony. He became friendly
with Washington and other leaders of the insurrection, and is said to
have had some influence in shaping the Liberal clauses of the new
Constitution. In 1789 he became Bishop of Baltimore, and another
ex-Jesuit, Father Neale, was afterwards made his coadjutor. This
transferred the American mission from the control of the English
Vicar Apostolic, and made Carroll head of the Church in the United
States. In 1803 we find Carroll writing to General Gruber that there
are a dozen aged ex-Jesuits in Maryland and Pennsylvania, with
sufficient property (of the older Maryland mission) to support thirty;
they wish to join Gruber's authorised Society and receive an
accession of strength. The Russian Jesuits had justified their
rebellion on the ground that the secular monarch had forbidden
them to lay aside their habits; the Americans said it was enough that
there was in America no secular monarch to forbid them to wear it.
The Papacy counted for little with any of them.
Gruber complied, and the foundations were laid of the prosperity of
the Jesuits in the United States. In the early years little progress was
made. The newcomers were young foreigners, and the population
was scattered and generally hostile. One of the German fathers was
actually arrested and tried for not betraying the confession of a thief,
but the controversy which followed rather promoted their interest.
They shrewdly established their chief college and centre at
Georgetown, near Washington, and gradually won the regard of
American statesmen, who visited and granted privileges to the
college. By the year 1818 there were 86 Jesuits in the United States,
and recruits were arriving from Europe. A novitiate had been opened
at White Marsh in 1815, but few novices could be secured in
27. America. In fact, as they followed their usual custom of making no
charge for education, they had a severe struggle with poverty
everywhere. In 1822 the authorities at Rome ordered them to close
the school at Washington, as it could no longer maintain itself
without charging. The rector, Father Kelly, defied his superiors for a
time, and maintained the school on the fees of pupils; but
Americanism was not yet sufficiently developed to sustain this, and
Father Kelly was expelled from the Society.
Memories of the "black robes" lingered among the Indians, and it
was suggested, time after time, that the fathers should return to
their work among them, and amongst the blacks of the south and
the islands. Their historian makes a lengthy and very earnest
apology for their refusal, during ten or twenty years, to listen to this
suggestion. They remembered how their work amongst the Indians
had been "misinterpreted"; they were too few in number to spare
men for distant fields; in time, they foresaw the greatness of the
United States and "preferred the certain to the uncertain." The truth
seems to be that commerce in blankets and beaver-skins was not
possible in the nineteenth century. After 1840, however, they sent
missionaries among the Indians, and won a great affection among
them. By that time the Missouri Province alone had 148 Jesuits, and
the Maryland Province 103.
It is clear that the early Jesuits laboured devotedly to arrest the
enormous lapse from the Church of Rome in the United States in the
first half of the nineteenth century. We need pay little attention to
their boasts of conversions. Catholic immigrants were now arriving in
millions, and were passing out into the lonely districts and small
towns, where their faith was quickly forgotten. In 1636 the Bishop of
Charlestown estimated the loss at nearly four millions in his diocese
alone. Many of the Jesuits went out among the struggling pioneers
and led lives of great self-sacrifice. Their energies were, however,
mainly concentrated on the aggrandisement of their schools and
conciliation of politicians in cities like Washington. They made sure
of power in the great Republic they foresaw. It may be added that
the Society was at the same time spreading in Mexico. Restored
28. under Ferdinand, they undertook, as in Spain, to check or destroy
the Liberal principles which had taken root in Mexico. For this they
were banished in 1821, when the news came of the Liberal triumph
in Spain, and did not return to open activity until 1843.
In the Germanic lands, except Belgium, the restored Jesuits had a
severe struggle throughout the nineteenth century. Austria and
Bavaria refused to publish the bull of restoration or comply with it, to
the great mortification of the Jesuits. Metternich, at least, retained
the spirit of Joseph II., and Ferdinand II. was not yet disposed to
tempt his subjects by readmitting them. Prussia was, of course, still
closed against the Jesuits as Jesuits. The first serious attempt to
gain a footing in Germany was made in 1820, when the fathers who
had been driven from Russia appeared on the Austrian frontier and
humbly asked permission to cross the Emperor's territory. They
might "cross," he drily answered; and when they secured the
customary intervention of noble dames, he permitted them to go
and teach loyalty among his poor subjects in Galicia and his restless
subjects in Hungary. He granted funds for this purpose, and they
soon had a flourishing Province in Galicia, and a general control of
education. Even here they were subject to the bishops, and the
imperial decrees intimate that there was much suspicion and
hostility. In 1829, Styria and other provinces were opened to them,
though the opposition was so violent that at Gratz we find them
complaining of having to lodge in some kind of inn, with an actress
for neighbour.
Ferdinand II. died in 1836, but his successor could do little for them
in face of the prevailing hostility. Father Beckx, the future General,
was in Vienna at the time. A Jesuit had at last brought a ray of hope
into the German camp by converting the Duke and Duchess of
Anhalt-Köthen, and Father Beckx was confessor to the Duchess at
Vienna—and secret agent of the Society. He writes in 1837 that their
enemies are very powerful, and Josephite principles triumphant; the
Jesuits have only one public institution in Austria, and are forbidden
to teach. Ferdinand, however, was not indisposed to enlist their aid
in fighting Liberalism, and they quietly spread in the outlying
29. provinces. The Tyrol was opened to them in 1838, and from their old
college at Innspruck they proceeded to capture its schools. We shall
see presently how the revolutionary storm of 1848 drove them from
their new acquisitions.
In Switzerland the fortunes of the Jesuits were more romantic.
During the suppression they continued to live in communities, and
carefully concealed the offensive title from the eyes of Protestant
citizens. After 1814 they began to induce their lay followers to
petition the authorities to sanction their return to life, and the long
and bitter struggle over the Society began. The canton of Solothurn
was then more than eighty per cent. Catholic, and in 1816 the Grand
Council was urged to restore the Society. It refused, and they then
made cautious efforts in Valais and Freiburg. I am aware that in all
these cases the Jesuits do not appear in connection with the
petition; a few influential Catholics appeal for the return, and the
Jesuits are depicted as serenely aloof from the negotiations. We are
accustomed to pretences of this character. In 1818 the Grand
Council of Freiburg (which also was nearly ninety per cent. Catholic)
decided by sixty-nine votes to forty-two to readmit the Jesuits and
entrust its schools to them. At the same time they recovered their
old house at Brigue, and began to spread in Catholic Valais.
From the beginning of the third decade of the nineteenth century
the Radicals began their attacks on the growing Jesuits. In 1823 the
fathers secured their old college at Freiburg, which they had long
coveted. Since their settlement in Freiburg this college had been in
the hands of the Franciscan monks, who had adopted the ideas of
Pestalozzi, the great Swiss educationist, and were doing admirable
work. The bishop complained to the authorities of the friars'
innovations, and they were replaced by the Jesuits. The Radicals of
the town were malicious enough to suggest that the Jesuits had
intrigued to bring about this result,—of which, of course, there is no
proof,—and on the night of 9-10th March they attacked the college,
and were with difficulty prevented from burning it. In the following
year the Jesuits were expelled from the Netherlands (which formed
30. one Province with Switzerland and Saxony) and came to swell the
number of their colleagues in Valais and Freiburg.
In 1836, however, when the second revolutionary wave was passing
over Europe, the Radicals won power in the majority of the cantons
(including Lucerne, Freiburg, and Solothurn). They were not yet in a
position to dislodge the Jesuits, but there was constant friction, and
a serious struggle for the federal authority began. The aim of the
Radicals was to capture and strengthen the federal government, and
expel the Jesuits (and other religions) from the whole of Switzerland.
They and the "young Swiss" were part of the international Liberal
movement, which was everywhere anti-clerical. [42] In 1844 the
struggle became more violent. The Jesuits of Valais refusing to admit
government control of their schools, a band of armed Radicals
marched upon Sion and had to be defeated by the armed
inhabitants. In the same year the Jesuits entered Lucerne for the
first time. A wealthy Catholic farmer named Leu threw all his energy
into their cause, and the Jesuits aided by sending a preacher
occasionally to show, by suave and conciliatory sermons, that the
suspicion of them was wholly unfounded. In face of a storm of
Protestant and Radical threats the Council decided to admit the
Jesuits.
There now spread through the country a struggle of passion which
was soon to culminate in a deadly civil war. Leu was murdered, and
Catholics and Radicals faced each other with intense hatred.
Opinions may differ as to the conduct of the Jesuits in pressing their
ministry, since it is clear that the purely political differences would
not have stained the hills and valleys of Switzerland with blood. The
war that followed was a religious war, and mainly a war over the
Jesuits. In the spring of 1845 it was announced that an army of
11,000 Radicals was marching on Lucerne. The Catholic
Confederation sent round the fiery cross, and gathered an army
sufficiently strong to defeat and scatter the Radicals. It was over the
corpses of these opponents that the Jesuits entered Lucerne and
began to teach, with passion still seething on every side. A graver
31. struggle impended, and both sides hastily organised. The seven
Catholic cantons (to whose enterprise the French Jesuits contributed
98,000 francs) formed a Sonderbund [Separate Alliance], and aimed
at setting up a Catholic Republic. The Federal Diet at Berne ordered
them to dissolve, and when they refused, pitted the federal army
against the Catholic troops. A bloody and disastrous war ended in a
victory for the federal troops in 1847, the Sonderbund was
destroyed, and the Jesuits (with the other religious orders) were
excluded from Switzerland by the Constitution of 1848. The Jesuits
had not waited for the troops to enter Freiburg and Lucerne; they
had fled to the Tyrol and Austria.
In the Netherlands the story of the Jesuits during the nineteenth
century has been one of great prosperity, checked only by a few
early reverses. No sooner had the Pope issued the bull of
restoration, and the French rule been destroyed, than the ex-Jesuits
who lingered in the country as secular priests and the Fathers of the
Faith (who had at last entered the Society) proceeded to organise
their body. A novitiate was opened at Rumbeke and another at
Destelbergen, in Belgium. The Congress of Vienna, however, placed
the united Netherlands under the control of William of Nassau, and
he watched the progress of the Jesuits with uneasiness. The former
father of the Faith, the Count de Broglie, was now bishop of Ghent,
and he and other prelates and nobles sedulously assisted the
Jesuits. The controversies which were bound to arise after the union
of Protestant Holland and Catholic Belgium under one crown soon
raged furiously, and William, in the summer of 1816, ordered the
Jesuits to close their novitiate at Destelbergen. They were forced to
retire, but de Broglie encouraged them to resist the King, and lent
them his palace for the maintenance of their community. De Broglie
himself was afterwards banished for assailing the Constitution, and
the fathers were put out of the palace at the point of the bayonet in
1818. As William threatened to expel them from the country, they
removed the novitiate to Switzerland, and assumed an appearance
of submission. As, however, they continued to stir the Catholics,
William ordered the bishops in 1824 to forbid them to give retreats
32. to the clergy, and in the following year he closed two of their
residences.
This succinct account will suffice to introduce the Catholic revolution
of 1830, in which Belgium won its independence. We are again
asked to regard the Jesuits as idle spectators of the fierce Catholic
agitation which ended in the rebellion; but, in view of their
experience under William, it seems wiser to accept the Dutch
assurance that they played a large, if secret, part in it. The
revolution was just, however, and there were other grounds than
religion in the dissatisfaction of the Belgians. [43] From that date
Belgium has been a golden land for the Jesuits, and Protestant
Holland has suffered them to prosper in peace. After 1830 they
literally overran Belgium; they numbered 117 in 1834, and 454 in
1845. After that date came the great revolutionary storm of 1848,
and Belgium was almost the one land in which the hunted Jesuits
could find refuge. Leopold of Saxe-Coburg was too prudent a
Protestant to interfere with them, and from the Belgian frontier they
maintained the strength of their struggling colleagues in France. In
Holland they were treated with leniency by the successor of William;
and, when the storm broke upon their German colleagues in 1872,
they were able to receive the refugees and maintain houses on the
frontier for the invasion of Germany, as they do to-day.
It is needless to show, in fine, how the restored Jesuits spread again
over the foreign missions. After 1830 especially, when their number
had increased, they began to regain their lost Provinces. In 1834 six
fathers landed at Calcutta to restore the Indian Province, and when
the Portuguese missionaries and authorities tried to expel them, they
succeeded in getting the protection of the English authorities.
Madaura, the richest of their old fields, was restored to them in
1837. Here again the existing missionaries protested so violently that
for many years the few Jesuits led a hard and almost fruitless
existence. In 1842 some of the Jesuit missionaries secured the
charge of a native college in Bengal, but the prince was compelled to
evict them after a few years. There was an angry feeling and great
33. outcry against them in India well into the middle of the century. In
1854 they received charge of the vicariate of Bombay, in 1858 of
Poonah, and in 1859 of Bengal.
China was re-entered, very modestly, in 1841, and the various
Republics of South America admitted them whenever the Catholics
alternated in power with the Liberals. They entered Argentina in
1836, but were banished again in 1843; they were permitted to
settle in Guatemala in 1853, and expelled when the Liberals came to
power in 1871. But it would be little more than a calendar of dates
to record their appearances and disappearances in the South
American States, and on the foreign missions generally. In 1845, of
5000 Jesuits, 518 were missionaries: in 1855 there were 1110 on the
missions: in 1884 they counted 2575 on the missions. They no
longer presented to the historian the interesting features of their
early years; Jesuits no longer flaunted the silk robes of a mandarin
or the mythological vesture of a Saniassi, no vast estates or
commerce sent gold to their European brethren, no troops of
soldiers marched at their command, no quaint rites or rebellions
against bishops engaged the Roman Congregations. They had
entered the age of prose.
34. FOOTNOTES:
[41] It seems to have been on account of this slanderous attack
on the Pope, as well as to give it an air of impartiality, that
General Roothaan publicly denied that the Jesuits had assisted
the author. The learned Abbé Guettée, in the Histoire des
Jésuites, which he published soon afterwards, tells us that, not
yet knowing his hostility to them, some of the Jesuits of Paris
freely acknowledged to him their share in the work. In any case,
the Jesuits were obviously in close co-operation with the writer,
since he speaks constantly of having before his eyes unpublished
documents which belonged to the Society.
[42] There were, of course, more important issues at stake in the
Swiss struggle. The franchise was narrow, and the government
aristocratic in the cantons, and the central or federal power was
weak. The Radicals mainly aimed at reforming these features, but
they were hardly less inflamed at the privileges given to the
Jesuits. In Valais the fathers travelled free on the public services.
[43] Historians usually include among the causes the enforcement
of a system of secular education only in the schools. But—as Sir
Robert Stout kindly pointed out to me—the Catholic prelates in
their letter to the French Minister of the Interior, dated 30th May
1806, had previously "willingly" accepted this arrangement. They
agreed that it was enough to teach religion in the churches.
CHAPTER XVI
THE LAST PHASE
If we attempt to sum up in few words the story of the Jesuits during
the first few decades after their suppression, we must say that there
was little change in their spirit, and that they were wholly bent on
returning to their former position. In actual conduct there is a
material change. The industrial and commercial system, which had
formed one of the most irregular roots of their power in the earlier
35. centuries, has disappeared; they no longer haunt the courts of kings
as they had done; they, as a rule, show less arrogance to the non-
Jesuit clergy and the bishops; they are less lax in their casuistry;
they shrink from regicide. Much of this change is, however, plainly
attributable to their new situation. There is, for instance, hardly a
single country where they enjoy an unbroken prosperity for even
thirty years during the first half of the nineteenth century, so that we
could hardly look for large estates or traffic; and their foreign
missions are only slowly and laboriously constructed. As to regicide,
the new age has a more humane way of dealing with superfluous
kings. If they do not counsel kings, it is clearly not from lack of
desire to do so. On the whole, let us say that the dreadful age, as
they conceive it, into which they are reborn has improved their
conduct in spite of themselves.
We have now to see how, as the age increases in wickedness, to use
their phrase, the Jesuits continue to improve: how they retain their
worst features only in lands which they pronounce godly and just,
and are so innocent as to cast suspicion on the dark legends about
them where heresy and unbelief abound. This last phase of Jesuit
activity is very important, yet too close to us for proper historical
study. Enough can be said, however, to show that what may be
called the intermediate view of Jesuit degeneration is disputable.
There are those (i.e. all Jesuits and their admirers) who hold that
the Jesuits were never open to grave censure as a body; and there
are those who maintain that the Jesuit of the nineteenth or
twentieth century is as bad as the Jesuit of the seventeenth, and
would poison a pope or forge a cheque complacently in the interest
of the Society. A third view is that their heavy and repeated
chastisements have made their evil features a thing of history.
During the first half of the nineteenth century, however, we have
seen that they had no idea of burying their past; they were to co-
operate with kings in restoring the old order, and we have not the
least ground to think that, had they restored it, they would have
used their power otherwise than they did in the seventeenth century.
It remains to see if they become wiser in the next half-century.
36. We left them on the eve of the revolution of 1848. Except in
Switzerland, where their obstinacy in asserting their rights had been
one of the chief causes of a civil war and made their prospects
worse than ever, they still dreamed of erasing the revolution from
the chronicle of Europe and beginning again at 1750. Hence the
fearful storm of 1848 broke on them almost unexpectedly. They had
only recently been forced to retire from France, so that the outbreak
in that country affected them little. But the storm passed on to
Austria and Italy, even Rome, and drove the Jesuits before it. A
Jesuit writer observes sadly that "the first attack of the
revolutionaries everywhere was on the Jesuits." Naturally; there
were no more vehement opponents in Europe of the new age which
the revolutionary movement represented. They had themselves
traced the revolutionary spirit to their temporary absence from the
schools of Europe, and the revolutionaries [44] concluded that the
reign of terror had had their support. So from Rhineland, Austria,
Galicia, Venice, Turin, Rome, Naples, and Sicily—the only Provinces
of the Society which seemed secure—the Jesuits were driven by
armed and angry crowds, and a vast colony of bewildered refugees
shuddered in Belgium.
The Emperor of Austria was forced on 7th May to sign their
expulsion from the whole of his empire, but it was in Italy that they
suffered most. Since 1840 the authorities of the Society had received
a succession of painful shocks. The Carlists had lost and the fathers
had been driven from Spain: in 1845 they had been forced to
dissolve the communities in France: in 1847 the Swiss Catholics had
lost, and the Jesuit houses had been wrecked. They had attached
themselves everywhere to losing causes. Manning was in Rome in
the winter 1847-48, and his diary records the coming of the
revolution to Rome, and flight of the Jesuits. Pius IX. had exhausted
his Liberalism, and the Romans were uneasy and suspicious. Then,
in January and February 1848, news came that the revolutionaries
had triumphed in Sicily and Naples, and the Jesuits were flying
north. By March the Jesuits at Rome were ready to fly at a moment's
notice, as Manning found when he visited them. On 29th March they
37. were expelled; and in the same month the Viennese conquered their
Emperor, the Venetians rebelled and drove out the Jesuits, and the
Piedmontese won a Liberal Constitution from Charles Albert.
Manning speculates on the causes of the intense hostility to the
Jesuits, and traces it to their alliance with ultramontanism and
political reaction.
As the historian tells, the revolution of 1848 had in most countries
only a temporary triumph, and in the course of 1849 and 1850 the
Jesuits returned to their provinces. In very many places they
returned to find their comfortable home a heap of ruins, but the
storm had had one consoling effect. It had proved that the Jesuits
were the chief enemies of Liberalism, and to the Jesuits must be
entrusted the task of extinguishing such sparks as remained of the
revolutionary fire. Pius IX. had been driven to Gaeta, while the
Romans set up their short-lived Triumvirate and declared papal rule
at an end. He returned to Rome in the spring of 1850, when French
troops had cleared out his opponents, and from that moment he
became the closest ally of the Jesuits. His first act was to canonise
several members of the Society. He took a Jesuit confessor, and,
with the aid of Cardinal Antonelli and the Society, set up the selfish
and repressive system which the English ambassador described as
"the opprobrium of Europe."
At last, it seemed, the spectre of revolution was definitively laid, and
a prospect of real restoration lay before the Society. At Rome the
Jesuits had enormous power. Their influence is seen in the
declaration of the Immaculate Conception in 1854 and the appalling
Encyclical against modern culture and aspirations of 1864. To them
in 1866 the Pope entrusted his chief organ, the Civiltà Cattolica, and
they had a large part in agitating for, and ultimately passing, the
declaration that the Pope is infallible in 1870. During all this period
they controlled Catholic culture, if not the Papacy. Their power was
at the same time restored in Sicily, Naples, and Venice, so that Italy
(except Piedmont) was covered with their colleges and residences.
In Austria the Emperor, embittered by his hour of humiliation, now
opened the whole of his dominions to them, and they collected
38. fathers from all parts of the world to come and restore the
prosperity of the Austrian Province. In Belgium they prospered
luxuriantly; and they made quiet and stealthy progress in Holland,
Bavaria, Switzerland, Saxony, and Prussia, where they were not
authorised. In France Napoleon III. cancelled the decrees against
them, and cherished them as one of the supports of his throne. In
England they found a friend in Wiseman and made rapid progress; in
the United States they were growing with the phenomenal growth of
the population. The age of trouble was over. The sage old fathers at
the Gesù and the Roman College saw chaos returning to order.
In 1853, at the beginning of this happier turn of their fortunes,
Roothaan died, and Beckx, the son of a Belgian shoemaker, was
elected General. The one cloud on the horizon was Piedmont, where
the earlier affection for the Jesuits had died, but it had been proved,
apparently, that France and Austria would check the ambition of that
State. But France was drawn to Sardinia, and in 1859 Victor
Emmanuel began to extend his rule over Italy. From that time until
1870 the Society heard of nothing but disaster. In 1860 Victor
Emmanuel annexed Tuscany, Emilia, and Romagna, and the Jesuits
were driven from their homes into the Papal States. In the same
year Garibaldi landed in Sicily, put an end to the brutal rule of the
Catholic King, and ejected the 300 Jesuits from their palatial college
at Palermo and other residences. In the autumn he entered Naples,
and swept further hundreds of the Jesuits before him. We learn from
a letter of protest which Father Beckx addressed to Victor
Emmanuel, that in the two years the Society had lost 3 institutions in
Lombardy, 6 in Modena, 11 in the Papal States, 19 in Naples, and 15
in Sicily. Of 308 Jesuits in their most prosperous Province of Sicily
only 8 aged and ailing fathers were allowed to remain on the island.
Of 5500 members of the Society no less than 1500 were homeless,
and were not even allowed to find shelter in Catholic houses in their
native Provinces. In 1866 the Austrians were ejected from Venice,
and further scores of Jesuits were driven from their homes. In 1868,
it may be added, the Jesuits were again banished from Spain, to
which they had returned under Isabella II.
39. There was a great concentration of Jesuits in Rome and the
remaining Papal States, and desperate efforts were made to secure
that at least this remnant of earthly principality should remain loyal
to the Pope. To the great joy of the Jesuits an Œcumenical Council
gathered at the Vatican, and the design of declaring the Pope
personally infallible in matters of faith or morals was eagerly
pressed. In the long and heated conflict of affirming bishops and
denying bishops, and bishops who thought a declaration
inexpedient, the Jesuits were very active, scorning the idea that it
could be imprudent to enhance the power of the Pope. Then came
the Franco-German War, the withdrawal of the one Catholic force
which could save Rome from Victor Emmanuel, and the clouds
gathered more thickly than ever. The Jesuits had declared their
opinion of the "usurper" too freely to have any illusion as to the
issue.
When the Piedmontese troops entered by the breach at the Porta Pia
on 20th September, the Jesuits knew that they were doomed. A
detachment of soldiers at once proceeded to the house attached to
the Gesù and took up quarters there. Whatever the reason was, the
new Italian Government proceeded very slowly in the work of
expelling the Jesuits. For some weeks soldiers and fathers lived
together at the Gesù—the fathers afterwards said that the soldiers
chose the General's room for practising the drum and trumpet—and
the various residences were confiscated "in the public interest" at
wide intervals. In October the novitiate at St. Andreas, with its large
estates, was taken and the novices forced to enlist. In January 1772
one of their smaller churches was handed over to the secular clergy;
in January 1873 a second church and the Roman College (which was
used by the Ministry of War) were annexed.
At last, in June 1873, a law was published enacting that the monks
and religious of all orders must quit Italy. One house was to be
reserved at Rome for each order, so that they might communicate
with the Vatican, but this privilege was refused to the Jesuits. They
were hated by the great majority of the educated Italians, who
recalled with anger their support of the bloody reigns of Ferdinand of
40. Naples, Ferdinand VII. of Spain, Miguel of Portugal, and Gregory
XVI. and Pius IX. They had sided with reaction and lost. There was
no general sympathy when, in October, Father Beckx, now a feeble
old man of seventy-eight, went sorrowfully to his exile in Florence,
and the remaining Italian Jesuits were pensioned and scattered. The
novitiate at Sant Andreas was rented by the American Seminary (and
Father Beckx was allowed to die there some years later). The Gesù
was entrusted to other priests, and the sacred rooms of Ignatius and
the other saints of the Society were respectfully preserved. The
Roman College became a State school: I remember seeing a vast
Congress of Freethinkers hold their fiery meetings in its dark
chambers and airy quadrangle thirty years afterwards, at the
invitation of the civic authorities of Rome.
It was just one hundred years since the Roman Jesuits had been
scattered by Clement XIV. But the catastrophe in Italy was not the
only affliction to mark that dark centenary. They had in the previous
year, when they were awaiting the sentence of Victor Emmanuel,
heard that their fathers were expelled from the new German Empire.
For some years they had made quiet, but considerable, progress in
Prussia, Bavaria, and Saxony, as well as Austria. They had opened a
number of colleges at Cologne and in the Rhine Province, always a
rich field for their work, and had institutions at Posen, Münster, Metz,
Mayence, Bonn, Strassburg, Essen, Aix-la-Chapelle, Marienthal,
Ratisbon, and many other places. From the Rhine Province and
Bavaria and Baden they sent so many recruits to the German College
at Rome, who would return to work in Germany and further the
influence of the Jesuits in seminaries and bishoprics and universities,
that Frederick William III. was compelled to forbid any of his
subjects to go to the German College or any other Jesuit institution.
Frederick William IV. genially overlooked their progress, and they
spread over the States which were presently to form the German
Empire.
But the birth of the German Empire coincided with the declaration of
papal infallibility, and a strong agitation for the expulsion of the
Jesuits arose. The prolonged check on Jesuit activity in Germany had
41. permitted the growth of a more virile and honest culture among the
secular clergy, and many of the best Catholic scholars were amazed
at the papal claim. Politicians and Protestants generally were
concerned about this victory of ultramontanism, and attributed it
largely to the intrigues of the Jesuits. Even before 1870 the Catholic
statesmen of Bavaria were in conflict with the Church over its
extreme pretensions. When, in 1870, two more Catholic Provinces
were added to Germany, bringing its Catholic population up to
fifteen millions, Bismarck watched attentively every step in the
growth of ultramontanism. The dissenters at the Vatican Council had
very serious ground indeed for their plea of inexpediency, as far as
Germany was concerned. Even Austria threatened to break its
Concordat with the Papacy when the news of the declaration of
infallibility arrived. Over Protestant Germany a feeling of intense
hostility spread, and the Old Catholics joined in the outcry.
Petitions for the expulsion of the Jesuits began to reach the
Reichstag, and the Government proceeded to act. A measure was
debated in the Reichstag in June 1872, and on the 4th of July it was
signed and promulgated. Six months were allowed for the settlement
of their affairs, and in the course of that time the whole of their
communities were dissolved. As communities they retired upon
Switzerland, Austria, Holland, and Belgium, but the law permitted
them to enter the Empire as individual citizens, and Bismarck knew
that it availed little to expel Jesuits with a fork. Dr. Falk, a strenuous
Liberal, was made Minister of Public Instruction, and he framed a
series of measures (the "May Laws") for the complete control of
education by the State and for determining the qualifications of
teachers in such a way that no disguised Jesuit could return to his
desk. The control of schools had hitherto been left generally to the
bishops, on whose indulgence or zeal, as far as the Catholic schools
were concerned, the Jesuits could generally rely.
A stormy controversy ended in the passing of the Laws, and
Germany entered upon that long and bitter struggle of the Catholics
against the Government which is known as the Kulturkampf. To this
day the Jesuits have been unable, in spite of the most industrious
42. intrigue, to secure readmission into the German Empire. They still
hover about the frontiers, in Holland, Austria, and Belgium, and
maintain large colleges in which hundreds of the sons of the
wealthier Catholics are educated in orthodox principles. Individually,
they live frequently in Berlin and control the incessant demand of
the Centre Party for their rehabilitation. "Exile" has no effect on their
growth and prosperity, for the 755 expelled Jesuits of 1872 now
number 1186. It is not impossible that they will secure return by
some such bargain as that which contributed to the ending of the
Kulturkampf. Bismarck saw a "red terror" growing more rapidly and
threateningly than the "black terror," and he made peace with the
Catholic clergy and Rome on the understanding that they would
combat Socialism in Germany. Socialism continues to grow, and it
would not be surprising if the Emperor at length enlists the sons of
Ignatius in his desperate struggle against it. If he does, the Society
will find a luxuriant field for growth among the 22,000,000 Catholics
of the Empire, until the last deadly struggle with Social Democracy
sets in.
For the inner spirit and character of the modern German Jesuits I
must refer the reader to Count von Hoensbroech's invaluable
Fourteen Years a Jesuit (2 vols., Engl. transl., 1911). The whole story
from beginning to end is a sober but pitiful indictment of the Jesuits,
and shows how little change there is below their accommodating
expressions. We find the Jesuits hovering about the houses of the
wealthy, using their influence with the women, extorting money by
the most questionable means, practising and teaching mental
reservation at every turn, and intriguing for political power through
the Catholic laity, as they had done through three centuries. When
Father Anderledy (a future General of the Society) was convicted, in
the 'forties, of maintaining studies in the Cologne residence, contrary
to Prussian law, he flatly denied the charge, making the mental
reservation that from that moment the school should cease to exist.
The Jesuit historian who records the fact says: "What presence of
mind!" When Hoensbroech, intending to enter the German service,
asked the learned Jesuit Franzelin whether he might take an oath to
43. observe the laws (which then included the May Laws), he was told
that he might, with the mental reserve that he did not respect any
laws denounced by the Church. Numbers of instances of deliberate
lying (with mental reserve) are given, and the work exhibits the
character, the training, and the educational activity of the Jesuits in
an extremely unattractive light. It is an indispensable document for
the study of modern Jesuit character.
The German Jesuits were, as I said, expelled in 1872; the Italian
Jesuits followed in 1873. At that time the Jesuits of France were
enjoying the reaction of public opinion which followed the attempts
of the Communists. Under Napoleon III. they had quickly recovered,
and as early as 1855 there had once more been appeals for their
expulsion. They returned to their schools and colleges after the
disturbances of 1871, and the Conservative Government permitted
them to prosper. A reaction set in in the later 'seventies, when
Gambetta vigorously led the anti-clerical forces and began to
denounce the Society. The Catholics had almost succeeded in
overthrowing the Republic and enthroning the Duc de Chambord.
When (in 1877) they went on to demand the employment of French
troops for the re-establishment of the Pope in his temporal power,
they lost the cause of their Church. From that year Catholicism has
decreased in France, shrinking from 30,000,000 to about 5,000,000
followers in thirty years.
Within two years there was an enormous growth of the anti-clerical
feeling, especially against the Jesuits. They, and the great majority
of the religious orders, had no legal right to existence in France.
Only three or four Congregations, of a philanthropic character, were
authorised by French law. Yet these useful bodies made no progress,
while the unauthorised Congregations held property of the value of
400,000,000 francs. Jules Ferry now became Minister of Education,
and framed a law to prevent any member of an unauthorised Society
from teaching. When the Catholic Senate rejected it, the
unauthorised Congregations were dissolved by decree (1880). Once
more the Jesuits were banished from France, and 2904 members of
the Society were added to the number of exiles. In 1880 more than
44. half the Jesuits—or 7400 Jesuits—were excluded from their
respective countries.
As France was still overwhelmingly Catholic, the successive
Governments were unable to enforce the law, and the Jesuits quietly
returned to their work. It is enough to say that during the next
twenty years, until France had become predominantly non-Catholic
and disposed to insist on their exclusion, the 2900 Jesuits actually
increased their number; the property of the unauthorised
Congregations rose in value from 400,000,000 to 1,000,000,000
francs; the higher education was controlled to a great extent by the
Jesuits, whose pupils passed largely into the army and navy. It is
hardly necessary to recall the successive blunders by which the
Jesuits (and other religious) brought on themselves the sentence of
expulsion in 1901. In 1886 Boulanger became Minister of War and
popular idol. His Radical friends soon distrusted him, and the
Monarchists and Catholics fanned the popular agitation to have him
made Dictator. In this case we have positive and sufficient
information of the complicity of the Jesuits. Count von Hoensbroech,
then a young Jesuit, heard from the lips of Father du Lac, the most
prominent of the French Jesuits, that he had collected large sums of
money for the "Deliverer of France" and the overthrow of the "dirty
and impious Republic." [45] We can hardly doubt that they had been
equally zealous for the Duc de Chambord, and were later as zealous
for the cause of the Duc d'Orleans.
Boulanger fled, to escape arrest, in 1889, and the Republicans
added to the reckoning against the Jesuits. In 1897-99 occurred the
famous agitation for the retrial of Dreyfus, and once more the
Jesuits ranged themselves on the losing side of tyranny and
prejudice. By the end of the century France had become
overwhelmingly non-Catholic, and was not disposed to tolerate
further the intrigues and wealth of bodies which had no legal
existence in the country. The Jesuits, in particular, were a menace to
the Republic. The new century opened therefore with an anti-clerical
campaign which is still fresh in our memories. Waldeck-Rousseau
45. passed his Associations' Bill in 1901, and the Jesuits now were once
more expelled. Combes and Rouvier completed the work in
subsequent years. There is, however, no very drastic action taken
against invading religious, and the Jesuits frequent Paris as they do
Berlin. The number of members of the French Provinces of the
Society has risen to 3071 (many of whom are on the foreign
missions), and from comfortable homes in England (where we have
226) and other countries, with their funds safely invested, they await
the day of recall. But the general collapse of the Church in France
makes it certain that they will never be readmitted.
Apart from the Latin-American Republics, in connection with which it
would be tedious to enumerate the various expulsions and recalls of
the Jesuits, and Portugal the Society has made great progress in
other countries. Of Portugal little need be said; the situation is
similar to that in France. The Jesuits had no authorised existence in
the country, and, when Portugal was at length enabled to assert its
will (after the revolution of 1910), it sharply dismissed them. Here
again the country is predominantly non-Catholic, if we confine our
attention to voters, and the Jesuits are never likely to return.
Spain has become the refuge, and almost the last hope in the Latin
world, of the expatriated Jesuits. In the corrupt and worthless reign
of Isabella II. they had been suffered to return to their posts and
prosper. Properly speaking, they have had no legal right to exist in
Spain since they were abolished by Christina in 1835. The Concordat
of 1852 stipulates for the admission of the Oratorians and
Vincentians and "one other" Congregation; but casuistic skill has
interpreted this to mean "one for each diocese," and all have been
admitted. The abominable rule of their patroness Isabella ended in
revolution in 1868; the frivolous Queen was deposed, and the
Jesuits shared the fate of her other strange favourites. With the
accession of Alfonso XII., however, they returned to Spain, and
obtained the wealth and power which they enjoy to-day.
The secrecy of the Society emboldens its apologists to make the
most audacious denials of these constant charges of wealth, power,
46. and intrigue, but it constantly happens that some confiscated
document or disaffected admirer betrays them. Such an instance
may be quoted in connection with the Spanish Jesuits. In 1896 a
devout Catholic, a former pupil and employee of the Jesuits, Señor
Ceballos y Cruzada, quarrelled with and turned against them. In the
little work in which he expounds his grievances (El Imperio del
Jesuitismo) he tells us some interesting facts about their wealth and
activity. There is in Spain a vast Catholic Society known as the
Association of Fathers of Families, which is quite as much concerned
with sound politics as sound morals. Señor Ceballos shows how the
Jesuits secretly use and direct it for their political aims, and for
thwarting rival ecclesiastical bodies. As to their wealth, he says that
they have 11 colleges worth from 1,000,000 to 12,000,000 reales
each, while their chief house at Loyola has property of incalculable
value. At his own college, at Deusto, there were about 300 pupils
paying 1500 pesetas a year each; in none of them is education
gratuitous. The schooling is very poor and antiquated, and few of
their scholars later rise to any distinction. It is curious to know that
these wealthy Jesuit institutions have the British flag ready to be
hoisted in case of revolution (which they yearly expect).
There is, however, little need for proof of the wealth and political
influence of the Jesuits in Spain. In the struggle which is proceeding
between the reformers, of all parties, and the supporters of the
deeply corrupt political system, the Jesuits use their whole strength
as educators, and intrigue far beyond their schools, in the interest of
corruption; and, true to their maxim of educating and capturing the
sons of the wealthier classes, they have permitted the mass of the
people to remain at an appalling level of illiteracy. The great majority
of the men of Spain, in the large towns, hate them intensely, and
await with impatience the day when, like their Portuguese
neighbours, they will expel their insidious enemies. A few years ago
a drama entitled Paternidad was put upon the stage of one of the
chief theatres at Barcelona, and received with the wildest
enthusiasm. It was written by a Catholic priest, Segismondo Pey-
Ordeix, and represented the Jesuits of modern Spain as practising
47. the most corrupt devices known in the history of the Society. The
sternly critical works of the great Spanish writer, Perez Galdos, are
just as enthusiastically received at Madrid and in all the cities.
Spaniards watch with indignation the concentration of exiled Jesuits
on their territory. To the exiled French communities of 1880 were
added the 147 Jesuits of Cuba and the Philippines in 1898, and
these are now reinforced by the Portuguese. They now number
3859. In 1901, 1906, and recently, the Liberals have attempted or
threatened to deal with them; but there is too much collusion in the
Cortes between the opposing parties, and the Jesuits have too
strong an influence at the Palace: I am informed that the present
Queen has surrendered entirely to the pressure of the Queen-mother
and the Jesuits. Unless the King has the courage to lighten the
labouring vessel of royalty by sacrificing the Jesuits, which would
give him immense popularity, Spain will, within ten years, follow the
example of Portugal.
Several of the South American Republics, and Mexico, have already
reached a state of permanent triumph of the Liberal elements, and
expelled the Jesuits for ever. As this work proceeds with the growth
of education, it is natural to presume that they will all in time
exclude the Jesuits. Italy also will return to its strict law, when the
Government discovers that the shrinking influence of the Papacy is
no longer a valuable ally against advanced schools. At present the
law is not enforced, and there are large numbers of Jesuits in the
country; the Italian Province numbers more than a thousand
members. At Rome they control the Gregorian University, the
German and Latin-American Colleges, the Biblical Institute, and
other papal establishments. Restrained in some measure by Leo
XIII., they have recovered all their influence at the Vatican under the
present mediæval Pontiff, and they are amongst the most ardent
supporters of the reactionary policy with which he is paralysing
higher culture in the Church of Rome. The higher secular clergy are
little less anxious than the Socialists and Freemasons to see them
suppressed. The same forces are at work against them in Belgium,
where they number 1200 (including foreign missionaries), and
48. Austria. A coalition of Liberals and Socialists in Belgium would at any
time put an end to the Catholic power, as the anti-clerical voters are
in the majority, and the Jesuits would not long survive the change.
Yet one of the most singular features of the whole singular story of
the Jesuits is that they have increased enormously during this half-
century of afflictions. The growth of the Society during the last
hundred years is seen in the following table:—
1838 3,067 members.
1844 4,133 "
1853 5,209 "
1861 7,144 "
1884 11,840 members.
1906 15,661 "
1912 16,545 [46] "
Of the present members, 3531 are on the foreign missions; and the
re-opening of these fields, under less adventurous conditions,
accounts for much of the growth of the Society. The advance of the
United States and the British Colonies, with their large percentage of
Irish and Italian immigrants, accounts for a good deal of the
remainder. The Jesuits of the United States now number 2300; and
there are 373 in Canada and 100 in Australasia. It is most probable
that the future of the Jesuits lies in the Protestant countries.
Probably the Jesuits will, in twenty years' time, be excluded from
every "Catholic" kingdom, yet number more than 20,000.
Their progress and activity in England may be more closely
described in illustration of this tendency. We saw how the survivors
of the old English mission joined with the Fathers of the Faith in
1814 and 1815 to re-establish the Society. They then numbered 73,
and had several chapels, besides the estate and house at
Stonyhurst. They advanced with the general body of the Roman
Catholics, especially when the stronger current of immigration from
Ireland began in the forties. The secular clergy were still very much
49. opposed to them, however, and Dr. Griffiths, the Vicar Apostolic of
the London district, refused to allow them to set up a community in
the metropolis. After years of pressure at Rome they secured the
interest of Dr. (later Cardinal) Wiseman, and were admitted to settle
in Farm St., among the wealthiest Catholics. When Wiseman
succeeded Griffiths in 1847 (and the hierarchy was established in
1850) they were cordially patronised and made greater progress.
They then numbered 554. With the accession of Manning the
patronage ceased and their work was restricted. They were eager to
found schools for middle-class boys; but Manning sternly refused, in
defiance of the favour of Pius IX., and they were compelled to
establish their schools at such places as Beaumont and Wimbledon,
outside his jurisdiction. When they pressed for a school of higher
studies, a kind of Catholic university, Manning hastily founded his ill-
fated school at Kensington and refused their co-operation, with the
natural result that the wealthier Catholics, under the influence of the
Jesuits, would not support it. Bishop Vaughan of Salford was not
much more indulgent to them.
The secret of Manning's opposition is said by his biographer to have
been his wish to raise the dignity of the secular priesthood, which
Catholics are too apt to think lower than the monastic state. This
was, however, not merely a mystic theory on the part of the
Cardinal. He despised the comparative indolence and petty
hypocrisies of the religious orders generally, and had a particular
dislike of the intrigue, the secrecy, the insubordination, and the
pursuit of wealthy people, of the Jesuits. [47] Manning refused
sacerdotal faculties to his nephew, Father Anderdon, and forced the
Jesuits to surrender a site in West London for which they had paid
more than £30,000. Cardinal Vaughan, however, relaxed his coercive
policy when he was transferred to Westminster.
The English Province has now (1912) 729 members, and about fifty
churches; though the Catholic Directory gives only 285 English Jesuit
priests, and 226 French refugees, in this country. The feeling against
them amongst the secular clergy and the other religious
50. Congregations is almost as strong as ever. Their obvious preference
for the wealthier quarters of cities is sneeringly discussed in clerical
circles, and it is said that they intrigue incessantly to draw the more
comfortable Catholics from other parishes. The poverty of their
literary and scholastic output,—mainly, a number of slight and
superficial controversial works, more intent on making small points
than on substantial and accurate erudition,—and their remarkable
failure to produce men of distinction, are regarded as a grave
reflection on their body, in view of their wealth, numbers, and
leisure. It is not, however, believed that they indulge any other
intrigue than an amiable zeal among the Catholic laity to add to their
own comfort and prestige. [48]
Returning, in conclusion, to the question at the beginning of this
chapter, we find it impossible to give a general answer and embrace
all the existing Jesuits in a formula. The Jesuits of Spain, with their
political machinations, their sordid legacy-hunting, and their
eagerness to support the Spanish Government in the judicial murder
of their enemies, are a very different body from the Jesuits of
England or Germany or the United States. The Jesuits of Cuba and
the Philippines were, until 1898, little different from the more
parasitical Jesuit missionaries of the seventeenth or eighteenth
century. The modern age has affected the Jesuits much as some
ancient revolution in the climate of the earth modified its living
inhabitants. Where the old tropical conditions more or less linger
(say, in Chile or Peru) the Jesuits are hardly changed; and we find
the alteration in exact proportion to the environment. There is no
change in the inner principles and ideals. "All for the Glory of the
Society," as Mgr. Talbot sardonically translated their Latin motto, is
still the ruling principle; the Society remains the Esau of the Roman
clerical world. It still chiefly seeks the wealthy and powerful; it is the
arch-enemy of progress and liberalism in Catholic theology; its
scholarship is singularly undistinguished in proportion to its
resources; [49] it embarks on political intrigue, even for the
destruction of State-forms, whenever its interest seems to require; it
is hated by a very large proportion of the Catholic clergy and laity in
51. every country. Let a liberal Pope again come to power and
Modernism prevail, and it is not impossible that Catholicism itself will
again angrily suppress the perverse and irregular construction of the
Spanish soldier-diplomatist, and insist that religious ideals shall be
pursued only by scrupulously clean and unselfish exertions.
FOOTNOTES:
[44] I use the phrase of historians, but may observe that this
was, in the main, a middle-class movement to secure liberty of
opinion and other elementary political rights.
[45] Fourteen Years, ii. 164.
[46] It must be borne in mind always that "members" does not
necessarily mean priests. Rather less than half are priests: the
remainder are scholastics or lay coadjutors.
[47] I am speaking here on what I heard, in clerical days, from
men who were intimate with Manning. Purcell's Life is misleading.
The author intended to be candid, but the Jesuits and others
made such threats, when it became known what disclosures the
book would contain, that he was compelled to omit much. The
suppression of truth has greatly injured its historical value.
[48] There are in Count von Hoensbroech's book some scathing
reflections on the character and culture of the English Jesuits.
The Count underwent part of his Jesuit training in England.
[49] Let me recall that I do not personally expect the Society to
produce anything but theologians, and of these it has produced
many in the nineteenth century. In controversial theology,
however, the work of the Jesuits is grossly unscholarly and
casuistic; truth seems to be a secondary consideration. But it is so
often claimed that the Jesuits are a learned body in the more
general sense, that it is necessary to invite reflection on their
record. Of the fifteen thousand living Jesuits, and their
predecessors for a century, who has won even secondary rank in
letters, history, or philosophy? In science there are only Father
Secchi, the single distinguished product of their science-schools,
and Father Wasmann, whose philosophy (apart from his
observations) is the laughing-stock of biology.
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