Identifying District Policy Aimed At Upgrading Math And Science Curriculum

Identifying District Policy Aimed At Upgrading
Math And Science Curriculum
The following discussion is based on a study of curriculum upgrading by states,
districts, and schools in response to these calls for reform. We have studied a
relatively specific school output: the nature and quality of the mathematics and
science curriculum as offered by teachers and experienced by students.
We recognize that much education policymaking occurs piecemeal over time,
with each piece motivated by a different purpose. From the perspective of the
classroom, the pieces often appear disjointed and fragmented, with no coherent
message. Thus, despite our somewhat rational and linear approach to describing
and analyzing policy initiatives and their effects, we recognize that, at least to
date, education policymaking has been far from rational and linear (though the
calls for systemic reform may change this in the future).

The policy instruments of curriculum control are, at this point, fairly well known.
They include state and district requirements concerning curriculum, instructional
materials, and student testing. The requirements are intended to prescribe
desired practice, using a variety of policy instruments that are consistent among
themselves in the practices they prescribe. Policy instruments influence practice
through rewarding and sanctioning compliance and through the authority to
persuade based on legal status, consistency with norms, a basis in expertise, and
charismatic advocacy. Clearly, state high school graduation requirements fit the
curriculum-control strategy.
In contrast, the policy instruments of empowerment are much less well defined.
Generally, however, the intention is to move control out of the hands of the
education hierarchy and into the hands of teachers. The policy instruments for
this approach are site-based management and deregulation. From an
accountability perspective, new reforms replace school process requirements
with school output requirements, especially the output of student achievement.
Our approach to policy analysis is somewhat atypical. Most policy analyses focus
on activity at one level or another of the education hierarchy, taking a broad view
of initiatives at that level. Some policy analyses focus on a particular policy
instrument, such as curriculum frameworks. These analyses have been
enormously useful in clarifying such matters as policy formulation and policy
implementation. In contrast, by focusing on a particular school output, the nature
and quality of the enacted mathematics and science curriculums in high school,
our analyses slice the policy layers vertically. We look through the layers of the
education hierarchy and into the classroom to determine coherence across levels
as seen from the perspective of teachers, and to identify the relative influence of
various policy instruments. In conducting these analyses, we draw on a large and
rich empirical data base consisting of both quantitative and qualitative data
characterizing policy, classroom practice, and their connections. This attempt to
connect classroom practice to policy has been identified as lacking and much
needed.
The study involved math and science teachers in eighteen high schools (grades 9-
12) in twelve districts in six states. In each state, one large urban district was
contrasted with one smaller suburban or rural district. In each large district, we

selected two high schools to give a sense of within-district variability. In the
smaller district, we studied a single high school. In each school, four course
sections - two for mathematics and two for science - were studied intensively.
At the state level, we interviewed key individuals at the department of public
instruction to learn of state policy relative to standard setting in high school
mathematics and science. At the district level, interviews determined
administrators' understanding of state policy and how it is passed on to schools,
as well as identifying district policy aimed at upgrading math and science
curriculum. The school-level data came in two forms: interviews of school
administrators to learn of math and science practices in the school, and a
questionnaire survey of all mathematics and science teachers in each
participating high school. We obtained data on classroom practices from the
target sample of courses. We collected classroom practice data through teacher
interviews, daily logs describing the content and pedagogy of instruction, and
weekly questionnaires describing special instructional and professional activities
in which teachers participated. We used a prelog survey to obtain basic
demographic information. In addition, we observed all target sample teachers at
least once (and usually twice) as they taught the target classes.
The data set is large, rich, and complex. States were selected for contrasts in both
the nature and the focus of state curriculum upgrading and standard setting. At
the time of this study, Florida and South Carolina represented good examples of
states using curriculum-control strategies to achieve basic skills goals. In contrast,
California and Arizona were less heavily committed to control strategies alone.
Missouri and Pennsylvania stood between these two extremes in the sense that
they had relatively few state curriculum-upgrading initiatives of any kind. Our
design also contrasted large urban districts with smaller suburban/rural districts
to clarify the possible differing roles districts might play in interpreting or adding
to state initiatives. Throughout, our focus was on schools serving high
concentrations of relatively low-achieving students because these schools and
students were the primary focus of the curriculum-upgrading initiatives. The
contrast between mathematics and science allowed us to explore limits on
generalizability across subject areas of our policy analyses. In selecting target
teachers and target classes, we used the criterion of enrollment gains since

initiation of increased state graduation requirements in mathematics and science.
This selection resulted in a sample dominated by basic courses and beginning
college preparatory courses in both subjects. The difference between our target
sample of seventy-two courses and our achieved sample of sixty-two reflects
sample attrition.
In some ways, it is difficult to know what the full list of policies and practices
relevant to standard setting and curriculum upgrading might be. Some policies
have unintended effects, usually negative; others (teacher salaries, for example)
may have effects but are so remote from high school math and science classroom
practices that those effects are difficult to trace. The focus here is on policies and
practices designed to have a direct influence on high school mathematics and
science instruction.
Several facts are apparent from these state approaches to testing. First, testing is
a much more common policy instrument at the elementary school level than at
the high school level. Testing is also much more prevalent in mathematics than in
science. While testing is the lead policy instrument in states with an emphasis on
basic skills, it was not, at the time of our study, the lead policy instrument for
either of the states emphasizing a curriculum oriented toward higher-order
thinking and problem solving. At that time, states with a curriculum reform
agenda had testing programs that were not aligned with that agenda. Efforts
were underway to revise or replace old basic skills testing programs with testing
programs aligned to the new state curriculum frameworks. Although all six states
used testing as a policy instrument, four did little to add power to their testing
programs.
As a way to preclude piecemeal approaches to reforms in curriculum, instruction,
and testing, we have called for systemic school reform. This approach begins with
clear and challenging standards for student learning. Policy instruments are to be
tied to these standards for student learning and are to be consistent with each
other, so that there is coherent instructional guidance to schools and teachers.
Within this environment of clear goals and consistent policies, schools are to be
given flexibility to develop strategies as needed.

In our study, we found that people at the district and school levels have different
perceptions of what is intended by state initiatives. In addition, teachers also vary
in the extent to which they believe state initiatives should or must influence their
practices. The general tendency is thus toward uniqueness of response, not
standardization of practice.
State initiatives in curriculum upgrading and standard setting tend to stimulate
additional initiatives by districts. Even state initiatives with little power and
modest prescriptiveness receive some attention by districts. Often districts go
well beyond what is required, adding their own extensions and enhancements.
Generally, the more curriculum-upgrading and standard-setting activities at the
state level, the more additional curriculum-upgrading and standard-setting
activities at the district level. At least in curriculum matters, districts appear less
inclined to fill voids left by their state than they are inclined to be stimulated into
action by state leadership. Large urban districts are more active in standard
setting and curriculum upgrading than small suburban and rural districts.
There are several possible explanations for why urban districts are more active in
curriculum upgrading and standard setting than rural districts. First, the urban
districts have larger bureaucracies for implementing state initiatives and for
adding to state initiatives in ways unique to the district. Second, urban district
personnel usually are more convinced that change is necessary; they are often
more highly motivated toward change than are rural district personnel. Third,
there appears to be a much greater commitment to controlling classroom
practice in urban districts than in rural districts. This may in turn be explained by
urban schools' typically receiving less direction from parents than do rural
schools.
The most substantial standard setting and curriculum upgrading we encountered
occurred at the school level. One school had eliminated all remedial courses and
required that all freshmen take college prep coursework. Slightly less dramatic,
but still substantial, were school efforts to counsel students into the college prep
track in greater numbers than had been done historically.
The impetus for increasing enrollments in challenging academic content cannot
be found in any straightforward sense in state initiatives. State increases in credit

requirements for high school graduation did not specify that credits be in
demanding academic content. As was noted, one urban district was eliminating
general mathematics, but one high school in the district had gone well beyond the
district's vague initiative, eliminating all general math and general science classes
and requiring all freshmen to take algebra and chemistry/physics. The school
hopes this will eventually lead to increased enrollment in upper division
mathematics and science classes. Another high school in the same district had
taken a softer approach, eliminating many, but not all, sections of lower level
science and mathematics courses, while adding an advanced placement
curriculum. A summer school program was instituted to assist students in
advancing more quickly through the curriculum so that they could take higher
level courses.
Even in districts with substantial curriculum control, we found many instances of
important differences among schools. At one high school in the Florida urban
district, site-based management was a high-profile issue, with teachers organized
into a body politic that voted on a variety of issues related to the school. The
administration placed a high priority on school esprit de corps and academic
excellence. In that same district, another school was characterized by
antagonisms among administrators, teachers, and students. This antagonism
apparently originated with the creation of a "school within a school," with two
teacher cadres and two administrative units. In one school, teachers favored
higher-ability groups and excluded at-risk students from advanced courses.
Another school was committed to enrolling as many students as possible into
college prep courses, nurturing different ability levels while challenging all
students to try harder.
Many urban and rural schools serving high concentrations of low achieving
students are impoverished, making it difficult for them to accommodate state and
district policy, such as the requirements for more course offerings, and
consequently, more qualified teachers. The new curriculum reform emphasis on
active learning and real-world applications left teachers struggling to find the
funds to purchase manipulatives and to take students on field trips.
Contrary to some findings, we saw surprisingly little evidence that teachers were
unhappy about or resistant to state and district curriculum standard setting.

Several reports from teachers indicated that state and district controls were
appropriate and were having positive effects. Where complaints were registered,
they tended to be the following types:
- State/district requirements were too hard for some students;
- The bureaucracy supporting state and district controls required too much
paperwork from teachers; and
- State and district initiatives failed to provide necessary resources for
implementation (e.g., materials, laboratory space, staff development).
Perhaps teachers did not resist state and district standard setting and curriculum
upgrading because they helped formulate the initiatives. If teachers perceived
their viewpoints and expertise reflected in policy initiatives, they appeared more
likely to support those policies.
Typically, teachers were involved in curriculum framework development, as well
as textbooks selection, at both the state and district levels. They have also been
included in curriculum guide revisions at the district level and in the development
of new testing programs. Clearly, shared decision making and site-based
management at the school level are consistent with teacher participation at other
levels of the school hierarchy.
Despite this increase in teacher involvement, a tension existed between state and
district standards and teachers' expectations about what students can accomplish
in those schools and districts most involved in standard setting and curriculum
upgrading. All too often, teachers complained about students in college prep
classes who didn't belong.
Teachers' expectations sometimes lead them to discourage students from taking
demanding academic work. Many teachers who find their classrooms filled with
low-achieving, disaffected students believe they must resort to highly controlling
methods of instruction. Student collaborative work, student discussion, and
independent projects, all of which are called for in the new curriculum reform, are
seen as possibilities for losing control of students.

There are at least three plausible explanations for why, despite teacher
participation in standard setting, some teachers feel that at least some of their
students cannot meet the standards:
- Because K-12 schooling is organizationally flat (especially from the
perspective of implementation, which rests largely with individual
teachers), not all teachers will necessarily feel represented in the standard-
setting process.
- Teachers may not agree with the standards that are established (regardless
of their views on representation).
- Even if they consider the standards appropriate, teachers may still feel that
some students fail to get the support (whether from home or previous
school experiences) or motivation necessary to meet those standards.
No state or district initiative that we saw had an adequate response for
addressing these teacher concerns. To the contrary, much of the staff
development, instructional materials, and assessment procedures reinforce their
concerns and serve as a deterrent to desired change.
Characterizing policy effects on practice is not easy. Changes in policies, as well as
changes in practice, must be documented. Changes in practice must be preceded
by and correlated with policy shifts. Policy shifts occur simultaneously with each
other and with other changes. What is causing what? To some extent,
documenting intermediate changes helps to build links between policy and
practice. Attributions by teachers and administrators can be helpful, but they can
also be deceiving. Occasionally policy initiatives are attributed effects that they do
not have (e.g., when teachers say they emphasize basic skills in their instruction
because basic skills are emphasized on tests, but really they emphasize basic skills
because they believe basic skills are most important and what they feel most
comfortable teaching). The policy "effects" noted here are not without caveat
and ambiguity. Still, based on our analyses, we are convinced of their validity.
Increasing the number of credits required for graduation has resulted in more
students' taking more mathematics and science, particularly the beginning
academic courses. In states with high school graduation tests, enrollments
increased in remedial courses for the tested subject, mathematics. In states

without high school graduation tests, enrollments increased in college prep
courses in both mathematics and science. Our findings are as follows:
- Based on transcript analyses in four of the six states studied, increases in
the number of students taking science courses was substantial, with
beginning academic courses the biggest enrollment gainers. The numbers
taking mathematics courses also increased, again with beginning academic
courses the leading gainers. On average, increases were one year or more in
science and one-third of a year in mathematics. There was no evidence of
increases in dropout rates or decreases in high school graduation rates.
- In states with high school graduation tests, enrollments increased in
remedial courses designed to help students pass the tested subjects. Low-
achieving students met their entire mathematics requirement through
remedial work. This was not true in science, which was not tested. Thus,
although low-achieving students took more credits of mathematics, the
nature of the mathematics that they studied was sharply limited. They did
not take high school college prep mathematics, such as algebra, geometry,
and calculus.
- In the absence of high school graduation tests (and for students who easily
meet the test requirements), there was an enrollment increase in college
prep courses in both mathematics and science. As one mathematics teacher
stated, "When you require more mathematics from students who are
average or bright, then they will take classes where they will learn
something." This practice was reinforced by college requirements, which
universally stipulated not only the amount of mathematics and science they
required for admission, but also the nature of that mathematics and
science.
In addition to states and universities' mandating the number and nature of
science and mathematics courses, districts and schools took further steps in
determining course requirements and designing course content, as follows:
- In addition to state and university initiatives to increase the amount and
quality of mathematics and science students take, some districts and
schools took additional steps. Remedial classes in mathematics and science
were eliminated, or all freshmen were required to take a particular math or

science course (e.g., algebra and chemistry/physics). Obviously, these
initiatives changed the course-taking patterns of students; they did not
necessarily guarantee the nature of instruction students received in those
courses.
- As mentioned earlier, an especially promising strategy for curriculum
upgrading was the development of "bridge" courses in mathematics.
- In the three instances in which we had detailed descriptions of the enacted
curriculum for courses required of all freshmen, the content of these
required courses looked much like that of courses with the same title that
were not required of all students. Eighty-seven percent of instruction was
on algebra, as opposed to other content areas in mathematics, such as
arithmetic, measurement, and geometry. The average amount of time
spent on algebra across all algebra courses was 82 percent. These data are
largely reassuring that when college prep courses are required of all
students, the content of instruction is not necessarily compromised.
- Despite the new curriculum reforms calling for hard content for all students
and reinforced in the frameworks, some form of tracking occurred in every
high school studied. Many administrators and teachers reported that they
intended to eliminate tracking in the near future; some schools had
initiatives in that direction already, but the results were discouraging.
Although the curriculum-upgrading initiatives had an effect on the numbers and
kinds of courses students took, the instruction students received did not
necessarily reflect much of the new curriculum reform, with its emphasis on
instruction that places a premium on student understanding and problem solving
and that places students increasingly in control of their own learning.
Despite state and university requirements for lab work in science, only 10 percent
of science instructional time was spent in lab work and field work combined. As
for expected student outcomes, heavy emphasis was placed on memorizing facts,
understanding concepts, and completing routine procedures such as
computation. Virtually no time was spent involving mathematics students in data
collection and data interpretation, and only 2 percent of time was spent involving
them in solving novel problems. Even in science, only 10 percent of instructional
time was spent on data collection and interpretation.

Based on our analyses of math and science instruction in eighteen high schools
across twelve districts in six states, a pattern emerges as to the nature of
curriculum standard-setting and upgrading policies that are most influential on
practice. Simply put, the most influential policy initiatives are the ones backed
with authority and power that clearly describe the goal and specify how it is to
be obtained. This confirms and extends previous findings on policy
implementation, whether initiated at the federal level or focused on elementary
school mathematics. As the clarity, focus, and power of policy initiatives decrease,
influence becomes more variable.
High school course requirements for graduation are an excellent example.
Requirements, and consequences for not meeting those requirements, are clearly
specified, easy to communicate, and simple to understand. What schools must do
is less clearly specified; as a result, we saw considerable variance in school
response. Some schools attempted to push students into demanding content in
higher level courses while others did not. In some cases, schools did receive
direction as to the nature of changes they were to make. However, this lab work
requirement is much more difficult to monitor than student course completion.
These state requirements for lab work in science had much smaller and more
variable effects on practice.
Requiring students to pass tests for high school graduation had predictable effects
as well: more remedial work for low-achieving students in tested subjects. Again,
the policy is clear and so are the consequences for lack of compliance. Students
know what they must do. As in the case of high school graduation course
requirements, what schools must do is less clear. Schools must determine for
themselves how best to serve students. Because the requirement is a minimal
standard, schools serving high concentrations of high-achieving students-and
high-achieving students in other schools-meet the requirements without even
trying. In short, minimum test performance is prescriptive only to a subset of
students and only in the subjects tested.
Although increased graduation requirements and test performance have had the
intended effect, calling for hard content for all students and emphasizing
conceptual understanding, problem solving, and higher-order thinking, is a long
way from being reflected in high school math and science. Tracking is alive and

well; and although some states have intensified basic skills instruction, no state
has attempted to systematically coordinate policy to emphasize the goals of
curriculum reform. Whether the policy instruments used to intensify basic skills
can be turned to these newer goals remains an open question.
Curriculum frameworks are neither very prescriptive, nor, by themselves, a strong
influence on practice. Not surprisingly, many teachers interpret the frameworks
as justification for their current practice. Many other teachers are unsure of how
to change their instruction to make it consistent with the framework. Where
frameworks are translated into clearer statements of what is desired, the effects
are much more pronounced and much more predictable.
We found plenty of evidence that there was a serious lack of teacher capacity for
achieving the new curriculum reforms, at least among schools serving high
concentrations of low-achieving students.
Teachers, counselors, and administrators did not know how to deal with the
student diversity resulting from the elimination of tracking. This is perhaps the
single greatest tension created by curriculum upgrading. As more students are
pushed into more demanding academic work at the high school level, teachers
are confronted with new and more pressing problems: how to communicate with
students, how to motivate students, and how to conduct classes in which
students' prior achievements, aptitudes, and interests differ dramatically.
Compounding this problem of how to deal with student diversity is a lack of clarity
as to exactly what is meant by frameworks and professional standards calling for
hard content for all students. Does this mean that all students are to study exactly
the same curriculum across the entire K-12 experience? Or does this mean that all
students should be exposed to and master a core curriculum containing a balance
between facts and skills, on the one hand, and higher-order thinking, problem
solving, and reasoning on the other? If there is to be a common core of content
for all students, what is the definition of that core, and how should schools and
teachers be best organized to deliver that core to students in a way that benefits
them regardless of their backgrounds and aspirations? Amidst this confusion
caused by lack of a clear goal, schools and teachers are trying a variety of
approaches, but without total commitment.

Teachers' qualifications present yet another problem in mathematics and
especially in science, where graduation requirement increases were most
dramatic.
What these figures cannot show is how much high school math and science
teachers are prepared to change their instruction to fit a new vision. Such a
change depends on teachers who feel comfortable with their subject matter in a
way that allows them to be flexible and responsive. We saw considerable
evidence that teachers lack the knowledge and energy to deliver a curriculum that
places a premium on deep conceptual understanding and that facilitates problem
solving and reasoning. There are many probable explanations for such deficits:
- Instructional materials consistent with the goal of hard content for all
students are not always available.
- Testing practices at the state, district, and classroom level often are not
consistent with the new reforms.
- Access to good, concrete models of the desired instructional practices is
limited.
- Instruction consistent with the curriculum reform is simply more work.
We saw painfully little indication that states and districts are prepared to spend
the time and money necessary to support the types of changes required to
address these deficiencies. Money was a serious problem in all urban sites except
those enjoying special benefits from desegregation rulings. Even basic
instructional materials, such as textbooks, were in short supply. Lab space was
inadequate - in amount, conception, and maintenance. Although we saw some
serious efforts to address the assessment problem at the state level, we saw no
serious efforts to address the shortage of appropriate instructional materials.
Most disappointing was the quantity and quality of staff development. Although a
great deal of money is spent on staff development in the United States - millions
per year - only a few dollars per year is spent on each teacher. Not surprisingly,
this has resulted in fragmented and episodic approaches to staff development.
Often, someone far removed from the classroom decides what teachers need and
arranges to have it delivered in the form of a half-day workshop to those who
volunteer. We saw no evidence of states' using the money in a programmatic

approach to supporting teachers in curriculum upgrading. We are convinced that
staff development needs to be completely rethought so that schools and teachers
are the initiators and main providers of their own professional development.
Experts from beyond the school should be called on only as needed and only as
they can serve a school-based strategy for improvement. Developing such a
strategy, of course, would require schools to see their responsibilities in a new
light. It would also require additional funds, first and foremost, to provide teacher
release time.
We did see a few exciting projects for curriculum upgrading, but invariably these
were add-ons not part of a main program-with questionable futures. We saw little
sign, however, that empowerment strategies were replacing curriculum-control
strategies as the primary mechanism for curriculum upgrading. A focus on
understanding and applications was to characterize instruction in all academic
subjects and for all students.
Jeff C. Palmer is a teacher, success coach, trainer, Certified Master of Web
Copywriting and founder of https://Ebookschoice.com. Jeff is a prolific writer,
Senior Research Associate and Infopreneur having written many eBooks, articles
and special reports.
Source: https://ebookschoice.com/identifying-district-policy-aimed-at-
upgrading-math-and-science-curriculum/

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