Mapping Digital Media Jordan 2013

COUNTRY REPORT

MAPPING DIGITAL MEDIA:

JORDAN

Mapping Digital Media:
Jordan
A R E P O R T B Y T H E O P E N S O C I E T Y F O U N D AT I O N S

WRITTEN BY

Rana F. Sweis (lead researcher)
Dina Baslan (researcher)

EDITED BY

Marius Dragomir and Mark Thompson (Open Society Media Program editors)
Aboubakr Jamaï (regional editor)
EDITORIAL COMMISSION

Yuen-Ying Chan, Christian S. Nissen, Dusan Reljic,
ˇ
´
Russell Southwood, Damian Tambini
The Editorial Commission is an advisory body. Its members are not responsible
for the information or assessments contained in the Mapping Digital Media texts
OPEN SOCIETY MEDIA PROGRAM TEAM

Meijinder Kaur, program assistant; Gordana Jankovic, director
O P E N S O C I E T Y I N F O R M AT I O N P R O G R A M T E A M

Vera Franz, senior program manager; Darius Cuplinskas, director

10 October 2013

Contents
Mapping Digital Media .....................................................................................................................

4

Executive Summary ...........................................................................................................................

6

Context .............................................................................................................................................

10

Social Indicators ................................................................................................................................

12

Economic Indicators .........................................................................................................................

14

1.

Media Consumption: The Digital Factor...................................................................................
1.1 Digital Take-up .................................................................................................................
1.2 Media Preferences .............................................................................................................
1.3 News Providers .................................................................................................................
1.4 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

15
15
18
21
26

2.

Digital Media and Public or State-administered Broadcasters ....................................................
2.1 Public Service and State Institutions .................................................................................
2.2 Public Service Provision ....................................................................................................
2.3 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

27
27
30
31

3.

Digital Media and Society .........................................................................................................
3.1 User-Generated Content (UGC) ......................................................................................
3.2 Digital Activism ................................................................................................................
3.3 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

32
32
35
38

2

M A P P I N G D I G I TA L M E D I A

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4.

Digital Media and Journalism ...................................................................................................
4.1 Impact on Journalists and Newsrooms ..............................................................................
4.2 Investigative Journalism ....................................................................................................
4.3 Social and Cultural Diversity ............................................................................................
4.4 Political Diversity..............................................................................................................
4.5 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

40
40
42
44
47
49

5.

Digital Media and Technology ..................................................................................................
5.1 Broadcasting Spectrum .....................................................................................................
5.2 Digital Gatekeeping ..........................................................................................................
5.3 Telecommunications .........................................................................................................
5.4 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

51
51
55
56
57

6.

Digital Business.........................................................................................................................
6.1 Ownership ........................................................................................................................
6.2 Media Funding .................................................................................................................
6.3 Media Business Models .....................................................................................................
6.4 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

59
59
61
63
64

7.

Policies, Laws, and Regulators ...................................................................................................
7.1 Policies and Laws ..............................................................................................................
7.2 Regulators .........................................................................................................................
7.3 Government Interference ..................................................................................................
7.4 Assessments ......................................................................................................................

65
65
69
73
75

8.

Conclusions ..............................................................................................................................
8.1 Media Today .....................................................................................................................
8.2 Media Tomorrow ..............................................................................................................

77
77
78

List of Abbreviations, Figures, Tables, and Companies.......................................................................

79

OPEN SOCIETY MEDIA PROGRAM

2013

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Mapping Digital Media
The values that underpin good journalism, the need of citizens for reliable and abundant information, and
the importance of such information for a healthy society and a robust democracy: these are perennial, and
provide compass-bearings for anyone trying to make sense of current changes across the media landscape.
The standards in the profession are in the process of being set. Most of the effects on journalism imposed
by new technology are shaped in the most developed societies, but these changes are equally influencing the
media in less developed societies.
The Mapping Digital Media project, which examines the changes in-depth, aims to build bridges between
researchers and policymakers, activists, academics and standard-setters across the world. It also builds policy
capacity in countries where this is less developed, encouraging stakeholders to participate in and influence
change. At the same time, this research creates a knowledge base, laying foundations for advocacy work,
building capacity and enhancing debate.
The Media Program of the Open Society Foundations has seen how changes and continuity affect the media in
different places, redefining the way they can operate sustainably while staying true to values of pluralism and
diversity, transparency and accountability, editorial independence, freedom of expression and information,
public service, and high professional standards.
The Mapping Digital Media project assesses, in the light of these values, the global opportunities and risks
that are created for media by the following developments:
the switch-over from analog broadcasting to digital broadcasting;
growth of new media platforms as sources of news;
convergence of traditional broadcasting with telecommunications.
Covering 60 countries, the project examines how these changes affect the core democratic service that any
media system should provide—news about political, economic and social affairs.

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The Mapping Digital Media reports are produced by local researchers and partner organizations in each
country. Cumulatively, these reports will provide a much-needed resource on the democratic role of digital
media.
In addition to the country reports, the Open Society Media Program has commissioned research papers on a
range of topics related to digital media. These papers are published as the MDM Reference Series.


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5

Mapping Digital Media: Jordan
Executive Summary
With high levels of education and literacy and a youthful population, Jordan is well-placed to explore the
opportunities of digital media. Momentum for political reform was catalyzed by the regional uprisings in
2011, prompting modest concessionary measures by the authorities but also a reactionary crackdown on
media freedom, with a particular focus on the internet. This is not surprising, given that social networking
is increasingly the platform of choice for activists and reformers, and that independent online news services
provided the only sustained and relatively extensive (compared with mainstream print outlets) coverage of
Jordan’s “Friday demonstrations” in 2011.
Television, however, remains the only universal medium in Jordan, and the past decade has seen a dramatic
shift in favor of satellite as the dominant viewing platform. This has brought regional and global news
providers (such as Al Jazeera), along with hundreds of other free-to-air channels, into over 90 percent of
households.
Digital switch-over will have little impact against this backdrop. This may explain why the authorities have
been slow to prepare for the transition. At the time of writing there are still no publicly available plans for
switch-over, despite Jordan’s international commitment to turn oﬀ analog signals by 2015.
Elsewhere, there are signs that digitization is changing traditional media consumption patterns. The
proportion of households owning conventional radio receivers nearly halved between 2005 and 2008, while
computer ownership almost doubled. The proportion of the population that regularly accesses the internet
reached 56 percent by the end of June 2012.
The mode of access has also shifted, with both mobile (especially smartphone, since 2010) and ﬁxed home
connections growing at the expense of internet cafés. But the cost of access remains prohibitive for many. The
limited range of Arabic-language content online also slows the rate at which Jordanians go online.

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Significantly, however, online news readership now exceeds that of printed newspapers, despite press
circulations remaining stable. Online news consumption has shifted in favor of alternative pure-play providers
in recent years, away from global networks such as Al Jazeera and the BBC. Recent survey data suggest
that the appeal of online news consists in its perceived independence and, increasingly, its opportunities
for participation via comments, despite concerns over the professionalism and integrity of journalism. The
lagging behind of newspaper brands in the race to capture online news audiences is a consequence of their
lack of independence and slow progress in developing multimedia and interactive services.
The net effect has been a significant injection of pluralism and diversity into the overall news offer, at least for
the connected half of the population. This has built on the expansion of satellite television which not only
diversified television news but also prompted terrestrial broadcasters to increase attention to local issues and
appeal to viewers outside the capital, in order to sustain ratings.
Indeed, the digitization of Jordanian newsrooms in general has coincided with a shift in focus from regional
and international news to more localized reporting, in an attempt to fill the gaps left by the foreign networks.
The development of audiovisual content on digital platforms has been hindered by a lack of multimedia skills
among journalists. At the same time, there are concerns that the growth of online news is precipitating a deprofessionalization of the sector.
Such concerns have partly fueled new spaces for investigative journalism, particularly in the university sector,
based on digital tools of production and dissemination. This has helped to challenge taboos and red lines
around social, economic, and health issues. In particular, the abuse of vulnerable people in institutions—
including children and the disabled—has received prominent attention in recent years thanks to the Arab
Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ).
Despite these signs of journalism opening up, mainstream news outlets continue to steer well clear of serious
political scrutiny. Such a task is left to the burgeoning social media sector where the boundaries between
news, comment, and activism have been dismantled. Even prior to the uprisings in 2011, social media
had begun to demonstrate their potential as platforms for dissent. Numerous Facebook pages and profiles
emerged before the 2010 elections, for instance, calling for a boycott of the polls on the basis that political
reform had stagnated.
There have also been successful digital campaigns on environmental and social issues, including an online
petition in 2011 to save over 2,000 trees, marked for felling to make way for a new military academy.
The campaign postponed the project and saved most of the trees. In doing so, it became a symbol of the
empowering potential of digital activism, especially when combined with offline initiatives and actions. But
digital divides and state repression remain significant obstacles to building outreach and awareness.
What seems clear is that since 2011, the media reform movement has become embedded in the wider
struggle for political change. Inspired by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, journalists at the governmentowned Al Rai newspaper protested for several weeks in early 2011, demanding greater freedom, enhanced


2013

7

professionalism, higher salaries, and an end to editorial interference by the state. In September 2012, online
journalists took to the streets, holding placards declaring “There can be no reform without press freedom.”
Journalism is also increasingly under pressure from advertisers. There are concerns among organizations
such as the Jordan Press Association (JPA) and ARIJ that online advertising is being used by companies and
political figures to obtain favorable coverage. This reflects the enduring influence of advertisers over the print
press, which receives 72 percent of all advertising spend.
Both the press and radio benefitted from a marked reduction in the share of advertising absorbed by
television—down from 28 percent in 2000 to just 7 percent in 2008. The economic downturn caused only
a small drop in advertising revenues in 2010, and the share of digital advertising is now growing rapidly, up
from 1 percent in 2009 to over 11 percent in 2013.
The most prominent new entrant in the news market over recent years has been Al Ghad. Established in 2004
as the second independent national newspaper, it rose quickly to rank among the largest titles in terms of
both circulation and online readership. But the owner’s attempts to launch a commercial television service
foundered in 2007 when the Audiovisual Commission (AVC) unexpectedly halted its transmission shortly
after launch. The AVC then withdrew the channel’s license, claiming it had failed to complete the necessary
licensing paperwork.
This incident demonstrated the limits to spectrum liberalization which began with the Audiovisual Law
in 2002. The state’s enduring influence and control were underlined in 2012 when Josat TV, one of two
terrestrial competitors of the state-run channel, lost its license over opinions expressed by a guest during a
program. Charges against the broadcaster included incitement against the regime and undermining the king’s
dignity. The program’s host, Rula Hroub, was elected as an MP in January 2013 but she still faces trial over
the incident.
While liberalization has produced several new independent radio stations, the licensing framework privileges
entertainment formats over news and politics. At first this was due primarily to a levy of 50 percent on top of
the license fees of stations which featured news and politics. Although the levy was abolished in 2012, new
entrants still face significant cost barriers as a result of the state’s monopolization of antennae and transmitters.
Some goals set forth in the 2003 Radio Frequency Allocation Plan have been accomplished in regard to
developing mobile markets and ending Jordan Telecom’s monopoly in the fixed-line sector. There have also
been moves to establish the independence of the Telecommunications and Regulatory Commission (TRC),
which is expected to assume the licensing work of the AVC in the near future as part of regulatory convergence.
Regulatory independence is largely cosmetic, however, given the system of appointments and licensing
approvals which remain in the government’s hands. In a similar vein, the state’s attempts to promote
transparency have lacked substantiation. A 2007 freedom of information law (the first in the Arab world) has
proved toothless as public bodies and institutions can ignore applications with impunity.

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Meanwhile, repressive legal measures have been adopted, with the aim of curbing internet freedom. A
proposed law in 2010 would have enabled authorities to search and seize property, as well as access computers
from online publishers without prior approval of the state’s prosecution agency. The outcry from journalists
and human rights groups succeeded in limiting the scope of the law’s application to more clearly defined
cybercrimes such as identity theft and fraud.
In June 2013, the government blocked access to more than 250 news websites under new legislation which
has proved even more controversial. In September 2012, a royal decree amending Jordan’s media law
drastically restricted freedom of speech online. According to the amended law, Jordan’s news websites are
required to register with the Ministry of Commerce and obtain a license from the Ministry of Culture’s Press
and Publications Department. The law’s broad definition of internet website means that blogs and webpage
managers are subjected to the same restrictions as news sites. Moreover, to obtain a license to operate, a
news website needs to pay a fee of some US$ 1,400. Despite strong opposition from journalists, the law was
adopted and is being implemented. This latest development in digital media regulation represents the most
blatant move to restrict freedom of speech.
Such measures have been accompanied by a rise in extralegal interference since the closing of Al Jazeera’s
Amman office in 2002. Violent attacks on journalists have increased since 2011 when police attacked reporters
covering a pro-reform demonstration in Amman, injuring more than a dozen people and breaking cameras.
International assessments of Jordan’s media freedom have, accordingly, become less favorable since 2011.
Although there is evidence to suggest that self-censorship among journalists has waned, there is also evidence
that it may be spreading among citizen journalists, bloggers, and online reporters. The 2011 uprisings
certainly highlighted the issue of editorial independence, and the struggle for media reform and freedom
has gathered momentum since then. But it confronts a tide of reactionary measures by the state, one which
shows little sign of receding.


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Context
Until 1918, the territory of Jordan was under Ottoman rule. In 1921 it became an independent constitutional
state under British rule, and remained so until 1946, when it gained full independence as the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan. It is a country rich in human capital but poor in natural resources. It occupies an area of
over 90,000 km² with a population of just over 6 million, nearly half of them living in the capital, Amman.
Over 70 percent of the population is urban; less than 6 percent of the rural population is nomadic or seminomadic. Jordan is bordered by Syria in the north, Iraq in the east, Saudi Arabia in the south, and Israel and
the occupied West Bank in the west.1 Arabic is the official language; English is widely spoken and understood.
Most Jordanians are Arabs. However, the population includes small communities of Circassians, Armenians,
and Kurds. The population has doubled more than seven times since the 1950s, due to natural growth and
immigration resulting from regional conflicts. According to the United Nations Organization (UN), there
were approximately 2 million Palestinian refugees in Jordan in 2008.2
The king is authorized to approve amendments to the constitution, declare war, command the armed forces,
and dissolve Parliament. Constitutional amendments were made after protests swept the region in early 2011;
they included limiting the king’s ability to postpone elections indefinitely. Otherwise, his powers remain
intact; he still appoints and dismisses the prime minister and the Upper House of Parliament. After the Arab
Spring, for the first time the king promised to consult Parliament when choosing a prime minister. The Lower
House of Parliament—formerly 120-strong, now with 150 members—includes a number of seats reserved
for minorities and women. Deputies are elected for a four-year term. The king appoints the 55-member
Senate—the Upper House—for a four-year term. The Cabinet is accountable to the deputies on matters of
general policy and may be forced to resign by a two-thirds vote of no confidence.3

1.

See https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/jo.html (accessed 15 December 2010).

2.

United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNWRA), “UNRWA Statistics,” 13 July 2008, at http://web.archive.org/web/20080713042517/
http://www.un.org/unrwa/publications/index.html (accessed 2 May 2013).

3.

See https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/jo.html (accessed 15 December 2010).

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The powers of the legislative bodies have been under debate since the Arab Spring swept the region. Under a
newly revised election law, the electorate would be able to vote for individual candidates in their own district
and also for a political party or national coalition. The number of seats reserved for women would be raised
from 12 to 15, and the total number of seats in Parliament increased from 120 to 150.
Jordan is classiﬁed by the World Bank as an “upper middle income country.”4 However, almost 14 percent
of its population of just over 6 million lives below the poverty line.5 Like other countries in the region,
unemployment is high, especially among women and young people. According to Jordan’s oﬃcial Department
of Statistics, overall unemployment stands at 12.5 percent, but the rate among people under 30, who comprise
nearly 70 percent of the population, is more than double that.6
Education and literacy rates at over 90 percent remain high compared with other countries with similar
incomes. While pursuing economic reform and increased trade, Jordan’s economy will continue to be
vulnerable to external shocks and regional unrest. Without stability in the region, Jordan will not achieve its
potential for growth.

4.

See http://data.worldbank.org/country/jordan (accessed 14 June 2013).

5.

“Jordan Country Page,” World Bank, at http://data.worldbank.org/country/jordan (accessed 14 June 2013).

6.

Department of Statistics (DOS), at http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/index.htm (accessed 19 September 2013).


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Social Indicators
Population: 6.3 million (2012)
Households 1.15 million (2011)
Figure 1.
Rural–urban breakdown (% of total population), 2012
Rural, 17.4

Urban, 82.6

Source:

Department of Statistics (DOS), 20127

Figure 2.
Ethnic composition (% of total population), 2013
Circassian 1

Armenian, 1

Arab, 98

Source:

7.

12

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), “World Factbook,” at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/
geos/jo.html (accessed 8 February 2013)

See http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/Demograghy/2012/2-3.pdf (accessed 8 February 2013).


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Figure 3.
Religious composition (% of total population), 2001
Christian, 6

Other, 2

Sunni Muslim, 92

Note:

The majority of Christians are Greek Orthodox, but there are also Greek and Roman Catholics, Syrian Orthodox, Coptic
Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox, and Protestants. The category “Other” includes several small Shi’a Muslim and Druze
populations.

Source:

CIA, “World Factbook,” at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/jo.html (accessed 8 February 2013)


2013

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Economic Indicators
Table 1.
Economic indicators, 2005–2013
2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012o

2013f

GDP (current prices,
US$ billion)

12.58

15.05

17.11

21.98

23.84

26.44

28.88

31.35

33.84

GDP (current prices, US$),
per head

2,300

2,688

2,989

3,757

3,986

4,326

4,618o

4,901f

5,172

Gross National Income (GNI),
(current US$), per head

4,450

4,870

5,350

5,690

5,880

5,810

5,970

n/a

n/a

Unemployment
(% of total labor force)

14.8

14.0

13.1

12.6

12.9

12.5

12.9

12.9

12.9

Inﬂation (average annual rate,
% against previous year)

4.1

7.4

5.0

9.0

2.6

6.1

3.2

4.3

4.1

Notes:

o

Source:

International Monetary Fund (IMF) (GDP, unemployment and inﬂation data); World Bank (GNI data)

14

: outlook; f: forecast; n/a: not available


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1. Media Consumption:
The Digital Factor
1.1

Digital Take-up

1.1.1

Digital Equipment

Television is the quasi-universal media device, with almost 100 percent coverage of Jordanian households.
Household ownership of conventional radio receivers fell from 71 percent in 2005 to 38.7 percent in 2008.8
It seems likely that some of this fall is due to platform convergence, and that Jordanians still listen to radio,
but in new ways, i.e. online.
Due to government initiatives aimed at increasing the affordability of becoming wired, household computer
ownership grew from 23 percent in 2005 to 36.3 percent in 2009.9 Additionally, the rising competition
between the three leading telecommunications companies in Jordan (Orange, Zain Jordan, and Umniah) has
led to more affordable rates of connectivity through different types of internet subscription and speed rates,
but not substantively. In 2011, Jordan regressed to 91st place globally (compared with 84th in 2010) and
10th regionally in the information and communications technology (ICT) Price Basket (IPB), which tracks
and compares the cost and affordability of ICT services worldwide. “Countries that ranked ahead of Jordan
in the IPB have a higher income for individuals. The IPB measures affordability while taking into account
the income of individuals in each of the countries polled,” said Jawad Abbassi, founder and general manager
of the Arab Advisors Group, a consultancy company.10

8.

Department of Statistics (DOS), 2008, at http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/linked-html/jordan_no.htm (accessed 19 September 2013).

9.

DOS, 2009, at http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/linked-html/jordan_no.htm (accessed 14 June 2013).

10. See http://jordantimes.com/jordan-10th-regionally-in-affordability-of-ict-services (accessed 8 February 2013).


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PC ownership and internet subscription rates do not, however, reflect the total wired population, as many
people access the internet from work or public internet cafés.11 The number of internet users accessing the
internet at home jumped from 40 percent to 49 percent between 2009 and 2010. In contrast, internet cafés
lost ground: they were used by 25 percent of internet users in 2010, down from 36 percent in the previous
year.12
Table 2.
Households owning equipment, 2005–2011
2005

2006

2007

200913

2008

2010

201114

No. of % of No. of % of No. of % of No. of % of No. of % of No. of % of No. of % of
HH15 THH16 HH THH HH THH HH THH HH THH HH THH HH TTHH
(’000)
(’000)
(’000)
(’000)
(’000)
(’000)
(’000)
TV set

980

96.8

1,037

97.0

1,060

97.1

1,104

97.4

1,137

97.6

1,152

98.9

1,157

98.9

Radio

1,013

71.0

n/a

n/a

1,059

47.8

1,083

38.7

n/a

n/a

398

34.2

n/a

n/a

232

23.0

256

24.0

272

25.0

445

39.3

500

43.0

547

47.0

607

51.0

PC
Note:

HH: households; THH: total number of households; n/a: not available

Source:

Calculations by OSF editors based on data from the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) unless stated otherwise

1.1.2

Platforms

Despite the abundance of communication platforms, analog television is still the most popular medium.
According to the Department of Statistics (DOS), household television ownership was 96.8 percent in 2005.
It grew slightly to reach 97.5 percent in 2009. Simultaneously, there has been a drastic increase in satellite
subscriptions, from 50.5 percent in 2005 to 90.9 percent in 2008, and then 96 percent in 2009, suggesting
that only a small percentage of the population only watch the state-run terrestrial television channel.
All indications point to a steady growth of the telecoms industry in Jordan. Mobile phone ownership stood at
118 percent in 2011.17 Although internet penetration is high, computer ownership and internet subscription
rates remain low despite their steady growth in recent years, due—analysts say—to their high cost.

11. Strategies-Harris Interactive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010. See http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_
mf/1336077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 14 June 2013).
12. Strategies-Harris Interactive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010. See http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_
mf/1336077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 14 June 2013).
13. Data from the DOS for television and radio: see http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/linked-html/jordan_no.htm (accessed 14 April
2013).
14. Data from the DOS for television and radio: see http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/jorfig/2011/1.pdf (accessed 14 April 2013).
15

Total number of households owning the equipment: see http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/jorfig/2011/1.pdf (accessed 14 June 2013).

16. Percentage of total number of households in the country: see http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/jorfig/2011/1.pdf (accessed 14 June
2013).
17. See http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.CEL.SETS.P2 (accessed 15 June 2013).

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Table 3.
Platforms for the main TV reception and digital take-up, 2005–2012
2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

No. of % No. of % No. of % No. of % No. of % No. of % No. of % No. of %
HH of HH of HH of HH of
HH
of HH of HH of HH of
(’000) THH (’000) THH (’000) THH (’000) THH (’000) THH (’000) THH (’000) THH (’000) THH
Terrestrial reception
– of which digital

451
0

49
0

Cable reception
– of which digital

1
1

0.15
0.15

Satellite reception

389 40.8
0
0
2
2

0.20
0.20

318
0
2
2

32.5 300 29.6
0
0
0
0.25
0.25

3
3

279
0

26.8
0

4
4

0.35
0.35

0.30
0.30

257 23.90 210 18.90 159 13.90
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
4

0.40
0.40

5
5

0.45
0.45

6
6

0.5
0.5

834 90.6 858 89.8 872 89.0 941 93.0 992 95.0 1,065 98.9 1,095 98.5 1,126 98.1

Notes:

Based on the Arab Advisors Group’s surveys, terrestrial reception is in steady decline, and cable take-up is low, due to the
increasing take-up of free-to-air satellite. The marginal drop in the percentage of TV households with satellite reception
over the year to 2012 was due mainly to the influx of immigrants with no access to satellite reception.

Source:

Arab Advisors Group

Internet penetration has increased rapidly over the past decade. According to the latest statistics from the
Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (TRC), internet penetration reached 55.9 percent by the end
of June 2012, with about 3.535 million users.18
There were 7.5 million mobile phone subscriptions (118 percent of the population) at the end of 2011,
compared with 4.343 million in 2006.19 Umniah, which provides Umax wireless broadband services to 80
percent of the population, increased its market share in the wireless broadband market from 20 percent in
2010 to 28 percent by mid-2012. Overall, Zain Jordan seems to be leading the market, with a reported
38 percent market share, followed by Orange and Umniah with 33 percent and 28 percent respectively.20
According to a report by the Open Net Initiative, the cost of computers and connectivity, as well as the lack
of Arabic-language content on the web, are major obstacles to the growth of internet usage in Jordan.21
Table 4.
Internet penetration (total internet subscriptions as % of total number of households)
and mobile penetration (total active SIM cards as % of total population), 2005–2012
2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

Internet
– of which broadband

20.0
11

19.8
23

21.5
38

20.7
59

29
83

38
57.4

50.5
n/a

55.9
n/a

Mobile telephony
– of which 3G

57.0
0

78.0
0

86.3
0

94.2
0

96.5
0

97.6
2.17

98.1
11.1

Note:
Source:

22

140
n/a

n/a: not available
ITU

18. See http://jordantimes.com/internet-penetration-tops-55-by-end-of-june (accessed 8 February 2013).
19. See http://jordantimes.com/jordans-high-mobile-penetration-reflects-global-trend-statistics-show (accessed 14 June 2013).
20. See http://www.commsmea.com/12822-jordan-thrives-amid-change/#.UQz8rByR10E (accessed 14 June 2013).
21. See http://opennet.net/research/profiles/jordan (accessed 14 June 2013).
22. See http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_a/main/cd_yb2011/pdf/Information_and_Communication.pdf (accessed 23 February 2013).


2013

17

1.2

Media Preferences

1.2.1

Main Shifts in News Consumption

The introduction of digital technologies has given rise to new trends in media consumption in television,
print, internet, and radio.
Given the high level of household television ownership, television remains the platform most widely accessed,
despite the fact that digitization has not yet happened. The impact of new technology has been most evident
in the ability of pan-Arab, free-to-air satellite channels to broadcast news programs offering regional political
analysis. The effect of this change can be measured in the dramatic increase in satellite ownership over a short
span of time, rising from 50.5 percent in 2005 to 96.9 percent in 2010. As far as the local television industry
is concerned, new independent stations such as Roya TV and Nourmina TV have also become competitive
alternatives to the government-owned Jordan Radio and Television Corporation (JRTV).
Since as far back as early 2006, internet services have offered Jordanians an alternative platform for news.
Traditionally, newspapers suffer from limited readership and government control. In 2006, when internet
penetration stood at 23 percent, AmmonNews was developed as one of the first news websites in the country,
introducing a new trend in media consumption. Seven years on, hundreds of other news websites have
emerged in Jordanian cyberspace, with offers that are seen as both less professional and also more independent
from the government.
In June 2013, Jfranews.com managed to become the sixth-most visited news website in Jordan, according to
Alexa.com, indicating the scale of public enthusiasm for this new platform. Further proving the prominence
of this new media industry, the government imposed new censorship regulations on news websites in its 2013
amendments to the Press and Publication Law. The availability of news on the internet has opened a channel
for Jordanians to share links, especially on social networks. There were some 2.2 million Facebook users and
59,726 active Twitter users as of August 2012.23 Newspapers such as Al Ghad update their websites with
breaking news around the clock. Readers now are also able to rate and comment on articles and express their
opinions, adding an interactive dimension that was not available before digitization.
Despite various changes in radio licensing regulations, introduced by the 2002 and 2012 amendments to the
Audiovisual Law, household radio ownership saw a staggering drop from 71 percent in 2005 to 34.2 percent
in 2010. This could be explained by the different ways that Jordanians access radio stations today, whether
in their cars, online, or via their mobile devices. Nevertheless, surveys show that the majority of the 20 radio
stations are entertainment-based, featuring music and entertainment news.
Due to the absence of robust municipal elections and the consequent lack of accountability by public
officials, Jordanians have turned increasingly to local morning radio shows in order to raise their concerns
publicly over issues such as the lack of rubbish collection, water shortages, and road problems. In many cases

23. “Jordanians and Facebook,” Jordan Business, August 2012, at http://demos.mediaplusjordan.com/jb/cms/node/25 (accessed 2 February 2013).

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JORDAN

their voices are heard and the problems are addressed.24 It has also become a centralized medium promoting
dialogue on national controversies and facilitates access to international radio channels, such as BBC Arabic.
In August 2004, Al Ghad, a privately owned and independent daily newspaper, was established. Traditional
newspapers have maintained a consistent rate of readership; Al Rai scores the highest circulation with 90,000
a day, followed by Ad-Dustour with 80,000, Al Ghad 60,000, Al Arab Al Yawm 24,000, and finally, Jordan’s
only English-language daily, the Jordan Times, with 12,000 a day.25
AmmanNet, also broadcasting as Radio Al-Balad, has been dubbed the only community radio channel
with news, information programs, talk-back, and request shows. The station was established in 2000 as an
internet-based radio station broadcasting local issues. It began airing in July 2005, focussing on social and
cultural issues. Its founder, Daoud Kuttab, a journalist and columnist, said his station’s aim is to promote
human rights and freedom.26
Figure 4.
Use of internet services (%), 201027
E-commerce
Internet buying and selling
E-banking

4
5
6
12

Radio listening

22

Work-related/business/personal website

28

Forums

39

Games

42

Chatting

46

Audio/visual/downloads

54

Audio/visual/without download

71

Research and data gathering

81

Internet browsing in general
10

Note:

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

The horizontal axis refers to the percentage of the sample of 2,560 face-to-face interviews with an adult population aged
15+, with a booster sample of 320 households in each of Karak and Ma’an cities.

24. Muna Abu Hmour, “Engagement with Public Concern Increases Radio Listenership,” Al Ghad, 28 January 2013, at http://www.alghad.com/
index.php/article/603874.html (accessed 30 January 2013).
25. At http://www.emediasearch.com (accessed 8 February 2013).
26. Interview with Daoud Kuttab, founder of AmmanNet Radio Balad station, Amman, April 2012.
27. Strategies-HarrisInteractive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010. See http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_
mf/1336077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 2 February 2013).


2013

19

1.2.2 Availability of a Diverse Range of News Sources
With greater reliance on the internet as a source of news, numerous news websites have surfaced during the
past decade. The readership of online news now exceeds that of printed newspapers, according to Alexa.com.
The two most widely read news websites are Jfranews.com and Garaanews.com, which rank 6th and 10th
respectively among the most visited websites in the country.28
Social media, blogs, and increasingly news websites are also used as platforms for public discussion of national
issues. The number and tone of comments on articles vary by topic on news websites and blogs.29
Omar Koudsi, president of Jeeran.com, a website which provides Arab users with tools and creative means
to communicate and interact online, said in an interview with Arabian Business magazine: “People are really
beginning to understand the potential of online. People aged 12 to 21 do not spend much time in front of
the TV anymore. They are online. Media campaigns are starting to reflect that. But we have to break down
years of tradition.”30
According to Alexa.com, in June 2013 Jordanians surfing the web chose pure-player news sites such as
Jfranews.com, Garaanews.com, Sarayanews.com, and Alwakeelnews.net to read about current events, rather
than print newspapers that are online.31 This may be due to the more up-to-date coverage offered by pureplay services. Print newspapers have one edition a day. It is worth mentioning that unlike Western media,
Jordanian news outlets have only just begun venturing into the field of multimedia reporting. JordanDays.
tv, launched nearly two years ago, uploads videos covering local events as well as both local and international
interviews. Al Ghad remains the only semi-interactive print news website that includes updates throughout
the day on its website. Nevertheless, Al Rai’s and Al Ghad’s websites remain in the top 10 visited news
websites in Jordan, according to Alexa.com.
In 2008, there was a high readership for websites such as Al Jazeera (66.5 percent), Al Arabiya (35.1 percent),
and the BBC (18.4 percent).32 However, 2010 saw a clear shift, with Ammonnews getting 38 percent, Al
Jazeera getting 32 percent, and Saraya News getting 24 percent.33 Jordanians mostly use local websites to
receive domestic news.

28. See http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/JO (accessed 14 June 2013).
29. See http://www.black-iris.com/2011/01/09/on-violence-in-jordan-lately/ (accessed 17 February 2012) and http://bit.ly/lp9gs8 (in Arabic)
(accessed 14 June 2011).
30. Strategies-HarrisInteractive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010. At http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_
mf/1336077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 2 February 2013).
31. See http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/JO (accessed 17 February 2012).
32. Strategies-HarrisInteractive conducted the second independent Jordan Media Survey from 30 November 2008 to 15 December 2008, at http://
www.irex.org/system/files/mdd-JMS_2009%20_ALL-Sections-Mar1.pdf (accessed 17 February 2012).
33. Alexa.com provides information about websites including Top Sites, Internet Traffic Stats, and Metrics, at http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/JO (accessed 1 October 2011).

20


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1.3

News Providers

1.3.1

Leading Sources of News

The diversity of the population’s media exposure is partly a function of relatively high subscription rates for
satellite television. With an assortment of transnational satellite channels such as Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya,
viewers are exposed to academic and political discourses across the Arab world and beyond. This has posed
a significant challenge to the local government-run Jordan TV (JTV) in attempting to meet the raised
expectations of the average Jordanian viewer.
Table 5.
Main media outlets in Jordan by audience34
Daily newspapers35

Radio stations36

Television37

Al Rai
(state-owned newspaper)

Ammanet (Balad FM)
(first community radio in Jordan)

Jordan Radio and Television Corporation (JRTV)
(state-owned television)

Al Ghad
(first independent newspaper)

Rotana
(music and morning talk-show)

Roya TV
(Amman-based satellite channel)

Ad-Dustour
(partly owned by government)

Amen FM
(Public Security Department)

Nourmina
(first privately owned satellite channel
broadcasting from Amman)

Hawa FM
(Greater Amman Municipality,
focussing on GAM projects)

1.3.1.1 Print Media
In the past five years, the circulation rates for the seven most read daily newspapers in Jordan have remained
steady. The top two by circulation are Al Rai (70,000 a day) and Al Ghad (50,000–60,000).38 The print
sector accounts for 72 percent of the total advertising spend in the country. Newspaper advertising spend
was estimated at US$75 million in 2011. Today, 44 percent of Jordanians use the internet daily as a news
source.39 A poll by the International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) revealed that only 53.8 percent
of Jordanians had read any news publication within the 30 days prior to the poll; 56 percent read daily
newspapers, 15.4 percent read weeklies, and 15.7 percent read monthly publications.40

34. See emediasearch 2011, at http://www.irex.org/system/files/MSIMENA08_Jordan.pdf (accessed 14 June 2013).
35. See http://www.alrai.com, http://www.alghad.jo, and http://www.addustour.com (all accessed 26 November 2012), and http://www.alarabalya
wm.net (accessed 14 June 2013).
36. See http://ar.ammannet.net/, http://www.rotanaradio.jo/, http://www.amenfm.jo (accessed 14 June 2013).
37. See http://www.jrtv.gov.jo/, http://roya.tv, http://www.nourminatv.com (accessed 14 June 2013).
38. At http://www.emediasearch.com (accessed 14 June 2013).
39. Arab Media Forum, at http://www.arabmediaforum.ae/userfiles/EnglishAMO.pdf (accessed 15 June 2013).
40. Jordan Press Foundation – Al-Rai (PRES), “Equity Research Report. Initiation of Coverage,” ABC Investments, Amman, July 2009, at http://
www.abci.com.jo/cms_files/Jordan_Press_Foundation_-_Al-Rai_(PRES)_-_Initiation_of_Coverage.pdf (accessed 17 February 2012) (hereafter, Jordan Press Foundation – Al-Rai (PRES), “Equity Research Report”).


2013

21

1.3.1.2 Online
There are also news websites that continue to emerge. Although a chart comparing newspaper circulations
during the past ﬁve years does not seem to be available, news websites were mostly created in 2010 and 2011.
On 2 June 2013, the Jordanian government blocked local access to about 290 news websites under a new law
that caused outrage among human rights and media organizations, which denounced this as a step to quell
critics of the government.41
The competition prompted by the rise in Jordanians’ exposure to regional media has boosted the local media
industry. In the past decade, various new local outlets, such as Roya TV and Al Ghad newspaper, have
been established, providing an alternative source of information and news for Jordanians. The pressure of
digitization and the so-called “age of information” have led to increased coverage of domestic, local, and
community issues in the media industry in Jordan. Previously, print and broadcast stations had covered
regional news and focussed more on Jordan’s foreign policy.
Table 6.
Most visited news websites, by users, 2010–201342
Rank
Feb
2010

Website

Rank
Jan
2011

Website

Rank
Sep
2012

Website

Rank
Feb
2013

Website

Rank
Jun
2013

Website

38

Ammonnews.
net

9

Sarayanews.
com

8

Sarayanews.com

8

Sarayanews.
com

6

Jfranews.com

32

Al Jazeera

11

Ammonnews.
net

9

AlWakeelnews.
com

11

Khaberni.com

10

Garaanews.com

25

Assawsana

13

Khaberni.com

12

Khaberni.com

12

Alwakeelnews.
com

11

Sarayanews.com

24

Saraynews.com 18

Al Rai

15

Ammonnews.
net

13

Ammonnews.
net

13

Alwakeelnews.
net

21

Jordanzad

21

Ad-Dustour

18

Al Rai

19

Al Ghad

14

Khaberni.com

21

Elaph

22

Al Ghad

19

Al Ghad

20

Al Rai

21

Ammonnews.net

1.3.1.3 Radio
Radio listenership among those aged 30 and above accounts for 54 percent of total radio listeners, compared
with 46 percent in 2007. In 2010, young people, aged 15–29 years old made up 46 percent of radio listeners
as opposed to 54 percent in 2007, but this drop is oﬀset by the growing trend of listening to the radio
through mobile telephones and the internet.43

41. “Jordan Blocks Access to News Sites,” New York Times, 3 June 2013, at http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/04/world/middleeast/jordan-blockslocal-access-to-300-news-web-sites.html (accessed 15 June 2013).
42. Alexa.com, at http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/JO (accessed 23 February 2013); Strategies-HarrisInteractive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010.
43. Strategies-HarrisInteractive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010.

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JORDAN

Nineteen percent of Jordanians aged 15 and above listen to radio through mobile phones and 7 percent
through the internet, the poll revealed. While the traditional top radio stations have not scored any major
gains since 2007, Amen FM 89.5, owned by the Public Security Department, has made great advances,
increasing its penetration almost three times within one year. Smaller, Arabic- and English-speaking radio
stations, in particular those that target greater Amman areas, have also made considerable gains, almost
doubling their penetration.

1.3.2 Television News Programs
Until the 1990s, Arab television broadcasting was terrestrial in technology and reach. The introduction of
satellite technology in the early 1990s marked a technological split in Arab broadcasting into pre- and postsatellite eras.44 Although local channels such as Roya TV and Nourmina TV have recently been established,
local television remains the only segment that has not developed, and most Jordanians (90 percent of the
population have satellite reception) depend on the free-to-air sector, with close to 600 channels available
free by satellite. Before the boom of free-to-air television, however, terrestrial television was the main source
of entertainment and information. A study45 conducted in 2008 found that 52.2 percent of Jordanians
watched JRTV for news where the talk-show “Yis’id Sabahak” (Friday Morning Show), aired every Friday,
was the most watched show, followed by the daily news broadcast at 8 p.m. The study also revealed that the
population’s satisfaction with the programs on JRTV was 1.49 out of 3.
A private television channel, ATV, was set to be the first independent local television station, but its operation
was suspended on 1 August 2007, the day of its official launch. According to Jordan Business, a monthly local
magazine, the vision of ATV’s owner Mohammad Alayyan “clashed with that of the Government and other
state bodies, and he was requested to sell the company back to the Government.” Mr Alayyan’s vision was
to establish an independent and professional television station in Jordan. However, the government did not
welcome a completely independent television station and his efforts were halted.46
Jordanian television remains significantly underdeveloped. However, several satellite channels in the Arab
world have been established. Arabs in various countries in the region, as well as Jordanians, found other
sources of news and information, and viewers are relying progressively less on state-run television. In 2002,
the government briefly closed Al Jazeera’s office in Amman for its political coverage of Jordan and criticism
of the government.47

44. Naomi Sakr, Satellite realms: Transnational Television, Globalization and the Middle East, I.B. Tauris, London, 2001.
45. Qablan Abdou Qablan Harb, “Attitudes of viewers towards programs and news services in Jordan Television, 2008,” thesis at the Middle East
University in Amman, Jordan.
46. Jordan Business, “The Death of ATV,” March 2010.
47. John F. Burns, “Arab TV Gets a New Slant: Newscasts Without Censorship,” New York Times, 4 July 1999.


2013

23

1.3.3

Impact of Digital Media on Good-quality News

News quality can be assessed in terms of freedom and censorship; interactivity and accessibility; professionalism
and ethics; and relevance to local audiences.
By 2012, the internet had become a more popular source for news and information than newspapers (see
section 1.2.2). This profoundly affected the state’s capacity to control the media agenda. “Despite the
challenges we face today in Jordan, the introduction of news websites and community radio stations has
been able to push the envelope and provide freedom that did not exist in traditional print and broadcast
media,” said Mohammad Shamma, a correspondent covering human rights issues for Radio Al-Balad and
AmmanNet.
However, the news media in Jordan continue to face severe restrictions on free speech. Assessments of media
freedom in Jordan have gone down: Freedom House’s ranking fell from “Partly Free” in 2009 to “Not Free” in
2010, and it ranked 120 out of 178 countries in the Reporters Without Borders’ “Worldwide Press Freedom”
table for 2010.48 In 2012, Jordan was again ranked “Not Free” by Freedom House,49 and it slipped six places
to 134 out of 178 in the 2013 “Worldwide Press Freedom” table.50 Media freedom has declined mainly due
to additional restrictions in the press and publication laws, restrictions on internet freedom, surveillance, and
indirect pressure on certain journalists and editors.51
More Jordanians are turning to the internet for their news and using it as a tool to express their views on
matters small and large. According to the 2010 Jordan New Media Survey, funded by the U.S. Agency
for International Development (USAID), Jordanians are visiting news websites both for the opportunity
to view news that is less subject to government control (less than print and state-run television), and for
the opportunity to comment on what is posted online: 44 percent of Jordanians rated the opportunity to
comment and interact as a reason for visiting news websites, compared with 41 percent the year before
(2009).52
The media are adapting to such trends and to the growing demand from news consumers to use digital media
as platforms for public discussion and interaction. Much of this demand has been stimulated by competition
from regional satellite broadcasters and the explosion of online news sources. “Newspapers have been forced
to focus on feature stories, demand action and provide analysis in Jordan because of satellite television, social
media and local news websites that focus on national coverage, including in areas that were once ignored,”
said Ashraf al Rai, a journalist formerly with Al Ghad.

48. “Freedom in the World 2010: Global Erosion and Freedom,” January 2010, at http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=70&release=1120
(accessed 9 February 2013).
49. See http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/jordan (accessed 26 September 2013).
50. See http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2013,1054.html (accessed 9 February 2013).
51. See http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2012/jordan (accessed 15 June 2013).
52. Strategies-HarrisInteractive conducted the third independent Jordan Media Survey in March 2010. At http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_
mf/1336077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 26 September 2013).

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JORDAN

That said, concerns are rising that the proliferation of news websites and other electronic media outlets are
giving rise to a dilution of professionalism among journalists, making their work less credible. Mr Shamma
of Radio Al-Balad and AmmanNet said: “News websites contributed to freedom of the press, but they also
pose problems for us in terms of professionalism and ethics because sometimes they present only one side of
a story, or run a story based on rumors or even personal interests.” Echoing that view, a study by the Center
for Defending Freedom of Journalists (CDFJ) concluded that “beyond any doubt” the journalism sector in
Jordan “is experiencing a serious and severe crisis from the professionalism point of view.”53
With Jordan’s population comprising mostly young people—nearly 37 percent are under 1554—and the
increased use of the internet, print newspapers will need to adapt to the digitization of the industry but also
find creative ways to tell stories, if they are to compete with online news websites.55
Figure 5.
Reasons for visiting news websites (% of sample),* 2009–2010
100
84
76

80
67

66
57

60

56
41

44

40

33

38

20

Timeliness

Credibility of news

Exclusive news
2009

Opportunity to comment

Uncensored news

2010

Note:

* Total sample of 2,560 adults (aged 15+), interviewed face-to-face

Source:

Strategies-Harris Interactive, Third Independent Jordan Media Survey, March 201056

53. Interviews with journalists Mohammad Shamma, Amman, 23 November 2011, and Ashraf al Rai, Amman, 9 April 2011.
54. At http://www.un.org/esa/population/meetings/egm-adolescents/p06_roudi.pdf (accessed 26 September 2013).
55. Jordan Press Foundation – Al-Rai (PRES), “Equity Research Report.”
56. See http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_mf/1336077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 27
April 2013).


2013

25

1.4

Assessments

All indications point to a steady rise in digital media take-up. More than 100 percent of Jordanians own
mobile phones (some people have more than one), and over 97 percent of households have a television set;
of these, 90 percent have satellite reception.57 These statistics affect the choice of news consumption for many
Jordanians. Despite a steady increase over recent years, internet home subscription remains low, perhaps due
to the high cost of connection. However, there seems to be a clear gap between the low number of internet
subscriptions and internet penetration in the kingdom, which is much higher. Although waning, internet
cafés are still popular. Many users also access the internet at their place of work and, increasingly, through
mobile devices.
Although there has been rapid infrastructure development, media reform continues to be shaped by domestic
as well as regional political and societal dynamics. Lack of press freedom, authoritarian media legislation,
professionalism, and self-censorship among journalists themselves remain obstacles to truly robust and
comprehensive media. Digitization, however, has made it difficult to prevent Jordanians from seeking stories
and news content about their community and country from social media and online news. By using Facebook
to interact and join groups, Twitter to join debates and find links and having relatively free access to internet
sites across the world, it is now nearly impossible to prevent Jordanians from gathering news and information.
Digitization has also put pressure on local media to improve their quality. Surveys cited in this study indicated
that Jordanians saw local news websites as constituting less restricted sources of news and having more
credibility than print and state-run television.

57. According to the DOS, at http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/jorfig/2011/1.pdf (accessed 15 June 2013).

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JORDAN

2. Digital Media and Public or
State-administered Broadcasters
2.1

Public Service and State Institutions

2.1.1

Overview of Public Service Media; News and Current Affairs Output

When the satellite boom took place during the 1990s, Jordanians began turning away from JRTV to panArab news channels like Al Jazeera and others. JRTV continues to face major financial problems but despite
this, it was forced to change some staff and improve its programs. In addition, it was faced with criticism from
citizens and media experts that it was lagging behind other Arab networks in performance and capabilities.58
Nearly all news bulletins and most programs broadcast on JRTV are in-house productions. Some entertainment
programs are commissioned from local independent production companies.59 The channel covers mostly
local and regional news but also briefly international news with a daily summary at 7:30 p.m. and the main
newscast at 10:00 p.m.
In April 1968, television transmission in Jordan began in black and white from one studio, with three hours
of programming each day. In 1972, JTV, as it then was, became the first station in the region to operate a
second channel, Channel 2, which specialized in foreign programs, including a news bulletin in English.60
Launched in February 1993, the Jordan satellite TV Channel began transmitting on average 20 hours per
day, of which 80 percent were locally produced programs. JRTV airs via satellite and reaches all the Arab
countries, the southern parts of Europe, Turkey, West Iran, North America, and several countries in northern
Africa. 61

58. Alia Shukri Hamzeh, “Jordan Television Seeks to Boost Viewership With Diversified New Lineup,” Jordan Times, 21 January 2007 (hereafter,
Hamzeh, “Jordan Television Seeks to Boost Viewership”).
59. See linktv.org/mosaic http://www.linktv.org/mosaic/broadcasters/jordan (accessed 27 January 2011).
60. MediaME.com, at http://mediame.com/country/jordan/jordan_tv (accessed 27 January 2011).
61. See linktv.org/mosaic http://www.linktv.org/mosaic/broadcasters/jordan (accessed 27 January 2011).


2013

27

According to Ipsos-Stat, JRTV’s viewership, including terrestrial and satellite, dropped from 59.1 percent
in 2005 to 44.7 percent in 2006. The survey revealed that terrestrial viewership dropped from 32.3 percent
to 25.0 percent between 2005 and 2006. Satellite channel viewership went down from 26.80 percent to
21.10 percent. An Ipsos media executive, Mohammad Dahleh, said the rise in the number of satellite
stations providing more attractive entertainment and better programming, including news, made people
lose interest in watching JRTV. “This should make the people in charge change and improve the programs
to keep attracting an audience,” Mr Dahleh said in an interview with the Jordan Times.62 According to an
Arab Advisors Group survey in September 2011, the highest general local television viewership ﬁgures were
recorded in United Arab Emirates (96 percent), Jordan (95 percent), Saudi Arabia (95 percent), and Tunisia
(95 percent).63
Some of the more popular local JRTV programs include “Yawm Jadeed” (Morning Show), broadcast six
days a week at 7 a.m. JRTV aims to increase public awareness of social issues, health, and religion, with for
example “Yis’id Sabahak,” featuring events around the kingdom, with interviews, and “Is’alu Ahl al Thikir,” a
religious talk show which concentrates on Islam and social aﬀairs.
In 2011, an independent local channel was launched, Roya TV, which broadcasts local news, dramas, and a
variety of political, social, and economic programs. Jordanians perceive it as more professional than JRTV,
and as a channel which is slowly pushing back the limits of freedom in the country’s television sector.
Local government and independent newspapers have also created websites where readers can interact and
react to articles posted. Many of these channels and news media have Facebook pages and Twitter accounts
that post headline news with links to the website followed by comments from readers and viewers. Perhaps
more important, regional news channels that broadcast by satellite (see section 1.2.1) have led the state media
to focus more on local and domestic news. Shifting audience trends have forced state television to focus on
areas that they never used to cover. “People outside the capital are watching the state channel more, while
those in the capital receive their news from regional channels and the internet,” said Ashraf al Rai, a journalist
formerly with Al Ghad,64 “but state television has lost its national appeal.”
The state retained a monopoly in radio broadcasting until the 2002 Audiovisual Law, which created the
legal framework for licensing private broadcasters, including for terrestrial television. This ultimately made it
possible for several new radio stations to emerge. They are mostly entertainment-focussed due to restrictions
on airing news content (see section 5.1.2).

62. Hamzeh, “Jordan Television Seeks to Boost Viewership.”
63. See http://www.itu.int/dms_pub/itu-t/oth/06/5B/T065B0000060043PDFE.pdf (accessed 8 February 2013).
64. Interview with Ashraf al Rai, journalist, Amman, 9 April 2011.

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In September 2012, however, the Audiovisual Commission (AVC) lifted the extra fees on the broadcasting
of political content in order to “encourage political programs and news reports in line with what benefits the
local society, and to stimulate it, instead of these fees that limit the possibility of tackling what is important
and positive and resorting to entertainment programs and ones that are not serious.”65 In place of such formal
restraints on news broadcasters, the state appears to be maintaining its control through the courts. On 25
July 2012, the AVC filed a lawsuit against Josat TV, a local privately owned television channel, over opinions
expressed by a guest on a program hosted by Rula Hroub. Following this incident, the AVC suspended the
channel’s license to broadcast. Josat TV was charged with incitement against the regime, undermining the
king’s dignity and the status of an official institution, and violating Article 22 of the Audiovisual Law. Ms
Hroub, who also faced charges, was elected as an MP on 29 January 2013. As the lawsuit was filed prior to
her appointment, she was denied parliamentary immunity and will have to stand trial.66

2.1.2 Digitization and Services
JRTV is a state rather than a public service broadcaster. However, this fact has not prevented it from building
an online presence. This includes individual websites hosting live streams from the main state-run television
and radio outlets as well as Roya TV (see section 2.1.1). There are also exclusive state-run online channels such
as Jordandays.tv, and independent online websites that broadcast live events online, including Parliament
sessions, news conferences, and street protests demanding political and economic reform after the Arab
Spring. After the 2011 ban on unregistered news websites, Jordandays.tv was blocked; today it uses YouTube
as well as social media applications.

2.1.3

Government Support

The process of digitizing terrestrial platforms in Jordan has not taken place yet, nor are there any publicly
accessible plans in place.

2.1.4 Public Service Media and Digital Switch-over
It cannot yet be determined if the digitization switch-over will hinder or help state media to increase their
reach and influence. JRTV broadcasts on YouTube (www.youtube.com/user/JRTVChannel), where it has so
far achieved a few thousand hits.

65. See http://www.ammonnews.net/article.aspx?articleno=130839 (accessed 8 February 2013).
66. At http://jordantimes.com/article/mps-trial-to-go-forward-despite-immunity (accessed 8 February 2013).


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2.2

Public Service Provision

2.2.1 Perception of Public Service Media
Osama Salameh, author of a 2009 thesis at the University of London entitled “Jordan Television Today:
Broadcasters, Programming, and Audiences. A Case Study on West Amman Youths’ Viewing Culture of
Jordan Television’s Political Programs,” found that 25–35-year-olds in Amman were frustrated by JRTV’s
lack of independence and by the slow pace of reform in the broadcast field, unlike other forms of media in
Jordan, which have made progress.67
“The 2002 Audio Visual Law officially ended the government monopoly on broadcasting and established
the Audiovisual Commission (AVC), to license and regulate private radio and television outlets,” said Yahia
Shukier, a journalist with Arab Al Yawm newspaper.68 “That is a good thing but we still adhere to the press
and publication laws and that impacts on freedom of the press and reform.”
Although Jordanians have limited access to local news programming, 90 percent of the 97 percent of
households in the kingdom with a television set have satellite reception.69 As a result, political discourse and
regional revolutions across the Arab world and beyond have reached viewers. Networks like Al Jazeera and Al
Arabiya, which have broadcast coverage of the Arab Spring, pose a challenge to local government channels
in the region, including JRTV, which is government-owned and whose director is directly appointed by the
government.
“There also needs to be accountability in the media, and transparency, and we don’t have reform in the local
government TV channel or radio,” said the editor in chief of Al Ghad, Jumana Ghneimat.70
No specific public service obligations are imposed on commercial media. The broadcast license is granted
on condition of respecting the press and publication laws, and the 2002 Audiovisual Law. However, these
laws are restrictive, and carry such Articles as “prohibiting any material that may promote provincialism,
contradict the values of the Arab Islamic nation, spread false news, shake confidence in the national currency,
incite hatred or degrade any religion.”71

2.2.2 Public Service Provision in Commercial Media
The reality is that there are no substantive rules for public service provision in either the state or commercial
media. While there is some provision of public service content by state media, media regulation aims

67. Osama Salameh conducted interviews with Jordanians living in West Amman. This is not a quantitative assessment and is not necessarily reflective of Jordanians living in other areas in Jordan or all classes. See http://www.projectcarousel.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Osalameh_
Dissertation-21.pdf (accessed 15 June 2013).
68. Interview with Yahia Shukier, journalist with Arab Al Yawm, Amman, 11 April 2012.
69. According to the DOS at http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_a/jorfig/2012/1.pdf (accessed 21 September 2013).
70. Interview with Jumana Ghneimat, editor-in-chief of Al Ghad, Amman, 28 March 2012.
71. “Senate Passes Press and Publication Laws,” 1998, http://www.jordanembassyus.org/081898002.htm (accessed 9 February 2013).

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JORDAN

principally to protect the interests of the ruling elite: “Laws change in Jordan with every government; does
this mean that every year and a half the public will change? These laws represent the will and beneﬁt of the
ruling elite of Jordan, not the people of Jordan,” said Yahia Shukier, journalist with Al Arab Al Yawm daily
since 1997.72

2.3

Assessments

Sine there has been no digital switch-over of territorial platforms, the gains and losses of switch-over cannot
be determined. However, due to the rise of new media and the emergence and growth of regional satellite
channels, the state media have been forced to make their news services more interactive and relevant to
local audiences. JRTV, which realized that it could not compete with Arab satellite channels due to tight
government regulation and budget issues, has instead opted to focus more on its core audience, consisting
mostly of Jordanians living in villages and governorates outside Amman.
Internet penetration continues to rise; as it does so, more people will get their information from internetbased broadcast news and new media platforms. JRTV recently added live streaming to their website to try
to attract and connect to the population.

72. Interview with Yahia Shukier, journalist with Al Arab Al Yawm, Amman, 11 April 2012.


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3. Digital Media and Society
3.1

User-Generated Content (UGC)

3.1.1

UGC Overview

Surveys indicate that most Jordanians use the internet for general browsing purposes, followed by research,
audio and video consumption, and chatting.73 The most visited websites in Jordan include user-generated
(UGC) websites as well as news websites. According to Alexa.com, the top 10 most visited websites in
February 2013 were (in descending order): Facebook, Google.jo, YouTube, Google.com, Yahoo!, Windows
Live, Blogspot.com, Sarayanews.com, Kooora.com, Twitter.com.74
Kooora.com is a popular sports entertainment website and Sarayanews.com leads the pack in terms of news
websites, followed by Ammonnews and Al Ghad online (Alghad.com). Of these, only Alghad.com is the
electronic version of an established newspaper. Another popular website not quite in the top 10 is Maktoob
(recently bought by Yahoo!), founded in 2000, which was the world’s first free Arabic/English web-based
email service. It also created one of the most successful Arab online communities in the region.
Over the past five years, the popularity of multimedia UGC websites (not news) has increased considerably in
Jordan, exemplified by the rise of global content-sharing sites such as Facebook and YouTube. The significance
of YouTube for popular culture is illustrated by “Bath Bayakha” (Silly Broadcast), a Jordanian online comedy
show which went viral on YouTube within a few days. In August 2011, Mada and D1g.com became the
official sponsors of the series, which was broadcast daily during Ramadan on Roya TV. According to Johnny
Dabeet, the series’ co-creator and co-executive producer, “YouTube and new media were at the start the
single, most influential factor in the show’s success. We had approached TV stations but to no avail. We are
now playing on local and regional networks; we are the first and only Jordanian show to air on OSN. Online,
we got people’s attention; they rated, interacted with us, and gave us direct feedback.”75

73. See Harris Interactive, Jordan Media Survey: New Media, May 2010, at http://www.slideshare.net/muinkhoury/jordan-new-mediasurveyoff
line20100606 (accessed 21 September 2013).
74. See http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/jordan (accessed 23 February 2013).
75. Interview with Johnny Dabeet, co-creator and co-executive producer of “Bath Bayakha,” Amman, 22 June 2012.

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Prominent blogs by Jordanians include Black-iris.com, started by Naseem Tarawnah in 2005, and listed in
2011 among CNN’s 10 must-read blogs from the Middle East.76 According to Mohammad Omar, chief
editor of the Albawaba.com portal, “From 2005 until the end of 2008, the number of Jordanian blogs
increased significantly to around 10,000.” He noted, however, that only about 1,000 of those blogs are
active.77 Indeed, as social media sites like Facebook and Twitter have grown, the popularity of blogs appears
to have decreased. There are no statistics specific to the activity of blogs in Jordan, but the recent closure of
the blogging platform hosted by Maktoob (following its merger with Yahoo!) indeed suggests that blogging
activity is on the wane: “As part of Yahoo!, Maktoob’s commitment to delivering the web content and tools
that matter most in your online life, Yahoo! Maktoob Blogs will officially shut down on 31 March 2013.”78
The rise of UGC in Jordan has provoked political debate about the ethics and legitimacy of online news.
Some parliamentarians have been heavily critical of both the quality of news websites and the fact that readers
were able to comment on news items and opinions. According to a prominent member of parliament, Abdul
Karim Dughmi, speaking in 2011, “Certain news websites and TV channels directly or indirectly instigate
social violence by allowing people to anonymously post on comment sections attached to stories and news
reports.”79

3.1.2

Social Networks

As of early 2013, Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn were the most popular global social networking sites in
Jordan.80 According to the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC), there were 2.653 million
Facebook users in Jordan at the end of March 2013. Around 58 percent of this total are male, according
to the website. Around 41 percent of the users are aged 18–24, while those aged 25–34 accounted for 26.4
percent of the users.81 By the end of 2012, Jordan had the second-highest Facebook penetration in the Arab
world after Saudi Arabia.82 However, it was ranked among the low-penetration countries for Twitter. At the
end of June 2012, there were 59,726 active Twitter users in Jordan—under 1 per cent of the population.83
The Jordanian-based Arab version of Twitter, WatWet, was launched in 2008. By 2009, WatWet had 25,000
users (mostly in Jordan) with a high growth at a time when Twitter had only 12,266 users from Arab
countries.84 Just like Twitter, the Arabic-language WatWet offered the 140 characters limit and enabled the
“follow” and “unfollow” feature. In July 2011, however, WatWet announced that it was closing down because
it could not compete with Twitter. 85
76. See http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/meast/04/14/bloggers.middle.east/index.html (accessed 23 February 2013).
77. See http://www.jordantimes.com/?news=19610 (accessed 23 February 2013).
78. See http://zohooralreef.maktoobblog.com (accessed 23 February 2013).
79. Omari Raed, “MP’s Call for Professionalism, Regulations in Online Media,” Jordan Times, 7 January 2011.
80. See http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/jordan (accessed 23 February 2013).
81. See http://jordantimes.com/41-of-jordanians-use-facebook (accessed 26 September 2013).
82. See http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats5.htm (accessed 26 September 2013).
83. See http://jordantimes.com/facebook-penetration-high-and-growing-in-jordan----report (accessed 23 February 2013).
84. See Arabcrunch.com, at http://twurl.nl/en263f (accessed 1 February 2011).
85. See http://arabcrunch.com/2011/07/arabic-twitter-competitor-watwet-pulls-the-plug.html (accessed 21 September 2013).


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33

The key role played by social media in the Arab Spring political movement has helped to encourage the
growth of online start-ups across the Arabic-speaking region. Young entrepreneurs say that creating
businesses that employ people and contribute to social change can be just as revolutionary as marching in
demonstrations. “It’s an alternative path for us to have an impact on economies and societies which is not
tied to the government,” said Omar Christidis, 29, the founder of ArabNet.me, an online service that keeps
digital professionals and entrepreneurs abreast of industry news and events like conferences. “No one can stop
you,” he added. “Through this, you can empower yourself and it’s an open opportunity.”86
From 19 March to 10 April 2012, the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project surveyed a cluster
sample of 1,000 adults from Jordan’s 12 governorates.87 According to the survey, 68 percent of respondents
used social networking sites for music and movies, 80 percent to discuss community issues, 68 percent for
sports, 60 percent for politics, and 62 percent for religion.

3.1.3

News in Social Media

A number of avid Jordanian bloggers have surfaced and have attracted national and international attention, such
as 7iber, The Black Iris (see section 3.1.1), Natasha Tynes, Batir Wardam, Hareaga, And Far Away, 360 East,
Arab Crunch, and several others. Most of these blogs are in English, hence addressing a wider international
audience, and cover—among other topics—culture, society, technology, and national and international politics.
Most posts receive comments from readers. Bloggers usually accompany their entries with visuals. The Black Iris,
for example, always incorporates relevant caricatures by a famous Jordanian artist, Emad Hajjaj, who created a
cartoon character called Abu Mahjoob, who embodies the average Jordanian citizen.88 Ikbis is a platform where
users upload videos created by them or borrowed from other sites. However, the country’s media laws, which
were recently amended to cover electronic news, are being applied, even to blogs like 7iber.com.
While they do address issues that are not usually covered by mainstream media, Jordanian bloggers also base
their entries on topics covered by mainstream media, often adding their point of view on a speciﬁc topic.
According to the Third Annual Asda’a Burson-Marsteller Arab Youth Survey, some social media users who
access social media to consume news have indicated that there has been a “shift in digital attention.”89 Social
networking is used much more frequently in Jordan today than writing or even reading blogs. More than 67
percent of those surveyed said they use social media networks, while 16 percent read blogs, and only 9 percent
write them.90 Jordanians post news articles on these social media networks and Twitter has several hashtags
that bring the Jordanian community on Twitter together for sharing information, posts, and activism. Some

86. Interview with Omar Christidis, founder of ArabNet.me, Amman, 3 June 2012.
87. See http://www.pewglobal.org/ﬁles/2012/12/Pew-Global-Attitudes-Project-Technology-Report-FINAL-December-12-2012.pdf (accessed 23
February 2013).
88. See http://www.black-iris.com/2011/01/27/emad-hajjaj-caricatures-on-the-arab-world-lately (accessed 23 February 2013).
89. See http://www.jordantimes.com/?news=19610 (accessed 23 February 2013).
90. See http://www.slideshare.net/BMGlobalNews/third-annual-asdaa-bursonmarsteller-arab-youth-survey (accessed 23 February 2013).

34


JORDAN

of these hashtags include #JO, #ReformJO, #Amman, and #Jordan. Thus, the rise of social media in Jordan
has demonstrated the blurring of distinctions between news, citizen journalism, and activism. Most local
news websites such as JO24, Khaberni, Ammonnews, and others also have Facebook pages, Twitter feeds, and
accounts where they post photos, videos, and links to the content appearing on their news websites. This has
contributed to interaction and discussions on the content on the social media websites as well.

3.2

Digital Activism

3.2.1

Digital Platforms and Civil Society Activism

Increasingly, Jordanians are using social networking websites to increase awareness of various issues. In the
2010 parliamentary elections, they were used by some civil society groups to raise awareness and motivate
young voters to take part in the elections. “Through our group [the Facebook election campaign group], we
seek to encourage people to elect the best to represent us and serve the kingdom,” said Mohannad Alhami,
a college student and activist who believes that young Jordanians can change the country if they participate
in the elections.
“Maybe candidates do not have Facebook accounts. But their children, nephews, or young relatives do have
accounts, so they can make use of this tool. In one click, we can inform thousands of Facebook users about the
elections, candidates and news,”91 said Ahmad Rousan, who created a group called “Jordan Elections 2010,”
to inform people about the candidates. Although the 2013 elections produced an unexpected high turnout
rate of 56 percent across the kingdom, voter turnout in the capital where the majority of the population lives
was lowest at 43.2 percent.92 Due to discontent with the lack of change in the electoral process, Jordanians
including youngsters have created Facebook pages and proﬁles that call for boycotting the elections.

91. See http://www.sahaﬁ.jo/arc/art1.php?id=39d528651922bbe804c8efa82d510c533b397031 (accessed 26 September 2013).
92. See http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-11725725 (accessed 23 February 2013).


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35

The Halt Ajloun Deforestation Campaign
In early 2011, the cutting down of 2,200 trees in a forest in Jordan’s northern Ajloun was scheduled
in order to build a military academy on the site. Environmental activists launched an online petition,
with 452 signatures, which was presented to the health and environment committee of the Lower
House of Parliament on 18 January 2011. A “SaveAjlounTrees” Twitter account and a Facebook page
soon followed, garnering over 5,000 supporters. In addition, protestors carried out street protests
and were active on the ground, raising awareness and interacting with others.
The campaign managed to halt the project, pending environmental assessment, which eventually
led to amendment plans for the military academy, which would entail cutting down 300 trees instead
of 2,200.93
The Ajloun campaign became a symbol of the power of social media in mobilizing people to engage
in street protests and voice concerns to the authorities.94 Jordanians continue to use social media
to publicize environmental issues by mapping nature reserves, ﬁlming construction violations, and
recording the large quantity of trash in a vegetable market, among other concerns.95

During the Egyptian protests in January and February 2011, the Twitter community in Jordan sent tweets
about locations of protests in Amman in support of the Egyptian people and calls for reform and development
in Jordan. Political parties are generally absent in Jordan, due to former election laws and a system that
discouraged political parties by means of obstacles to licensing and limited access to parliamentary seats. They
also have low visibility on social networks. However, civil society organizations use Twitter, Facebook, and
even news websites to express their concerns and causes.
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have also played a role in equipping citizens with the skills needed
to join the political dialogue. For example, Leaders of Tomorrow (LoT), an NGO that aims to advance youth
development, has invested in involving Jordanian youngsters in conferences and diﬀerent activities that
address sociocultural and politically sensitive topics, among others. One of their initiatives, called #Fadfed
(“Speak out” in Arabic), allows people to write their opinion about certain political or social themes, and
their comments are then posted on Twitter under #FadFed.

93. http://www.greenprophet.com/2011/05/trees-cut-down-jordan-ajloun-forest (accessed 15 June 2013).
94. See http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/01/19/jordan-social-media-combats-deforestation-project (accessed 14 June 2013).
95. Jennifer Hattam, “Tweeting Their Way to a Better Future: Young Jordanians Use Social Media to Help Protect the Environment,” Treehugger.
com, 24 September 2010.

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In the context of the recent revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, informed Jordanian youth have
joined a movement for reform in Jordan. Online news websites provided sustained reporting of the “Friday
demonstrations” in Jordan during January and February 2011. JordanDaysTV provided live streaming of
the demonstrations, supplemented by interviews with citizens taking part. Jordanian Facebook and Twitter
users avidly followed up this coverage, regularly uploading photos, videos, and reporting on developments.
Near the end of February, a group of young men and women addressed a letter to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Nasser Judeh, requesting an official statement on behalf of the government and people to condemn
the atrocities faced by the people of Libya.96
Jordanians make increasing use of social networking sites as venues for debates on social issues and to influence
public opinion. Since the surge of the Arab Spring across the Middle East, Jordanians have created a hashtag
on Twitter, “#Reformjo,” dedicated to debating the country’s reform process.
Social networking websites such as Facebook have also empowered women in garnering support for their
campaigns online. Nima Habashna, a Jordanian married to a Moroccan, started a Facebook page called
“My Mom Is Jordanian and Her Citizenship Is My Right.” The page, which advocates the right of Jordanian
women to pass their citizenship to their children, had nearly 3,000 members before it was hacked in
November 2011.97 On the Facebook page, Mrs Habashna shares articles on Jordanian women passing on
their citizenship to their children, posts satirical animation photos, announces upcoming events, and posts
poll questions such as, “Do you support refusing a case on any writer or a website that publishes a column
where women married to non-Jordanians are attacked?”

3.2.2 The Importance of Digital Mobilizations
Although digital mobilization has not become fully mainstream, those who do use social media tend to be
heavily active. They are influential leaders as well as ordinary citizens, journalists, employees, civil society
organizers, university students, and others. Issues that are raised on Twitter or Facebook in the Jordanian
community (on environment, protests or other issues) sometimes get picked up either by online media or
print media, radio stations or magazines where they reach mainstream society.
For example, in 2011, a video surfaced of a six-year-old boy, Ahmad al-Saket, standing in front of a large
classroom chalkboard crying, shaking, and pleading for mercy. In the video, a teacher carrying a wooden stick
in her hand is seen scolding the student in front of his classmates for writing the number nine incorrectly
(see section 4.2.3). Several print and online news websites reported on the incident, as readers and the public
demanded an investigation.98 Al Ghad newspaper also featured an interview with the father of the six-yearold. The video went viral online and on social media, and sparked a public outcry. Jordanians sent numerous
tweets and letters online to protest and demand an investigation into the matter.

96. See http://www.alghad.com/?news=562074 (accessed 23 February 2013).
97. Interview with Nima Habashna, women’s rights activist, Amman, 25 November 2011.
98. See http://www.khaberni.com/more.php?newsid=48818&catid=1 (accessed 13 June 2013).


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While some social media campaigns have galvanized enough support to be dubbed success stories, many
have trickled down to inactive pages of abandoned causes. The determining factor in the success or failure of
a campaign, social media experts say, lies in the balance between online and offline activity. “I advise all #JO
[Jordanian] candidates to start [the] conversation online and take it offline for human interaction,” tweeted
a Jordanian social media expert, Khaled El Ahmad, as candidates started gearing up for the parliamentary
elections.99
In Jordan, media development—or the lack of it—continues to reflect the struggle for political reform.
Inspired by the Arab Spring revolutions and the easing of restrictions on public assembly in February 2011,
journalists at the government-owned Al Rai newspaper protested for many weeks in February and March
2011, demanding more freedom, enhanced professionalism, increased salaries, and an end to state interference
in written and published material. This was the first protest in the newspaper’s history.100
With the Arab uprisings, a layer of fear has been lifted in Jordan. More people now express their political
views and demands for reform. Increased participation in politics will surely require an amendment to the
Press and Publication Law and the Anti-Terrorism Penal Code. If not, the reform process will continue to be
inadequate.
Revolutions in the region, as well the introduction of satellite television and the internet, will make journalists,
viewers, and readers in Jordan demand more of the fast, up-to-date reporting that we are beginning to see
today. Through social media, readers will increasingly debate, share, and comment on reports published by
media outlets.

3.3

Assessments

There is no doubt that digitization has contributed to the overall news offer, including improvement in the
diversity and participation of readers and viewers in the new media. Despite this, there is a still a debate in
Parliament over the regulation of new media and a number of parliamentarians have slammed some news
websites for spreading harmful news and tarnishing the reputation of parliamentarians.
Citizens more than ever are taking the opportunity offered by new media for civil and political activism.
Facebook and news websites have acted as platforms for activism whether for reform protests or other social
and environmental issues. In 2010 and 2011, the foreign minister Nasser Judeh conducted live Twitter
question-and-answer sessions. However, the number of Twitter users remains low (with 59,726 active Twitter
users).101 Nevertheless, they are influential, and many of its users are active in NGOs and are community
volunteers, intellectuals, journalists, students, company and organization managers, and employees.

99. See https://twitter.com/Shusmo/status/287513472974061569 (accessed 15 June 2013).
100. “Jordanian Journalists Call for Press Freedom,” Washington Post, 8 March 2011, at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/
2011/03/07/AR2011030704540.html (accessed 15 June 2013).
101. See http://demos.mediaplusjordan.com/jb/cms/node/25 (accessed 23 February 2013).

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JORDAN

The low internet penetration still prevents local communities from utilizing social networking as a tool for
positive change. However, the social media tools are powerful. Mostly there have been calls for social and
environmental changes, but after the Tunisian and Egyptian protests, Jordanians using digital media have
been more vocal on the need for political reform. On Twitter, Jordanians have created #ReformJO when
writing their thoughts about how Jordan should reform. Mostly, these social networks have removed a certain
fear that is prevalent in print and broadcast media. They are many more vocal expressions of discontent
and criticism is no longer absent whether from reader comments on websites (which have sometimes been
criticized for using hate, racist or personal attacks) or social media.


2013

39

4. Digital Media and Journalism
4.1

Impact on Journalists and Newsrooms

4.1.1

Journalists

Despite the recent establishment of local channels like Roya TV and Nourmina TV, local television remains
the only segment that has not developed; most Jordanians (96.5 percent of whom have satellite) depend on
free-to-air reception, with close to 600 channels available free on satellite. Broadcast stations such as Radio
Al-Balad use social media networks both as news sources and as platforms for dissemination.
Digitization has had a profound impact on journalism in Jordan, most acutely in speeding up the
dissemination of broadcast and print reports; broadening the breadth and depth of topics covered in the
news; and increasing participation by viewers and readers in the news. The most notable change in the
newsroom, due to digitization, has been the shifting focus from regional and international news to domestic
news. Newspapers have been forced to focus on feature stories and provide analysis in Jordan because of
the presence of satellite television, social media, and local news websites that focus on national coverage,
including areas that were previously ignored.
Jordanian television stations, such as JRTV, have had to focus on the audience they still have, consisting
mostly of Jordanians living in villages and governorates outside the capital of Amman. Before the boom
of free-to-air satellite and cable television, terrestrial television was the main source of entertainment and
information.
With the extended coverage of Jordan’s latest parliamentary elections, digital media enabled the public to
consume, contribute, and share opinions to a degree unprecedented in previous elections. For instance, an
online streaming website, JordanDays.TV, broadcast local district meetings with candidates, where viewers
had the opportunity to hear them speak and candidates could take questions from voters.
Blogs and online news sites have also become popular sources of news on local, social, and taboo subjects that
the traditional media have long not dealt with. In this process, news audiences play an increasingly important
role in both supplying and verifying content. Issa Mahasneh, a blogger, wrote in a post that AmmonNews had
published an article about snowstorms on their website without any recent photos of the snow in Amman.

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Instead, they created an “Upload your own pictures” corner. “The difference here is clear, the article is ‘open’
and everyone can enrich it and even modify it if some parts are proven wrong.”102
There is a debate, however, on the role of bloggers and citizens in the creation of news. Some observers believe
that bloggers and social media users have become an actual part of the media, while others view comments
and stories by bloggers and social media activists as opportunities for professional journalists to pursue issues
they had previously ignored. Examples include Jordanian social media activists launching a campaign (that
began online but also offline) against plans to build a military academy in Ajloun Forest nature reserve in
north-western Jordan (see section 3.2.1). This led to coverage by local and even some international outlets.103
Other examples include the detention of activists which were highlighted on Facebook or Twitter and led
the local media to cover it, or YouTube videos,104 child abuse cases,105 or parliamentarians caught on camera
making statements that spread on the internet and were picked up later by the mainstream media.106
The recent revolutions in the region have added fuel to the fire sparked by satellite television and the internet,
stirring demand for real-time, round-the-clock, and on-the-ground reporting.
One important consequence has been a reliance on text-based reporting, as the time spent on news-gathering,
fact-checking, and editing becomes increasingly squeezed. Part of the problem in Jordan is that many
journalists still lack multimedia skills and as a result, online news often lacks audiovisual content, although
there are signs this is beginning to change. The website of Al Ghad newspaper has noticeably expanded its
audiovisual content in recent months.
But the primary concern is that both the speeding up of news and the increased participation of audiences
is diluting professionalism among journalists, making their work less credible, as Mr Shamma suggests.107
An opinion poll on the status of press freedom in Jordan for 2010, conducted by the CDFJ,108 revealed that
81 percent of the 505 surveyed journalists believe that online media have contributed to enhancing press
freedom, 77 percent said they contribute to defending freedoms, and 60 percent consider they contribute to
improving the profession. This was a noticeable increase in positive responses to online media compared with
results from the 2009 survey, but there were still concerns about the implications of UGC for professional
standards and ethics (see section 4.1.2).

102. See http://jordanopensource.org/blog/lets-open-source-jordanian-journalism (accessed 23 February 2013).
103. See http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/conservationists-battle-jordan-government-over-plan-to-axe-2-200-trees (accessed 22
June 2013).
104. See http://youtu.be/bs_HRjA2bB4 (accessed 22 June 2013).
105. See http://youtu.be/y0V72Gz_4-s (accessed 22 June 2013).
106. See http://alghad.com/index.php?news=565098 (accessed 22 June 2013).
107. Interview with Mohammad Shamma, correspondent for AmmanNet and Radio Al-Balad, Amman, 23 November 2011.
108. Center for Defending Freedom of Journalists (CDFJ), Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2010, at http://www.cdfj.org/look/PDFs/Media%20
Freedom%20Status%20in%20Jordan%202010-EN.pdf (hereafter, CDFJ, Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2010) (accessed 26 September
2013).


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This balance of perspectives was reflected in the CDFJ’s conclusions: “We are saying that news websites have
a long way to go in terms of professionalism, but it is very important that freedom of expression is protected
and—if information published is incorrect—then to rectify it,” said Nidal Mansour, head of the CDFJ. “A
person who is affected by incorrect information can take legal procedures as in any democratic country, but
to punish and detain journalists is not acceptable.”109

4.1.2 Ethics
There are strong concerns among journalists regarding the ethical implications of UGC. According to the
survey mentioned above, 73 percent of journalists believe that reader comments should be monitored by
website management; more than 80 percent believe news websites themselves are liable and responsible for
comments; and 66 percent support the development of standards for comments, including compulsory
disclosure of the commentator’s identity.110
In the same survey, approximately 70 percent of journalists expressed support for issuing a law that specifically
regulated online journalism, while 28 percent opposed this proposal. Of those opposed, 51 percent called
for regulating online journalism in accordance with the existing codes of professional conduct, 33 percent
believed it should be subject to the Press Law and 13 percent to the Penal Code.111

4.2

Investigative Journalism

4.2.1 Opportunities
ARIJ is the only organization in Jordan focussing on investigative journalism. Although Amman-based, its
regional outreach is an important commodity in countries that lack both training and freedom for journalists
in a traditional sense, but where multimedia training and digitization are just beginning. “Digitization in
general has helped investigative journalists to improve their work because of the dissemination and amount
of information available,” said Rana Sabbagh, the executive director of ARIJ. “It is easier to search and come
across crucial data [through digital platforms] but it is not the only way.”112 Reporters in Jordan working on
investigative reports mainly analyze public records with spreadsheets and statistical programs, sometimes
conduct interviews by email, and find in-depth background information on their topic through the web.
Journalists are also trained in internet-related tasks including methods to protect their computer files and
documents. Digitization has enabled journalists to carry handheld or even hidden cameras to broadcast, for
example, child abuse at orphanages and handicapped facilities. Mobile phones were used to document verbal
and physical abuse at some handicapped centers during an undercover investigation this year in Jordan in

109. Interview with Nidal Mansour, Amman, 28 August 2011.
110. CDFJ, Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2010.
112. Interview with Rana Sabbagh, executive director of ARIJ and columnist at Al Ghad newspaper, Amman, 13 September 2012.

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2012. “It was crucial to have my mobile phone with me because the content that was on it served as evidence
when the report came out,” said the journalist chiefly involved, Hanan Khandakji. “Thanks to this evidence,
there was a big response by society and the Government.”113

4.2.2 Threats
Digitization has not affected or created threats directly to journalists in Jordan, but Ms Sabbagh explained
that in general, using a computer was not safe and training on encrypting files for journalists is needed.
But political investigations have yet to take place to assess whether there would be security or political
repercussions. “We have not gone inside serious political corruption cases, for example, but rather socioeconomic and health issues that reveal a breakdown or lack of systematic implementation.”114
Although journalists publish investigative reports and the country has a law guaranteeing the right to access
public information, journalists have still been prevented from publishing: they practice self-censorship, or
face punishment—direct or indirect—for their work.115

4.2.3 New Platforms
Blogs in Jordan are mostly platforms for opinion and dissemination of information already available on the
web.116 There are blog sites like 7iber that offer UGC, but they are more about news aggregation, sharing
links, and commentaries, than producing original, informative, and investigative news.
Social media sometimes act as platforms that spark in-depth investigations. In 2011, a video of a teacher
beating a child at a public school went viral on the internet (see section 3.2.2). Jordanians used Twitter to
inform Queen Rania directly of the incident and demand protection for children. The National Center for
Human Rights (NCHR) investigated the case further, and the teacher was expelled.117 Digital tools have
also helped to foster new spaces for investigative journalism in the university sector. The Jordan Media
Institute (JMI), which has a graduate program on online media, has created a website for its students called
Aqlamjmi.com, where students upload articles, videos, and other work.118 It is also a place for research and
interaction between trainers and professors and their students. ARIJ held a workshop in Amman in 2011 for
15 professors from three Arab countries to look into the possibility of integrating investigative journalism
practices into their media curricula.119

113. Interview with Hanan Khandakji, Radio Balad journalist and investigative reporter, Amman, 4 January 2012.
114. Interview with Rana Sabbagh, executive director of ARIJ and columnist at Al Ghad newspaper, Amman, 9 March 2011.
115. The suspension of Josat TV is an example of indirect punishment, where the government allegedly pressured the TV satellite company NileSat
to drop the channel. See http://en.rsf.org/jordan-dismay-after-government-approves-30-08-2012,43300.html (accessed 14 June 2013). Direct
punishment was practiced against online websites when the government amended the Press and Publication Law in late 2012, leading to the
blocking of more than 250 news websites. See http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/04/jordan-rescind-order-block-websites (accessed 14 June 2013).
116. Jordan Blogs at http://jordanblogs.com; Itoot, at https://itoot.net (accessed 23 February 2013).
117. See http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/26/world/middleeast/jordan-struggles-to-protect-children.html?pagewanted=all (accessed 1 July 2013).
118. See http://www.aqlamjmi.com (accessed 23 February 2013).
119. See http://portal.unesco.org/ci/en/ev.php-URL_ID=31210&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html (accessed 26 September 2013).


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“Since the creation of ARIJ five years ago, we have used a bottom-up approach to promote investigative
journalism among individual journalists and through specialized units being set up at several existing Arab
media,” said Ms Sabbagh. “We now hope to inspire universities to train the future generation of media
professionals in investigative journalism in order to ensure greater accountability and transparency.”120

4.2.4 Dissemination and Impact
Investigative reports about social, economic, and health issues are today more commonly seen in newspapers
and radio stations across Jordan. Although they do not yet cover serious political issues, the reports have
shed light on important cases of child abuse, health mismanagement, and academic failures, sometimes
prompting officials to intervene or the government to open an official investigation. The most widely
publicized investigation in Jordan so far was the one conducted by Ms Khandakji on systematic abuse at
private handicapped center, in which she was supported by ARIJ (see sections 4.2.1 and 4.3.1).
Another recent investigative piece by ARIJ on orphanage abuse was picked up by local news websites and
subsequently tweeted,121 re-tweeted, and posted on Facebook. This attracted intense commentary and fostered
a public debate. This sort of thing also crosses borders and journalists are able to respond to and interact with
international readers. Digital media have also helped to break down barriers between outlets, enabling stories
like the orphanage abuse case to inform and inspire competing journalists and titles to conduct their own
investigations into the topic. After this story was broadcast, two Arabic regional news channels picked it up
and conducted their own in-depth reports on this issue.122
The more recent breakthrough investigation on abuses at private centers for the handicapped in Jordan by Ms
Khandakji led to her cooperation with BBC Arabic on a documentary that caused public outrage. Jordanians
tweeted and posted the video, which then went viral. A day after the documentary was aired on television, the
king visited the centers and demanded an investigation and punishment for those responsible.123 News websites
have also continued to follow the outcome of the investigation and readers respond.

4.3

Social and Cultural Diversity

4.3.1 Sensitive Issues
Statistics suggest that 98 percent of Jordanians are Arab, with the majority having made their way to the
country through influxes of refugees from Palestine, Iraq, Lebanon, and Sudan. As a melting-pot of Arab
identities, Jordan’s social fabric is sensitive and fragile. Since the independence of Transjordan, the government
has been acutely concerned with preserving and promoting national unity, not least through the media.

120. See http://portal.unesco.org/ci/en/ev.php-URL_ID=31210&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html (accessed 26 September
2013).
121. There is a Twitter community in Jordan using the hashtags #JO, #Jordan, #RefomJO, and #Amman.
122. See http://www.i-m-s.dk/article/jordan-media (accessed 2 March 2013).

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Jordanian society is constrained by numerous red lines around issues that are considered taboo and are not
discussed in public or in the media. One of these is child abuse, one of the major problems faced in Jordan
and a recurrent predicament that plagues the society. Though it has been considered a major taboo for
decades, in 2004, a conference on “breaking the silence” on child abuse in Jordan was held, bringing together
delegates from 17 different countries and the media.124 “There is a big number of abused victim cases that
exist in society and the victims suffer in silence because they do not speak out and do not know where to turn
to,” said Hani Jahshan of the National Institute for Forensic Medicine. He gave statistics indicating the sharp
rise in abuse cases, which is attributed to better awareness and more complaints on the part of the victims.125
In May 2012, BBC Arabic investigated conditions in care homes for the mentally disabled in Jordan. The
investigation ended with the uncovering of an abuse story involving a 12 year-old boy whose father had
brought him from the UAE for treatment. The British news outlet also reported on allegations of sexual abuse
at a private care home. The government responded: “Even if there are only a small number, they are severe in
terms of their significance because it is a matter of human rights. It is the disabled who need to be protected
and therefore we have red lines. Even if the abuse is done by an employee we will not tolerate it and the court
will have its say.”126
As the CDFJ survey, Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2010, suggests, most of the red lines in Jordan are vague
and unclear, except for some entrenched ones related to the king and the royal family, the army, national
security, and religion.127 These lines have become entangled amid ethnic tensions. For instance, a fight broke
out in 2009 at a football match between the fans of two local teams: Al-Faysali (representing Jordanians) and
Al-Wahdat (representing Jordanians of Palestinian origins). A 2010 Wikileaks cable indicated that the match
revealed the “ugly side of Jordanian ultra-nationalism,” where fans of Jordanian non-Palestinian origins
denigrated both Queen Rania and the crown prince.128
Jordan hosts a great number of migrant workers mainly coming from Egypt, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and the
Philippines. Observers such as Human Rights Watch have condemned the violation of these workers’ rights
outside their home countries by Jordanian employers. “The Labor and Interior Ministry officials are failing
in their duties under Jordanian law and toward these Sri Lankan workers,” said Christoph Wilcke, senior
Middle East researcher at Human Rights Watch. “They should immediately waive any responsibility for these
fines for the domestic workers and vigorously pursue the actual law breakers.”129 However, government efforts
to improve their conditions in Jordan have been noted. Since 2010, migrant workers have been allowed to
join trade unions, vote in union elections, and participate in enterprise-level worker committees.130
124. See http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Conference+’breaks+silence’+on+child+abuse.-a0183497052 (accessed 23 March 2013).
125. See http://www.thenational.ae/news/worldwide/middle-east/jordan-to-confront-shame-of-child-abuse (accessed 23 February 2013).
128. See http://www.haaretz.com/news/sports/clashes-in-jordan-after-palestinian-soccer-victory-leave-250-injured-1.330011 (accessed 23 February
2013).
129. See http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/04/08/jordan-abused-domestic-workers-stranded (accessed 23 February 2013).
130. See http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/newsroom/features/WCMS_195584/lang--en/index.htm (accessed 1 July 2013).


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4.3.2 Coverage of Sensitive Issues
The government does not scrutinize the English-language newspapers in Jordan as much as it does the
Arabic-language papers. This is because the readership of newspapers in the English language is limited and
with not much reach among the broader public. This permits journalists to work on issues other newspapers
shy away from. For example, the Jordan Times journalist, Rana Husseini, regularly reports on honor killings,
following stories of victims and legislative reform.131 In general, though conservative in their coverage of
taboos, newspapers are providing coverage on child abuse, and there has been continuous follow-up on this
topic for the past few years. Al Ghad is fighting to maintain coverage of social issues and communicating with
the people, according to Ms Ghneimat (Al Ghad’s editor-in-chief ).132
The CDFJ survey, Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2010, revealed that 97 percent of a group of 505 Jordanian
journalists avoided writing or broadcasting about the armed forces. Discussing the judiciary authorities and
security agencies ranked as the second-most avoided topic, with 84 percent of journalists admitting selfcensorship. In the same context, 81 percent said that they avoided discussing religious issues, 85 percent
said they avoided criticizing tribal leaders, and 80 percent avoided criticizing religious figures. The survey
also indicated that 79 percent of the surveyed journalists avoid criticizing Arab leaders, and 76 percent avoid
discussing sexual issues.
Against this backdrop, the Ad-Dustour columnist, Osama Al Sharif, was quoted in the CDFJ survey as
follows:
The basis of red lines is unchangeable, but the problem lies in the gray area that witnesses
constant changes and developments that do not usher in stability, which makes them
unclear, in addition to having several legal points of reference that govern the freedom of
expression such as the press and publication law, the Penal Code, the state security code,
secret documents law and the right of access to information law, in addition to many others
that might cause ambiguity and negatively affect the freedom of expression.133
Al Ghad’s former Chief Editor, Musa Barhouma, agrees and adds that red lines in the Jordanian press can
be changed according to the political conditions.134 He mentions that in such situations, editors in chief
should be flexible and write without compromising professional standards while also finding ways to carry
out their work and obtain information by using their journalistic skills. They are generally able to do this,
he says, and still find a secure way. The columnists Jehad Momani and Mr Barhouma agree that sometimes

131. See http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/07/28/rana-husseini-jordanian-j_n_246534.html (accessed 23 February 2013).
132. Interview with Jumana Ghneimat, editor-in-chief of Al Ghad, Amman, 28 March 2012.
133. CDFJ, Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2009, at http://www.cdfj.org/look/PDFs/Media%20Freedom%20Status%20in%20Jordan%202009
%20EN.pdf (hereafter, CDFJ, Media Freedom Status in Jordan, 2009) (accessed 26 September 2013).

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the media create their own red lines and fail to push the envelope far enough. “The media blame sources for
their helplessness, lack of courage and even of competence in addressing serious journalistic issues and topics
that are considered [the main work] for a free press,” Mr Momani was quoted as saying in the CDFJ’s Media
Freedom Status report, 2009.135

4.3.3 Space for Public Expression
Jordanians are turning to the internet not only for their news, but as a tool to express their views on matters of
minor or major importance. According to a 2010 Jordan New Media Survey, funded by USAID, 44 percent
of Jordanians rated the opportunity to comment and interact as a reason for visiting news websites, compared
with 41 percent in 2009.136 Though many of the comments on articles include hate speech and racist
comments, these websites have become a vital platform for interaction and the expression of opinion. With
such a young population and high literacy rates—92 percent, according to World Bank figures—internet
penetration in Jordan reached 55.9 percent by mid-2012. There are also about 2.2 million Facebook users
and 59,726 active Twitter users. Jordanians increasingly use social networking sites as venues for debating
social issues and trying to influence public opinion. Since the Arab Spring began across the Middle East,
Jordanians have begun to debate the situation in their own country.
Not only has digitization had an impact in the faster dissemination of broadcast and print reports; it has also
increased participation by viewers and readers. At times, it affects politics in the country as well. As noted
above, broadcast stations like Radio Al-Balad use social media to disseminate information and even garner
tips and concerns from ordinary citizens.
Digitization has contributed to the discussion of taboo subjects as well—religion, the military, the royal family,
ethnic issues. While this may be a positive development in many respects, the lack of editorial moderation of
comments that include slurs or attacks on minorities or other religions on news websites has undermined the
credibility of the outlets in certain cases.

4.4

Political Diversity

4.4.1 Elections and Political Coverage
A month before the 2010 parliamentary elections, the government welcomed media representatives to cover
the elections, offering more support and collaboration. Photographers, journalists, and international observers
were seen at election booths across the country. “We are very much interested in engaging the media in the
election process and will provide all possible means to help them do their work with utmost freedom. We
want them to reflect the true image of the elections,” an elections spokesperson, Samih Maaytah, told the

136. IREX, “Jordan Media Survey New Media—Offline May 2010.” See powerpoint summary at http://aswatona.net/wp-content/files_mf/1336
077330jordannewmediasurveyoffline20100606100606055215phpapp01.pdf (accessed 12 July 2013).


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Jordan Times.137 For the government, the January 2013 elections were key in promoting the process of reform,
and the coverage of the elections was seen as a boost in that direction.
A study evaluating the coverage by 10 news websites and five community radio stations revealed that they
provided equal access to all political parties and candidates.138 Four of the community stations were covering
elections for the first time, and their content was deemed balanced. Radio Al-Balad ranked first in terms of
overall coverage, and also received the highest rating in covering issues related to different parties. The report
also found that extended and positive coverage of women and the disabled was provided.

4.4.2 Digital Political Communications
With the extended coverage by news websites during the 2010 elections, Jordanians were able to express their
opinions on the electoral process and engage in public debate through online commentary. Candidates also
used the internet to reach voters in a more interactive way. Tarek Khoury, for example, gave an indication why
this platform was now seen as a crucial channel of communication: “I think that the importance of exposure
to the public is paramount. The statistics show that there are more than 800,000 Facebook users in Jordan that
are 18 years old and older.”139 Mohammad Hawamdeh, managing editor and co-owner of Khaberni online
news agency, said some 25 candidates had bought advertising on his news website, adding that his site’s daily
traffic stood at some 300,000 hits. “We offer some things a newspaper cannot. Candidates can advertise for the
whole month and it provides them with an interactive experience. Candidates want the feedback.”140
On the one hand, online campaigns enabled readers to easily access background information, including
candidates’ profiles, and so increase their awareness before voting. On the other hand, some considered
that the use of political advertisements online marked the development of “an unhealthy relationship”
between candidates and voters, and compromised the integrity of the digital press. “If a candidate places
advertisements in most of the websites and does something wrong,” said a media and political analyst ,
Mohammad Abu Rumman, “I do not think they will report it, at least not directly. This is preventing us
from having a strong debate.”141 Mr Khoury was among those who felt compelled to advertise on several sites
to avoid a smear campaign by other news websites. He said he was forced to place ads on other websites “to
avoid their barking.”142
Despite widespread public discontent, the January 2013 parliamentary elections managed to produce a 56
percent turnout, nearly 4 percentage points higher than the 2010 parliamentary elections.143 The All Youth

137. See http://www.jordanembassyus.org/new/newsarchive/2010/09242010004.htm (accessed 23 February 2013).
138. See http://www.achrs.org/english/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=267&catid=23&Itemid=63 (accessed 23 February 2013).
139. See http://www.jo-property.com/aDetails.aspx?aid=318 (accessed 23 February 2013).
140. See http://www.alarcheef.com/articles/details.asp?articleID=14279&word= (accessed 23 February 2013).
141. Taylor Luck, “For online media, campaign ads raise an ethical dilemma,” 19 October 2010, at http://en.ammonnews.net/print.aspx?articleno=
10075 (accessed 26 September 2013).
142. Taylor Luck, “For online media, campaign ads raise an ethical dilemma,” 19 October 2010, at http://en.ammonnews.net/print.aspx?articleno=
10075 (accessed 26 September 2013).
143. See http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/31/world/middleeast/in-jordan-progress-in-small-steps.html?_r=0 (accessed 23 February 2013).

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Commission, linked with initiatives taken by King Abdullah (known as royal initiatives) and sustained by
the King Abdullah Fund for Development, carried out extensive campaigns across the country to encourage
youngsters to participate. They posted messages on their Facebook pages, uploaded YouTube videos, and
published photos and media articles about their campaign, to encourage young people to register to vote.144
Although social media have a wide reach in raising awareness, they do not always prompt action. Shibli
Haddad, a candidate for the Christian seat in Madaba district, was able to reach out to voters thanks to his
30,000 “likes” on Facebook, but it did not bring him electoral success. On the day when the results of the
January 2013 elections were announced, Mr Kuttab (founder of Radio Al-Bahad) tweeted: “Social media
takes a nose dive in Jordan. Candidate Shibli Hadad had 30,000 likes on his Facebook page but only 20 votes
as he lost badly.”145 His low voter turnout could be attributed to various reasons, including the nature of the
electoral system, which allows the residents of a district to vote only for candidates running in that district.

4.5

Assessments

Digitization has influenced the manner in which a journalist gathers information, creates story ideas, and
researches background information. It has also forced newspaper journalists to focus on more analytical and
feature-style writing due to the continuous online coverage of news that traditional media cannot compete
with. Daily newspapers like Al Ghad, Ad-Dustour, and Jordan Times have had to turn to localization, placing
importance on investigative, well-researched local stories. “We now employ more writers on special topics,
for example sports and IT,” said Sami Barhoum, chief editor of the Jordan Times. “That way we can offer a
range of content. We have to because otherwise people know they can get that information elsewhere.”146
Due to satellite channels that cover general, nationwide issues, social media and community radio stations
have sharpened their focus on local issues neglected by the mainstream media. Blogs and online news websites
have become platforms where people look for more local, social, and taboo subjects that the traditional media
have long ignored. The debate continues, however, on the role of bloggers and citizens in the creation of news
and the extent to which they are complementing or redefining the role of professional journalists.
Investigative journalism has also benefitted greatly from digitization thanks to the training in internet skills
and file sharing, computer assisted reporting (CAR), and the dissemination of the final product to a wider
audience through social networks. The sharing contributes to the debate—and at times outrage—that can
affect policy and even social change (as in the case of horrific abuses in orphanages). Citizens participate
online by posting photos and uploading videos through YouTube or other websites.

144. See https://www.facebook.com/groups/98576740144 (accessed 23 February 2013).
145. See https://twitter.com/daoudkuttab/status/294323143701573632 (accessed 23 February 2013).
146. Oxford Business Group, “The Report: Jordan, 2011,” at http://books.google.jo/books?id=lmPVOL9_r7MC&pg=PA18&lpg=PA18&dq=Oxford
+Business+Group,+%E2%80%9CThe+Report:+Jordan,+2011,%E2%80%9D&source=bl&ots=1c3ZOBOYMo&sig=pKLSMuLnL5ThPR
PAK6Mu19F_JFw&hl=en&sa=X&ei=WpNDUt_OGIemtAbH8oDoAg&ved=0CD0Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=Oxford%20Business%20
Group%2C%20%E2%80%9CThe%20Report%3A%20Jordan%2C%202011%2C%E2%80%9D&f=false (accessed 26 September 2013).


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With the extended coverage of Jordan’s latest (2013) parliamentary elections online, Jordanians were given
the opportunity to engage in a more meaningful political debate than in the past. This is also due to the
reduction of Jordanians’ fears of expressing their political views after revolutions swept the region more
than two years ago. Candidates and citizens used digital media to convey their messages but journalists still
lacked the skills to proﬁle candidates and parties comprehensively. The coverage also lacked an investigative
approach to the candidates and the election process as such, although Al-Balad radio and Roya TV covered
the election day extensively. Digital media provided updated information about results and numbers of voters
but not so much about the process and the candidates.
Although the digitization process has clearly contributed to more freedom and diverse opinions, concern
remains about how it has aﬀected the fundamentals of journalism: objectivity, fairness, and analytical and
well-sourced reporting.

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5. Digital Media and Technology
5.1

Broadcasting Spectrum

5.1.1

Spectrum Allocation Policy

The TRC is responsible for the management and use of the radio spectrum. The TRC’s board of commissioners
sets the plan for the assignment of radio frequencies and reviews and amends such plans when necessary.
Spectrum management includes the planning and allocation of frequency bands, individual licensing and
assignment of frequencies, national and international coordination of frequencies, international representation,
and administration, including the setting of regulations as well cost recovery charges. Meanwhile, the AVC
adheres to the framework determined by the TRC in the licensing of frequencies required for broadcasting in
and outside the country, as well as implementing the technical rules for the equipment used for broadcasting
stations and monitoring broadcasters’ adherence to license conditions. Under the Telecommunications Law,
the TRC is also responsible for allocating telecoms spectrum, which may be assigned to a legal entity or to any
group or individual. Mobile phone services constitute one of the most significant and increasing uses of both
mobile and fixed-link radio spectrum. Wireless communications are also being used to provide broadband
access to the internet. The TRC continues to study the possibility of licensing radio spectrum for mobile
broadband wireless access services.147
According to the Telecommunications Law,148 the TRC has the responsibility to regulate telecoms and IT
services in Jordan in accordance with the established general policy “to ensure quality telecommunications
and information technology services to beneficiaries at reasonable prices.”149
According to the Statement of Government Policy 2007 on the Information, Communications and Postal
Sectors, the TRC has to adopt prices for spectrum in accordance with market demand, using auctions and

147. Interview with Yara Abdel Samad, director of policies and strategies at the Ministry of Information and Communication Technology, Amman,
12 April 2012. See also www.trc.gov.jo (accessed 26 September 2013).
148. The Telecommunications Law, at http://www.trc.gov.jo/index2.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3&Itemid=164&pop=1&page=0&l
ang=english (accessed 23 March 2013).
149. Frequency Allocation Plan (TRC), at http://www.trc.gov.jo/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1145&Itemid=1183&lang=
english (accessed 23 March 2013).


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51

possibly secondary trading where appropriate, and preventing the anti-competitive acquisition or hoarding of
spectrum by dominant operators. The Ministry of Information and Communications Technology (MoICT)
is responsible for ICT policy in Jordan.150
The Jordanian Table of Frequency Allocations divides Jordan’s radio frequency spectrum into a number of
frequency bands and specifies the general purposes for which the bands may be used. The International
Telecommunication Union (ITU) has specific definitions for terms and services used in its Radio Regulations.
In most instances the definitions contained reflect the intent of the ITU definitions, although in some cases
they have been restructured to align with Jordanian requirements, as defined in the Telecommunications Law.
The government recognizes that with the convergence of the fixed, mobile, and ISP sectors, licensing should
be common across all types of services. As a result, the TRC introduced an integrated licensing system in
2007.151
In relation to broadcasting, the government approved the Audiovisual Law in 2003, which legalized the
licensing of privately owned radio stations. However, it did not create a level playing field between prospective
private and public licensees. In particular, spectrum allocation for broadcasting favors government-owned
stations. According to Mr Kuttab (also director-general of Community Media Network), the army has its
own radio station and the police have their own radio station and these stations use government-owned
antennas and transmitters that are spread across the kingdom. If a private radio station wanted to have the
same distribution and reach across the country, it would cost millions. This situation creates conditions of
artificial market entry barriers and unfair competition.152

5.1.2

Transparency

According to media experts, including Mr Kuttab (whose company runs Radio Al-Balad in Amman and the
AmmanNet.net website), spectrum is not awarded in a transparent way and is in fact biassed. The Audiovisual
Law enacted in 2002 allowed the private sector to own radio and television licenses and this succeeded in
creating a wide range of commercial, entertainment-focussed stations. At the same time licenses for spectrum,
according to the AVC, are given following Cabinet approval, but this can be refused with no reason given.
Mr Kuttab also pointed out that two radio station licenses he applied for were refused. The first was in the city
of Zarqa during 2006 and the other was for the Jordan Valley during 2008. In both cases, he said, the AVC
did not state a reason for the rejection. The case went to the Supreme Court of Jordan but still no reason for
the rejection was given.153

150. The Statement of Government Policy 2007. See also http://www.moict.gov.jo/Portals/0/PDF/NewFolder/ADS/NewFolder/General%20Policy
%20Statetement%20to%20be%20sent%20to%20Cabinet%2025%20November%202012%20Approved%20by%20Cabinet.pdf (accessed
21 September 2013).
151. See http://www.trc.gov.jo/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1051&lang=english (accessed 23 March 2013).
152. Interview with Daoud Kuttab, founder of AmmanNet Radio Balad station, Amman, 9 April 2012.

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The Audiovisual Law stipulated the addition of a 50 percent fee to the licensing of any station wishing to
broadcast news or politics. The Cabinet had given waivers only to radio stations based in public universities,
police, and the Amman municipality.154 Driven by pressure on the government to move towards reform, and
in preparation for the 2013 parliamentary elections, this law was dropped in September 2012, in order to
“encourage political programs and news reports in line with what benefits the local society and to stimulate
it instead of these fees that limit the possibility of tackling what is important and positive and resorting to
entertainment programs and ones that are not serious.” Additionally, the commission decreased fees imposed
on FM radio stations from JOD 5,000 (US$ 7,000) to JOD 3,000 (US$ 4,200) and agreed to increase the
broadcasting capacity from 1 KW to 5 KW without imposing new fees on stations.155
Meanwhile, the TRC claims that it adopts a neutral approach for spectrum licensing in view of its considerable
discretionary powers. The Frequency Use and Planning Police rules state that current licensed spectrum bands
are subject to any instructions or decisions issued by the TRC. The TRC prefers to award spectrum licenses
by auction in the mobile markets, for example, arguing that this method is fair, transparent, objective, and
economically efficient.
The TRC argues that it leaves the market to decide who will be assigned spectrum allocation. It rejects
all arguments that spectrum auction has the potential for overpricing, speculative bidding for subsequent
trading, and an inherent competitive advantage for big players with financial strength to outbid smaller
players.156 The MoICT is working on drafting a new telecoms law to tackle convergence issues.
While supporting the use of auctions, the TRC emphasizes that auctions should be held with “simple,
understandable, non-discriminatory and transparent rules and no bidder should be permitted to hold more
than one license while all available spectrum should be utilized.” It also states that the efficient outcome
of this process would be licensing those parties with the best business plans. However, Zeid Uteibi, a legal
regulatory consultant for the Jordan Telecom group, argues that the bidder with a better business plan in
general will value a license more than a bidder with a weaker business plan. An auction will allow all bidders
to compete fairly on equal terms. Mr Uteibi argues that the TRC’s proposal for a 3G tender won by Orange
is “discriminating and providing preferential treatment” to the successful bidders for each of the two licenses
(Class A and Class B) compared with existing 2G mobile operators.”157
In January 2011, the Jordan Telecom Group filed a lawsuit against the government for allegedly violating the
group’s exclusivity rights for the provision of the 3G service, asking for JOD 120 million (US$ 169.49 million)
in compensation for the damages it incurred through the award of its 3G license to another operator.158

154. See http://www.menassat.com/?q=en/news-articles/7216-jordans-lack-appreciation-public-service-broadcasting (accessed 23 March 2013).
155. See http://www.alrai.com/article/536658.html (accessed 26 September 2013)
156. The Introduction of 3G in Jordan’, at http://newsweaver.ie/altamimi/e_article001290090.cfm (accessed 23 March 2013).
157. Introduction of 3G in Jordan, at http://newsweaver.ie/altamimi/e_article001290090.cfm (accessed 23 March 2013).
158. Mohammad Ghazal, “Government rejects JTG accusations over 3G services license,” Jordan Times, 9 January 2011.


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53

5.1.3

Competition for Spectrum

According to the MoICT, new entrants interested in entering the telecoms market have no restrictions to
abide by and it is government policy to facilitate the rapid entry of new competitors in the ICT market and
the rapid introduction of new services by those entities. There are now 24 individual licenses that are eligible
to use spectrum, apart from broadcast licenses.
Jordan Telecom was a state-owned operator, with a monopoly status to provide telecoms services in the
kingdom. In 1995, Fastlink (now known as Zain) became the first operator to provide mobile telecoms
services through GSM technology. In 1999, MobileCom (now known as Orange) was granted a license
to provide mobile cellular services in Jordan. In 2003, the Xpress company was granted the first license to
provide radio trucking services and a year later another competitor entered the market, when Umniah was
granted a license to provide mobile telephone services. By the beginning of 2005, the monopoly of Jordan
Telecom in providing fixed telecoms services had ended and the fixed market was fully open.
Based on its assessment of needs in the telecoms market, the TRC claimed in 2013 that there is still demand for
mobile broadband in Jordan, which now accounts for 63 percent of total internet subscriptions. By September
2012, mobile penetration had reached about 138 percent, with some 8.8 million mobile subscriptions. This
number, said Dima Abu Gharbieh from the TRC, represents subscribers’ penetration and not subscription
penetration, as some people have more than one mobile set. It therefore launched a tender for an additional
mobile operator in early 2013.159 This move has been opposed by some actors in the industry, such as Orange
Jordan’s CEO, Jean-François Thomas. “Unfortunately, we all know that the Government is facing difficult
financial conditions and may want to sell another license and get cash, but this is a short-term solution and
a long-term nonsense,” Mr Thomas said.160
Since the government regulates the internet industry, it has encouraged fixed wireless broadband (FWB)
providers to invest in governorates outside Amman by granting them conditional spectrum fee exemptions.
According to Ms Abu Gharbieh, subscribers to FWB reached 105,000 out of 678,882 internet subscribers by
February 2013, amounting to some 15 percent of total internet subscriptions. This service is lacking in the
provinces, Ms Abu Gharbieh says, because FWB providers have focussed on crowded areas in order to recoup
as much as possible on their investments. Although this behavior is legal, it resulted in a shortage in service
supply in governorates other than Amman, Irbid, and Zarqa.161
In June 2006, the government decided to sell its shares in Jordan Telecom, amounting to 41.5 percent.
These shares were sold to France Telecom and some local and regional parties, and the rest of the shares were
listed on Amman Stock Exchange. However, the sale process did not fully succeed, and the government has

159. See http://www.ameinfo.com/jordan-seeking-mobile-operator-321707 (accessed 27 March 2013).
160. See http://jordantimes.com/orange-jordan-opposes-trc-plan (accessed 27 March 2013).
161. Email interview with Dima Abu Gharbieh, director of media relations, Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, Amman, 23 February
2013.

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retained an 11.6 percent shareholding. Eventually, five companies were granted radio spectrum licenses to
provide FWB services.
There have been no advances in the broadcasting sector in spectrum allocation, as digital licensing has not
yet started.

5.2

Digital Gatekeeping

5.2.1

Technical Standards

There are no debates on the adoption of technical standards in digital broadcasting in television, since this
issue is extremely underdeveloped. There is a plan for the transition from analog to digital broadcasting for
JRTV, that is supposed to be implemented in between three and five years.162, 163 However, there are no public
debates taking place on this issue or the engagement of civil society and media stakeholders.

5.2.2 Gatekeepers
Since Jordan has not started the switch-over to digital broadcasting, analog broadcasting arrangements have
remained unchanged.

5.2.3 Transmission Networks
As mentioned above, despite the liberalization of spectrum policy in recent years, there have been instances of
certain groups, such as universities and the military, being favored in spectrum allocation. This is possible given
that current rules give the government the power to reject license applications without providing a reason.
To a lesser extent, regional broadcasting services also attempt to limit the broadcasting of local cable
transmission companies, based on political or commercial motives. Following the Egyptian uprising in
January 2011, for example, Jordan Media City (JMC) said it had been pressured by the Egyptian-based
NileSat’s management to drop the Al Jazeera satellite channel, which was covering the uprising extensively.
Based on the contract between NileSat and JMC, there are receivers, each with the capacity of 14 frequencies,
which the JMC could transmit through. “We transmit via our land transponders to the NileSat which in
turn retransmits our frequencies to different parts of the world,” said Radi Alkhas, CEO of JMC. However,
when retransmissions were stopped, the JMC resorted to vacant frequencies on other packages to offset the
frequency loss. “What the Egyptian broadcasting company did was unprofessional and jeopardizes the whole
industry, as they used their capabilities to serve a political agenda of the Egyptian government,” Mr Alkhas
said.164

10 April 2012. See also www.trc.gov.jo (accessed 26 September 2013).
164. “Jordan Media City was ‘under pressure’ from NileSat,” Jordan Times, 3 February 2011, at http://www.mobilitytechzone.com/news/2011/
02/03/5286849.htm (accessed 23 March 2013).


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5.3

Telecommunications

5.3.1

Telecoms and News

Competition in the mobile market in Jordan is intense between the three operators (Zain, Orange, and
Umniah) and it has led to reduced consumer retail prices. The launch of 3G services in 2010 offered a new
revenue growth path centered on mobile broadband, content, and applications.
In accordance with the TRC’s “Strategic Plan through 2012,” new technologies in both fixed and wireless
services have been rolled out, along with the further development of other wireless technologies. When
Umniah launched its 3G service, the two other mobile providers were already offering it to their users.165
There has also been talk about Orange upgrading its 2G and 3G services to provide 4G by 2015.166 The
“Strategic Plan” also states that there is likely to be greater integration of fixed and mobile telecoms operations
as more converged services come on to the market.
Telecoms in Jordan are enablers; they provide the electronic communication services through which
considerable amounts of news and information are conveyed. Thus they have a great influence in terms of the
means of delivery and availability of news services; on the other hand, they do not have a direct influence on
the content in terms of quality or quantity, according to Yara Abdel Samad.167
Mobile operators use SMS messaging services for entertainment and up-to-date news from popular networks
such as Al Arabiya, the BBC, and Al Jazeera.168 Increasingly, however, Jordanians are also receiving their news
from social media websites such as Twitter and Facebook. For example, Info2Cell, a leading mobile service
provider, announced in March 2013 that it will give subscribers updates on the most popular social media
feeds twice a week via SMS. Subscribers will also be able to comment on the alert content and share it across
social media networks.
“As mobile technology goes through this evolution, the speed of networks is getting higher, allowing us to
offer different services, ranging from SMS, MMS, text, video, images to full scale images, videos and audio
text which allows us to offer rich media services,” said Khaled Nuseibeh, the marketing director at Zain.169

5.3.2 Pressure of Telecoms on News Providers
There are concerns among journalism agencies such as the JPA and NGOs like the ARIJ, as well as some
journalists, that online advertising by companies and individuals is sometimes used to obtain favorable

165. See http://www.ameinfo.com/umniah-prepares-3g-launch-297775 (accessed 23 March 2013).
166. See http://jordantimes.com/orange-preparing-to-provide-4g-services-after-3-years (accessed 23 March 2013).
10 April 2012.
168. See http://www.jo.zain.com/english/entertainment/Pages/default.aspx (accessed 29 March 2013).
169. Interview with Khaled Nuseibeh, marketing director at Zain, Amman, 11 April 2012.

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coverage.170 Other than encouraging the sales of smartphones and distribution of mobile broadband sticks
at a fairly discounted price, the telecoms industry has influenced the media through advertising. Interviews
with several employees working at telecoms companies, who did not want to be named, said that telecoms
companies (specifically mobile phone companies) advertise and contribute heavily to news websites in return
for favorable coverage. Although this allegation has been confirmed by several employees, there is no written
or investigative reports that have been conducted that reveal to what extent this practice takes place.

5.4

Assessments

The TRC has spectrum-related regulatory responsibilities, thus separating the policymaking function of the
government from the regulatory duties. Nevertheless, the granting, renewal, modification, and cancellation
of licenses are subject to the approval of the Cabinet upon the recommendation of the director of the AVC.171
It is expected that the AVC will soon be placed under the TRC as part of a converged regulatory framework.
To date, the licensing framework for radio has favoured entertainment formats at the expense of news and
politics. This is due to several factors, including high license fees in general, that cost between JOD 25,000
and JOD 100,000 (approx. US$ 35,000 and US$ 140,000).172 Moreover, until August 2012, the fees were
50 percent higher for radio and television stations that wanted to air news and political programming.173
Although this barrier has now been removed, at least temporarily, would-be news broadcasters face additional
hurdles, as they must submit a schedule and description of content with their license applications.174 The
current rules also permit the government to reject license applications without providing a reason.
In 2008, the TRC issued new guidelines relating to licensing the use of 3G Communications Technologies
Radio Frequencies. Some of the companies applying for licenses supported the TRC’s preference for allocating
spectrum by auction, on the grounds that auction ensures an equal footing for new entrants to compete with
existing operators, and thereby ensures effective competition. Others argued that auctions would be unfair
and harmful to the public interest. In June 2013, the TRC announced a 4G auction; according to Al Ghad
newspaper, only two companies applied for the bid, neither of them from the community of local mobile
providers, who claim that Jordan is not ready for 4G.175

170. Interviews: sources from companies, including online media companies that want to remain anonymous for fear for their job security or punishment.
171. See http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2012/jordan (accessed 23 March 2013).
172. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “Arab Political Systems: Baseline Information and Reforms—Jordan,” 6 March 2008, at www.
carnegieendowment.org/files/Jordan_APS.doc (accessed 31 August 2012).
173. AVC law document provided by the AVC. According to Daoud Kuttab (AmmanNet and founder of Radio Al-Balad), the government cancelled
these fees in August 2012. See “World Broadcasting for Community Radio Praise Amendment to Broadcasting Licenses,” AmmanNet, 16
August 2012, at http://ar.ammannet.net/news/168220#.UEZf-NZlRcT (accessed 4 September 2012).
174. “Jordan Telecommunications Market Development,” Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC), at http://www.trc.gov.jo/index.
php?option=com_content&task=view&id=339&Itemid=506&lang=english (accessed 24 July 2012).
175. See http://www.alghad.com/index.php/article/659935.html (accessed 10 October 2013).


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57

Some goals set forth in the 2003 Policy Statement of the Radio Frequency Allocation Plan have been
accomplished in regards to mobile telecoms and Jordan Telecom’s legal monopoly in the ﬁxed-line sector was
terminated at the end of 2004.
Although public interest is mentioned in strategic planning and strategy, due to the fact that the switchover from analog to digital broadcasting has not taken place in Jordan, there has been no public debate or
engagement of civil society with reference to the public interest.

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6. Digital Business
6.1

Ownership

6.1.1

Legal Developments in Media Ownership

Ownership of any media outlet (broadcast, print, and now news online) must conform with the AVC laws
and requirements, as well as with the press and publication laws.
Radio and television broadcast licenses must abide by the audiovisual communications laws and requirements.
Print and online publication licenses are also issued according to press and publication laws. The AVC keeps a
full list of all radio and television companies that are licensed in Jordan and the name of the owner or owners
of the television or radio company.
A Press and Publication Law passed in 1993 included a stipulation that the government’s ownership share of
daily newspapers should not exceed 30 percent. However, in mid-1997, highly restrictive amendments were
made to the law by Royal Decree,176 and a new Press and Publication Law was approved in 1998, dropping
the provision on government ownership of newspaper shares.
Today, more than 60 percent of Jordan’s leading daily newspaper, Al Rai, is owned by the government, as well
as more than 30 percent of shares in Ad-Dustour newspaper.177 Several media groups have criticized the law
and some drafted letters to MPs urging them to guarantee freedom of the press in Jordan by amending the
press and publication laws.178 Al Arab Al Yawm (established in 1997) and Al Ghad (established in 2003) are
the only two independent newspapers in the country.179

176. See http://www.al-bab.com/media/articles/artic19c.htm (accessed 23 March 2013).
177. Sa’eda Kilani, “Press Freedoms in Jordan,” Arab Archives Institute, May 2002. Published by the Euro-Mediterranean Network for Human
Rights and the Arab Archives Institute, at http://www.alarcheef.com/studies/ﬁles/free/press_freedoms_book.pdf (accessed 23 March 2013).
178. See http://www.article19.org/pdfs/analysis/jordan-press-law-letter.pdf (accessed 23 March 2013).
179. See http://www.uis.unesco.org/Communication/Documents/Media-statistics-pilot-survey-report.pdf (accessed 22 March 2013).


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6.1.2 New Entrants in the News Market
Hundreds of Jordanian news websites and blogs have been established over the past five years, in both Arabic
and English.180 The Jordanian blogosphere has seen an expansion matching the increase in internet penetration
across the country. Bloggers write about political and social issues, some touching on topics generally
considered taboo in Jordanian society. Independent media outlets, such as 7iber.com, provide platforms as
well as training for citizen journalists. Al Ghad newspaper, Jordan’s second independent newspaper, is the first
interactive newspaper with an editorial team that has invested in innovative design and an interactive website.
In February 2007, Mohammad Alayyan, the owner of Al Ghad newspaper, announced the launch of ATV,
Jordan’s first privately owned terrestrial and satellite TV station. Involving the Royal Hashemite Court, the
government, security bodies, and a number of Jordanian media experts, the station was set up to provide a
combination of news and entertainment programs; what the owner referred to as a “channel for the entire
family.”181 But on 1 August 2007, as the channel broadcast its official launch on NileSat, the AVC unexpectedly
halted its transmission and informed the channel’s management that they had failed to complete the necessary
licensing paperwork.182 In July 2008, after the course of over a year of fruitless anticipation, over 200 of the
channel’s employees organized a sit-in to demonstrate against the standstill they had suffered (see section
7.3.2).183

6.1.3 Ownership Consolidation
Documents from the AVC include a list of owners of all broadcast (local and regional) operators and owners
of radio stations based in Jordan. The documents include the date of registration of the stations and reveal
a dramatic increase during the past five years of independently owned radio stations and regional satellite
television channels following the liberalization of the licensing regime in 2003 (see section 5.1.1).184 There
have not been any major horizontal or vertical mergers in broadcasting or print media over recent years and
the Audiovisual Law in 2002 has helped to foster some degree of diversity and choice for listeners, albeit
mainly in entertainment genres (see section 5.1.2).
Nonetheless, there has been consolidation in the pay-TV market. In November 2007, there were over four
providers, compared with only two dominated by OSN (a pay-TV network).185 The first community radio
station, AmmanNet, was also established. Although there is no evidence of broadcasters or publishers putting
pressure on their journalists not to cover certain topics, there remains a great deal of self-censorship and

180. Rana F. Sweis and Jodi Rudoren, “Jordan Blocks Local Access to News Sites,” New York Times, 3 June 2013, at http://www.nytimes.
com/2013/06/04/world/middleeast/jordan-blocks-local-access-to-300-news-web-sites.html (accessed 27 July 2013).
181. AMEinfo.com, “ATV gets tuned into making an impact in Jordan,” 27 February 2007, at http://www.ameinfo.com/111966.html (accessed 26
September 2013).
182. Jordan Business, “The Death of ATV,” March 2010, at http://test.jordan-business.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=354
&Itemid=40 (accessed 26 September 2013).
183. Menassat.com, “Waiting for ATV,” 8 July 2008, at http://www.menassat.com/?q=en/news-articles/4099-waiting-atv (accessed 26 September
2013).
184. Interview with Azroo Shams Aldin, information officer at the Audiovisual Commission (AVC), 22 January 2012.
185. Arab Advisors Group, “Insights into Arab consumers broadcast and online consumption habits,” 20 September 2011.

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restriction, in accordance with the press and publication laws that they must adhere to (see section 4.3.2).
There has also been at least one case of pressure exerted on journalists by advertisers through newspaper
owners. In 2000, the famous cartoonist Emad Hajjaj was forced to resign from his job at Al Rai newspaper,
which is government-owned, after being accused of “harming its financial interests,” through a cartoon that
criticized a private telecoms company that advertises heavily in the newspaper.186

6.1.4 Telecoms Business and the Media
According to an interview with the AVC, which issues licenses for the media sector, there have been no
mergers in the telecoms industry (specifically mobile phone companies) in recent years where these companies
do not own any media outlets.187

6.1.5 Transparency of Media Ownership
Ownership of broadcast media is generally transparent, as full details are provided by the AVC. However,
with the rise of online news websites, the ownership of at least 150 news websites across the country is not
always clear, nor is information available to Jordanians.
“In Jordan, the government still owns and controls the country’s main national radio and TV stations, owns
65 percent of the biggest-selling daily newspaper Al Rai, and 35 percent of another leading newspaper,
Ad-Dustour.”188

6.2

Media Funding

6.2.1 Public and Private Funding
Figures for 2011 announced by Ipsos showed a drop in total advertising expenditure in Jordan from US$ 320
million (JOD 226 million) to around US$ 290 million (JOD 205 million) over a single year (from 2010
to 2011). Although this is a drop in expenditure in over a decade, advertising expenditure grew from $275
million (JOD 194 million) in 2007 to $320 million (JOD 226 million) in 2010. In the first quarter of 2012,
60 percent of advertising spend went to newspapers followed by radio, television, and magazines.189

186. See http://www.albawaba.com/news/jordan’s-top-cartoonist-says-paper-sacked-him-stand-privatization (accessed 23 March 2013).
188. See http://www.theglobeandmail.com/commentary/jordans-free-press-decade-ended-when-it-banned-my-news-site-and-212-others/article126
30575/comments (accessed 22 June 2013).
189. See http://whoswho.mediame.com/Advertising&Media/2012/node/251 (accessed 26 September 2013).


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Table 5.
Total advertising expenditure (US$ ’000), 2010
Media

US$ (’000)

% of total spend

Newspapers

217,775

68

Radio

41,948

13

Television

26,293

8

Magazines

16,924

5

Outdoor

16,855

5

319,795

100

Total
Source:

Ipsos-Stat (Statex-Jordan), 2010190

For the newspaper, online, and magazine industry, advertising is the main source of revenue. Local television
channels remain government-controlled and have small audiences, and regional free-to-air channels have
garnered greater popularity. A comparison of advertising expenditure shows that newspapers, magazines,
and radio have increased their revenue at the expense of television, which declined from 28 percent of
total advertising expenditure in 2000 to a mere 7 percent in 2008.191 The increasing popularity of online
advertising and radio at the expense of print and television may be explained by the lower rates charged by
websites and radio stations, according to Ali Kassay, the founder and CEO of Advanced Communications,
Consultancy and Editing House (ACE House).192
The Jordan Press Foundation, a public shareholding company that specializes in publishing, printing, editing,
and distributing newspapers and magazines, experienced accelerated growth in revenue from 2004 to 2007,
but revenue fell in 2008. That year, inflation in Jordan reached double-digit figures. Coupled with the global
recession that has affected the economy since 2009, the result was a decline in advertising spend. Ad-Dustour’s
advertising revenues fell by 9.9 percent in 2008 alone.193 Overall, however, the economic downturn caused
only a small drop in advertising revenues in 2010, according to the Jordan Press Foundation – Al-Rai.194
Advertising expenditure is relatively concentrated in print, at around 73 percent (68 percent for newspapers
and 5 percent for magazines.) This reflects the conservatism of the media industry.
The government does not make information on its funding of the media available.

190. See http://www.ipsos.com/sites/ipsos.com/files/2011-Ipsos-Annual-Report-English.pdf (accessed 25 March 2013).
192. Oxford Business Group, “The Report: Jordan, 2011,” at http://books.google.jo/books?id=lmPVOL9_r7MC&pg=PA189&lpg=PA189&dq=
jordan+advertising+revenue&source=bl&ots=1c2-UvV_Kj&sig=namaKe6PtZQTW88a6NWuTEpnKgg&hl=en&sa=X&ei=wNrRUZSm
N4K9OdWygNgL&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=advertising&f=false (accessed 1 July 2013).

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6.2.2 Other Sources of Funding
NGOs and foreign aid agencies have sometimes contributed to the creation of online media outlets. One
active participant has been the Jordan Media Strengthening Program (JMSP) funded by USAID through
which community radio stations have flourished. Community radio is growing strong in Jordan and is lowcost. Student-operated stations, including the station of Yarmouk University, and others in the southern and
northern parts of the country show citizens’ willingness to access not only news about their local concerns
but also to voice their concerns through these outlets.195
All these initiatives count not only on advertising to sustain their coverage but also on foreign aid as well. The
combination of both advertising and foreign aid until the media outlet can survive on its own can promote
independence and professionalism, particularly at the local news level, provided that foreign governments
and donors do not interfere in the editorial and content decisions of grantees. While advertising and aid
contribute to these outlets’ sustainability, they also threaten their independence.

6.3

Media Business Models

6.3.1 Changes in Media Business Models
All Jordanian newspapers have established websites accessible to connected readers, but the level of innovation
in attracting readers varies greatly. Al Ghad, a daily Arabic newspaper with a circulation of 45,000–50,000,
took the lead in establishing an online relationship with readers. It has by far the most interactive website
(Alghad.newspaperdirect.com) with the most up-to-date content, including breaking news around the clock
and multimedia reports. Readers can also rate and comment on articles and express their opinions, adding an
interactive dimension that was not available before digitization. In these ways, Al Ghad was able to distinguish
itself from other newspapers while maintaining its circulation.
It is clear that the newspaper is targeting new readers through its website and investing accordingly in its
online presence. In October 2010, Al Ghad was ranked 10th among the 50 strongest online newspapers in
the Arab world, by Forbes Middle East magazine.196 Newspapers with online editions such as Al Ghad and Al
Rai carry prominent advertisements, as do news websites, and projections indicate that digital advertising is
growing rapidly, from 1.18 percent in 2009 to 11.16 percent in 2013.197
According to Arab Media Outlook 2011–2015, digital advertising in Jordan was estimated at nearly US$4.2
million in 2011, and is expected to reach US$18 million by 2015. Nearly 44 percent of the population now
uses the internet as a source of daily and global news.198

195. “Community Radio Stations in Jordan Make Elections Matter,” see http://www.irex.org/news/community-radio-stations-jordan-make-electionsmatter (accessed 23 March 2013).
196. See http://www.dot.jo/forbes-middle-east-ranks-alghad-tenth-strongest-online-presence-arab-world (accessed 27 March 2013).
197. See http://www.arabmediaforum.ae/userfiles/EnglishAMO.pdf (accessed 27 July 2013).
198. See http://www.arabmediaforum.ae/userfiles/EnglishAMO.pdf (accessed 22 June 2013).


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6.4

Assessments

Except for Al Ghad, Al Arab Al Yawm, and online news media outlets, the government still has a hold on the
media, especially in terrestrial television where it retains a monopoly. Online news outlets are owned by a
more independent and diverse group of people including former journalists, businessmen, and others.
The Audiovisual Law of 2002 has increased diversity through the licensing of independent radio stations and
satellite channels (more regional than local). At the same time, a number of new entrants in news provision
have emerged in the online sphere.
At least five broadcast stations were cancelled due to financial costs, according to an interview with an
employee at the AVC.199
Internet news websites continue to be well placed financially thanks to the low cost of content production and
business costs compared with television, but they depend heavily—and sometimes solely—on advertising.
NGOs and foreign-government funders such as USAID and UN agencies such as UNESCO have contributed
to media development and funding, noticeably for community radio. This aid can contribute positively to
sustainability, but at the same time makes it difficult for local media to generate income independently.
There is some evidence to suggest that advertisers have exercised editorial influence and indirect censorship
over news outlets and there is no transparency in regard to state funding of the media.


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7. Policies, Laws, and Regulators
7.1

Policies and Laws

7.1.1

Digital Switch-over of Terrestrial Transmission

7.1.1.1 Access and Affordability
At the Regional Radio Communication Conference200 held in 2006, countries across Europe, Africa, and
the Middle East agreed that after 2015 analog terrestrial television frequencies would no longer be protected
from interference from other services, meaning that analog television will no longer be available in the
Middle East after 2015. However, no concrete confirmation about a specific date for the analog switch-off in
Jordan exists. There seems to be a will to move in that direction,201but there are no provisions yet specifying
access and affordability requirements that must be met before the analog signals can be switched off.

7.1.1.2 Subsidies for Equipment
Jordanians still depend on free-to-air television, with close to 600 free-to-air channels available on satellite. In
fact, nearly 90 percent of the Jordanian population receives satellite reception.202 Before the boom of satellite,
terrestrial television was the main source of entertainment and information. Although no official statistics
exist, counterfeit versions of Dreambox, a powered cable decoder set-top box with satellite and internet
connections, are widely used. No subsidies have been planned to support the purchase of receiver equipment
after switch-over.

7.1.1.3 Legal Provisions on Public Interest
There is no legal framework that includes provisions on the digital switch-over in Jordan.

200. See http://www.itu.int/ITU-R/index.asp?category=conferences&rlink=rrc-06&lang=en (accessed 23 March 2013).
202. Data from the DOS for television and radio: see http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/linked-html/jordan_no.htm (accessed 14 April
2013).


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7.1.1.4 Public Consultation
Media experts at the beginning of 2011 said the role of the Media Sector Regulatory Commission has to be
upgraded to keep pace with the latest technologies “rather than remain confined to regulatory affairs.”203 The
entity, established by a Cabinet decision in March 2011, combines the Press and Publications Department
and the AVC. The aim of the merger was to cut down public-sector expenses, as part of a government plan to
combine several independent regulatory institutions with similar mandates into one body.
Mr Alkhas said that the audiovisual sector is vast and constantly changing and therefore it needs an up-todate strategy for the switch from analog to digital television. He added that digital technology would facilitate
centralized television reporting in the governorates, which would lead to more localized reporting in each of
the country’s areas.204
There have been numerous media forums and conferences that have taken place in Jordan during the past
10 years, including the annual media and telecoms convergence conference and others that deal mainly with
the freedom and development of the press. The 2007 Access to Information Law (the first in the Arab world)
has proved useless, as public and semi-public governmental agencies have ignored requests for information.
Local and international organizations, including Freedom House and the CDFJ, have published numerous
reports concerning the press in Jordan as well as reports on the 2002 Audiovisual Law by the British media
freedom organization, Article 19.205
However, the issue of digital switch-over has not engaged either civil society groups or the general public to date.

7.1.2 The Internet
7.1.2.1 Regulation of News Content on the Internet
The government amended the Press and Publication Law in 2012, prompting the censoring of news websites
and blogs, which led to the blocking of more than 300 websites, including the popular citizen journalism
website 7iber.com.
A set of restrictive laws was issued in 2010 that led to greater control by the government over the dissemination
and consumption of information on the internet. The Press and Publication Law was amended and its
provisions were extended to all content published on the internet, including news websites, blogs, and other
online media platforms.206 The decision was met with fierce opposition in the Jordanian blogosphere. Free
and alternative media were now to be under the same governing legislation that many believe brought Jordan’s
traditional media to its supposed demise.207

203. “Media regulatory commission’s role should be expanded—experts,” Sahafi.jo, 13 March 2011, http://www.sahafi.jo/arc/art1.php?id=dd7a3f4c
10e93a31a88ef8586a9337a10adb515e (accessed 23 March 2013).
204. See http://www.mobilitytechzone.com/news/2011/02/03/5286849.htm (accessed 26 September 2013).
205. See http://www.article19.org/data/files/pdfs/analysis/jordan-audiovisual-media-law.pdf (accessed 23 March 2013).
206. See http://bit.ly/eU3XNZ (accessed 23 March 2013).
207. See http://www.7iber.com/2010/01/websites-and-the-publication-law/ (accessed 23 March 2013).

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Later in 2010, the Information Systems Cyber Crimes Law was passed shortly before the November
parliamentary elections. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) condemned the government’s action as
it “came at a crucial time as the country prepares for parliamentary elections in November and citizens rely
on local agencies for news.”208 According to a report by the Arabic Network for Human Rights (ANHR), the
Ministry of the Interior instructed internet café owners to install software that blocks gambling websites and
websites which contain pornographic material and insults to religious beliefs, or promote the use of drugs
or tobacco. Café owners were also instructed to use a device that records website information and browsed
data for a period of no less than six months and keeps an electronic record of a visitor’s name, national ID
number, and the computer used.
Back in 2006, the Parliament had endorsed the ﬁrst Anti-Terrorism Law that included vague provisions
restricting the freedom of speech. Like the Press and Publication Law, the Anti-Terrorism Law provides for
the imprisonment of people whose writings or speeches “undermine national unity, incite others to commit
crimes, sow the seeds of hatred and division in society, disrupt society’s basic norms by promoting deviation,
spread false information or rumors, incite others to destabilize or organize demonstrations or strikes in
contradiction to the law, or commit any act which undermines the dignity and reputation of the state.” This
should be seen against a backdrop of the 2002 18-month prison term of Toujan Al-Faisal, a former MP, for
“tarnishing the Jordanian state,” defamation of the judiciary, “uttering words” before another deemed to be
“detrimental to his religious feeling,” and “publishing and broadcasting false information abroad which could
be detrimental to the reputation of the state,” and inciting “disturbances and killings.”209
As a result of the legal restrictions imposed on freedom of speech, self-censorship continues to be largely
practiced on the internet by citizens, bloggers, and journalists writing for news websites. The 2011 uprisings
that have swept the Middle East have raised the bar of crossing the red lines and writing about topics viewed
as taboo in the Jordanian society like the royal family and the government. However, this is not to be
considered an improvement in freedoms. On the contrary, Jordan has dropped 8 points on the Press Freedom
Index since the Arab uprisings of 2011.210
This is largely due to the recent legislation which is likely to have an adverse eﬀect on access to free online
media content. In September 2012, Parliament, the Senate and the king approved legislation that would give
the government new powers to block domestic and international websites. Under the new legislation, editors
would be held responsible for anything published on the websites, and local online media would be required
to register and obtain licenses from the Press and Publications Department, at a cost of nearly US$ 1,400
(JOD 791.20) in registration fees.211

208. See http://www.cpj.org/2010/08/cpj-asks-jordanian-king-to-toss-out-cyber-law.php (accessed 23 March 2013).
209. “Jordan: Sentence against Toujan al-Faisal a blow to freedom of expression,” 16 May 2002, at http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/
MDE16/008/2002/en/b15faf35-d83f-11dd-9df8-936c90684588/mde160082002en.html (accessed 23 March 2013).
210. Hani Hazaimeh, “Jordan drops 8 spots on Press Freedom Index,” Jordan Times, 27 January 2012.
211. See http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/10/jordan-move-censor-online-expression (accessed 26 September 2013).


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Jordanian bloggers and journalists showed their disapproval of these new legal provisions by blacking out
many internet media websites on 29 August 2012. “Jordan is joining the clubs of enemies of the internet,”
said Ms Sabbagh in an interview. “Eventually it will be unfair to hold owners of websites accountable for
reader comments posted on their websites. There was a lot of blackmail, abuse and unprofessionalism with
the news websites but you cannot punish the good ones just because you do not know how to handle the
situation.”212 Human Rights Watch accused the government of going after “opponents and critics” through
this legislation,213 and said that the amendments to the Press and Publications Law were vague, particularly
the definition of “electronic publications.” (The official definition of electronic publications is: “an electronic
website on the internet with a fixed address that offers publication services.”)
The law requires such publications to register with the Ministry of Commerce and to obtain a license to
operate from the Ministry of Culture. The latter will have the authority to block websites that are either
unlicensed or deemed to be in violation of any law, and to close the website’s offices without providing a
reason or obtaining a court order.214
In September 2012, representatives of Jordanian new media held a protest near the offices of the main
newspapers with a sign that read: “There can be no reform without press freedom.”215 Sawsan Zaideh, a
journalist and talk-show host at AmmanNet, said that there is no doubt the government is using fear tactics
to try to stem mounting criticism of political and economic policies. “By blocking websites now and security
agencies given the legal right to access IP addresses … you cannot help but wonder if what the government
is doing is trying to create a chilling effect and instill fear.”216
Following a decision by the authorities on 2 June 2013, nearly 300 local news websites were blocked for
failing to register with the Ministry of Culture, as required by the Press Law. Article 19 was one of many
media freedom organizations to condemn the move: “Under its international commitments, Jordan is obliged
to respect these standards in its domestic legislation.”217

7.1.2.2 Legal Liability for Internet Content
According to the AVC, policies and regulations have yet to be enforced on internet content broadly.218
However, temporary laws have been passed to regulate such content, such as the Cyber Crimes Law (also
known as the Information Systems Crime Law), passed in August 2010. In an attempt to reduce legal liabilities
of journalists and in response to criticism expressed by various legal activist and journalist defense groups, the

212. Interview with Rana Sabbagh, executive director of ARIJ and columnist at Al Ghad newspaper, Amman, 13 September 2012.
213. See http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/10/jordan-move-censor-online-expression (accessed 25 March 2013).
215. Interview with Dareen Alhiyari, senior software engineer, Amman, 17 September 2012.
216. Interview with Sawsan Zaideh, journalist and talk-show host, Amman, 16 September 2012.
217. See http://www.article19.org/resources.php/resource/3791/en/jordan:-website-blocking-order-must-be-revoked-immediately#sthash.7lvdOX
dm.dpuf (accessed 20 June 2013).

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government endorsed an amendment to the law shortly after it had been passed. A former MoICT minister,
Marwan Juma, said that major parts of the amendment addressed the protection of contributors to online
media “at a time when electronic information is an important part of the formation of economic and social
development.”219 Nevertheless, human rights and journalist defense groups such as the NCHR, the CPJ, the
Jordan Professional Associations Complex, news websites, and local bloggers continued to espouse criticism
of the law that they claimed “provides authorities with sweeping powers to restrict the flow of information
and limit public debate.”220
Mr Mansour (executive president of the CDFJ) said: “Journalism, and specifically online journalism, does
not adhere greatly to taboos or red lines in their articles and interviews. We are starting to see news stories
that we would never have seen before the revolutions and protests that have happened in the Arab world. At
the same time, there has been an increase in press freedoms [in parallel with] violations such as assaults and
death threats [on journalists].” 221
Under the legislation, editors would be held responsible for anything published on their websites.222

7.2

Regulators

7.2.1 Changes in Content Regulation
The legal framework for media content was set forth in the Audiovisual Law of 2002 and the Press and
Publication Law (which has been amended several times, most recently in 2002 and 2010). In 2006, the first
online Jordanian news website, Ammon News, was launched. Since then, a rapid increase has been witnessed
in the number of online news websites, and this has been paired with a rise in regulations, especially those
referring to digital content.
The Anti-Terrorism Law includes sections on freedom of speech both in conventional media and online media.
The Press and Publication Law exerted further restrictions on online media by applying all its provisions to
online content as well, hence pressuring journalists publishing their work online to practice self-censorship.
The TRC, which operates under the oversight of the prime minister, was established as a financially and
administratively independent entity (see section 7.2.2). Its many duties include establishing the basis for
regulation of the telecoms and information technology sectors.

219. Hani Hazaimeh, “Government amends Cyber Crimes Law to ‘safeguard press freedom,’” Jordan Times, 30 August 2010.
220. “CPJ asks Jordanian king to toss out cyber law,” cpj.org, 17 August 2010, at http://cpj.org/2010/08/cpj-asks-jordanian-king-to-toss-out-cyberlaw.php (accessed 26 September 2013).
221. “The Revolution Reporters,” JO Magazine, January 2012.


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During a session on internet regulation and its implications on press freedom, speakers at the International
Press Institute’s 62nd World Congress, held in Amman in May 2013, said: “Official regulatory attempts at
the local and international levels pose a threat to press freedoms.”223
In all, the law provides authorities with sweeping powers to restrict the flow of information and limit public
debate. Article 8 of the Cyber Crimes Law penalizes “sending or posting data or information via the internet or
any information system that involves defamation or contempt or slander,” without defining what constitutes
those crimes. Article 12 penalizes obtaining “data or information not available to the public, concerning
national security or foreign relations of the kingdom, public safety or the national economy” from a website
without a permit. Article 13 allows for law enforcement officers to search the offices of websites and access
their computers without prior approval from public prosecutors.224
Jordan’s media environment continues to be dominated by state-owned newspapers and national radio and
television stations. Although two large private newspapers do exist, “their owners largely cooperate—if not
collude—with the government,” wrote Mr Kuttab.225

7.2.2 Regulatory Independence
The Telecommunications Law was passed in 1995, providing a legal basis for reform. As a result, the TRC
was established as an independent governmental organization regulating the telecoms and information
technology in accordance with the Telecommunications Law. The TRC’s board of commissioners consists
of five full-time members appointed through a resolution of the Council of Ministers upon nomination of
the prime minister based on the recommendation of the MoICT Minister. The members serve on this board
for four years, renewable for a further four years. The membership of commissioners can be terminated by
the Council of Ministers upon the recommendation of the MoICT Minister or due to term expiry, failure
to attend three consecutive sessions of the board or six over a year without a valid excuse, forfeit of any
membership condition, crime or offense, or physical or mental incapability.226
In 2002, the TRC’s mandate was slightly modified by temporary law no. 8 as an independent jurisdictional
body tasked with regulating the telecoms and information technology sectors. The Ministry of Post and
Communications became the MoICT. The 2002 Telecommunication Law underlined the independence of
the TRC.227

223. See http://jordantimes.com/regulation-of-online-media-should-come-from-within-sector (accessed 23 June 2013).
224. See http://cpj.org/2010/08/cpj-asks-jordanian-king-to-toss-out-cyber-law.php (accessed 25 March 2013).
225. See http://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2013/06/21/commentary/new-censors-of-web-media/#.UcYBqxb72fQ (accessed 23 June 2013).
226. Sherine Shallah, “Arab Country Experience in Establishing Independent Regulatory Authorities. Lessons from the Telecom Sector,” prepared for
the Special Session of the OECD working party on Regulatory Management and Reform in the Framework of Good Governance for Development Initiative in Arab Countries, Paris, 28 September 2005, at http://www.oecd.org/mena/governance/35553858.pdf (accessed 26 September
2013).
227. See https://sites.google.com/a/politicalscience.com.au/home/Home/chronologies/jordanian-chronology (accessed 1 July 2013).

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Although it is independent in administrative terms, the TRC’s work remains explicitly intertwined with
the MoICT. In 2012, for example, the TRC directed ISPs to block individual websites, although this did
not happen. It was reported that the MoICT stated later that it was working with an Australian company
to develop a more comprehensive system to censor pornography.228 Mr Juma (former MoICT minister)
criticized the directives and was among many who expressed concern. “Very often harmless sites get blocked
because they may contain words that are deemed offensive (such as women’s health sites when they refer to
‘breast’ cancer for example),” he said.229 Although the effort to censor has so far been aimed at pornographic
content, fears of more widespread censorship were validated in 2012, when the government amended the
Press and Publication Law (see section 7.1.2.1).

7.2.3 Digital Licensing
Digital switch-over has not yet been initiated and therefore there is no digital licensing. In the past decade,
broadcast licensing has seen major changes. Most significantly, the 2002 Audiovisual Law officially ended the
government’s monopoly on broadcasting and several privately owned radio stations were licensed as a result
(see section 5.1.1).
Articles 18–25 of the Audiovisual Law outline the procedure for issuing broadcast licenses. The law gives
considerable power to the TRC’s director, who is not only responsible for the management of the Commission
(Articles 6 (d), 8 (b)), but also fulfills a range of many other tasks including handling complaints against
licensing decisions (Article 8j–k). According to representatives of the AVC, the most licensing delays by the
government were in 2011. The government gave no reasons for the rejections of license applications in 2011.
In 2009, the government had rejected 13 applications for radio stations.230
The director of the TRC refers to the government regarding the granting, renewal, amendment, and
cancellation of broadcasting licenses. Article 16(b) of the Audiovisual Law also includes all the paperwork and
forms that need to accompany the application, including a receipt proving the payment of application fees, a
statement describing the applicant’s technical and administrative capabilities, its financial situation, the types
of services to be provided by it, the technology to be used and the geographical area to be covered, the names
of individuals holding a share of more than 5 percent, and any other data required by the Commission.
After a license is approved by the AVC, it must then be approved by the TRC, and the Council of Ministers
“may refuse to grant broadcasting licenses to any entity without stating the reasons for such rejection” (Article
18b).231

228. See http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/08/201281519529205413.html (accessed 1 July 2013).
229. See http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/08/201281519529205413.html (accessed 26 July 2013).
231. See http://www.article19.org/data/files/pdfs/analysis/jordan-audiovisual-media-law.pdf (accessed 25 March 2013).


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Some journalists and media owners, such as Mr Kuttab (founder and director of Radio Al-Balad and
AmmanNet), claim that failed applicants for broadcasting licenses should have the right to know why their
applications were rejected.232

7.2.4 Role of Self-regulatory Mechanisms
In December 2009, a media code of conduct was adopted which stated that “the government would not
appoint” any journalist or media employee to any public position, including as a spokesperson or media
consultant, or pay temporary or permanent allowances for journalistic services. Journalists already in positions
with public agencies had to choose between their jobs with their media employers or with the government.233
This stern restraint by government was short-lived. According to an IREX Media Sustainability report in
2009: “A few journalists continued to have such privileges by virtue of their proximity to the authorities.
Saleh Gallab, for example, was appointed chairman of the Television and Radio’s board of directors, without
giving away his op-ed corner in Al Rai.”234
In 2011 media professionals expressed shock at the government’s decision to open the door for journalists to
work in the public sector as media advisors, objecting that it represented an obvious conflict of interest. The
Cabinet endorsed a code of conduct that regulates the government’s relationship with local media outlets
where ministries, municipalities, and public institutions can appoint journalists when needed, but must first
gain Cabinet permission to determine salaries according to the government’s pay scales.235
Taher Adwan, a journalist and former information minister, expressed dismay at the government’s media
strategy, which he said was “traditional and [used] flowery language and [was not] practical and objective.”236
Media laws and regulations are numerous and do not leave too much space for self-regulatory practices on a
national basis. The JPA is the core of established media accountability institutions. It drafted a law-like code
of ethics in 2003 and runs ombudsmen committees (currently three) dealing with mishaps of the media, to
protect journalists from legal liability. Although it has the statute of a professional body, the JPA is perceived
by many journalists as an extended arm of the government. Until 2010 the association was not prepared to
deal with private broadcasting and online journalists in the same way it does with the press and state-owned
media.237

232. Interview with Daoud Kuttab, founder of AmmanNet Radio Balad station, Amman, April 2012.
233. See http://www.menafn.com/qn_news_story_s.aspx?storyid=1093406213 (accessed 27 July 2013).
234. See http://www.irex.org/system/files/MSIMENA09_Jordan.pdf (accessed 25 March 2013).
235. See http://www.sahafi.jo/arc/art1.php?id=dedb4b74f512981913babd04e7cf0574d53e0801 (accessed 27 July 2013).
236. See http://www.sahafi.jo/arc/art1.php?id=dedb4b74f512981913babd04e7cf0574d53e0801 (accessed 25 March 2013).
237. See http://www.mediaact.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/WP4/WP4_Jordan.pdf (accessed 27 March 2013).

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7.3

Government Interference

7.3.1

The Market

Financial interference from government authorities has consisted in prohibitive license fees for broadcasters
and an additional fee for radio stations offering news services. which was recently abolished (see section
5.1.2).

7.3.2 The Regulator
The most obvious and popular case that demonstrates interference by the government in the media through
regulatory authorities was the ban of ATV by the authorities right on the day the station started to broadcast.
AVC’s representatives said in an interview for this report that the station was banned because their owners
failed to pay the fee for the license usage. However, the former director of ATV, Mohannad Khatib, said there
was no doubt that content was a factor in the cancellation:238
I think there are many elements; I am totally convinced that content has a lot to do with why
they stopped us. We have been transmitting internally for six months, with news bulletins
and shows, commercial breaks, promos, everything. I am sure that some entities got to know
what we were broadcasting and did not feel comfortable with it. We were a bit more outgoing
than they were used to, and we were definitely different from JTV. I hope we will never be
like JTV, and if that is their standard then they will never let us air. We have quick, daring
content and very good news coverage. We do breaking news. We have three Satellite News
Gathering (SNG) cars that can go all over Jordan quickly and get a story from anywhere. If
this does not suit them, let them say it straight out, let them say that they do not like the
content. The details of this whole issue are even more disturbing: I get this letter ordering us
not to broadcast, signed by Faisal Al Shboul, who is the general director of JTV. The head of
engineering at the AVC is an employee at JTV, there is a clear conflict of interest. I do not
understand how this can happen in a civilized country like Jordan when every day we hear
high-ranking officials telling us about progressive free media.
An initial Cyber Crime Law was announced in August 2010, which would allow government authorities
to search and seize property, as well as access computers, from offices publishing websites without any prior
approval from the state’s prosecution.239 Many journalists and human rights organizations were outraged and
said the law was written in deliberately vague terms so that the government could interpret and implement
the rules as it sees fit, said Mr Hawamdeh (managing editor and co-owner of Khaberni online news agency).240
These murky provisions raised criticism not only in Jordan but around the world. The vague provisions were
removed, and the law now focusses on more clearly defined cybercrimes, like identity, theft, and fraud.

238. See http://www.7iber.com/2007/09/jordans-atv-the-untelevised-revolution/ (accessed 27 March 2013).
239. See http://www.middle-east-online.com/english/?id=40736 (accessed 27 March 2013).
240. See http://www.cyberdissidents.org/bin/content.cgi?ID=471&q=1&s=7 (accessed 25 March 2013).


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However, criticism and outrage over the law in respect of media freedom continue unabated (see section
7.1.2).

7.3.3

Other Forms of Interference

Violent attacks on Jordanian journalists have increased since the Arab Spring in 2011, despite a slight decline
in self-censorship, according to a study by the CDFJ. In 2010, 94 percent of Jordanian journalists surveyed
said they self-censor.241 In 2011, self-censorship among journalists declined to 86 per cent, a drop driven
mostly by the Arab Spring, according to a recent study on the status of press freedom by Al Quds Centre for
Political Studies, an independent research center. Self-censorship arises due to both a historical and current
perceived or real risk of repercussions from the government.242
Media restrictions (not only financial) and control by the government continue to inhibit the political
struggle for reform. A lack of press freedom, authoritarian media legislation, lack of professionalism, and
self-censorship among journalists all remain obstacles. “It is impossible to speak about the path to democracy
without a free and fair press and one that can flourish in an enabling political environment,” wrote Ms
Sabbagh in her weekly column in Al Arab Al Yawm. “Will the Arab press be the force of change and help in
establishing a new institution that is based on justice, democracy and good governance?”243
In July 2011, police attacked journalists covering a pro-reform demonstration in Amman, injuring more than
a dozen people and breaking cameras. The JPA held a protest sit-in to denounce the attacks.244 “I feel like over
the years, the so-called media reform process has gone backwards in Jordan,” said Ashraf al Rai, a journalist
formerly with Al Ghad newspaper. “Press and publication laws restrict freedom, the psychology of fear leads
to self-censorship, and the interference of the security services continues.”245
Shortly after the Tunisian revolution in January, journalists at Jordan’s Al Rai daily, which is owned by the
government, staged their first ever protest, demanding higher salaries and more press freedom. A journalist
standing in front of the newspaper building carried a placard reading, “You have suffocated us.”
Staff at Ad-Dustour, one of the largest dailies by circulation and partly owned by the government, erected a
tent in front of the newspaper headquarters for several weeks in August 2011 and called for better working
conditions and higher salaries. Mr Mansour and other leaders from the Islamic Action Front visited the tent,
where the president of the Jordan Press Association, Tareq Momani, described the state of the press in Jordan
as “deteriorating.”246

242. See http://www.alqudscenter.org/english/pages.php?local_type=122&local_details=1&idd=258 (accessed 22 June 2013).
243. See http://www.alarabalyawm.net/pages.php?articles_id=17910 (accessed 10 February 2013).
244. See http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/jordan/index.html?inline=nyt-geo (accessed 10 February 2013).
245. Interview with Ashraf al Rai, Amman, 9 April 2011.
246. “Jordanians Debate Role of Press,” New York Times, 14 September 2011, at http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/15/world/middleeast/jordaniansdebate-role-of-press.html (accessed 21 September 2013).

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In a separate development, one of the first online news sites in Jordan, Ammonnews, accused the Jordan
General Intelligence Department (GID) of hacking the website in February 2011. The website’s editor-inchief, Basil Okour, said the hacking happened when the website posted a statement from some of Jordan’s
tribes criticizing certain parties inside the government and alleging corruption. Mr Okour added that the
website received direct threats from certain Jordanian security parties one day before the hacking occurred.247
The employees at Ammonnews staged a protest in front of the union complex in Amman demanding an end
to interference by security services.248
In 2010, two Jordanian journalists were detained for criticizing the kingdom’s cooperation with the United
States in Afghanistan, but were released on bail. The two men took part in a television talk-show during
which they criticized Jordan’s intelligence cooperation with the United States in Afghanistan following a
suicide attack at a U.S. base at Khost that killed seven CIA agents and a Jordanian officer. The NCHR
intervened, as did unions and others.249

7.4

Assessments

Jordan has not yet made the switch-over from analog to digital broadcasting and therefore it is too early to
assess issues such as licensing conditions, public participation or access and affordability requirements in
the process. The 2002 Audiovisual Law officially ended the government’s monopoly on broadcasting, which
resulted in the licensing of several privately owned radio stations, including the independent channel, Roya
TV. However, the licensing process is neither transparent nor accountable, largely because the law allows the
government to reject licenses without providing a reason.
The level of interference by authorities in the media is still significant in Jordan, as is self-censorship.
Digitization appears to have prompted a reactionary response from the state in terms of new laws restricting
online journalism.
The Press and Publication Law was amended to apply all its provisions to online content as well, thereby
threatening to foster self-censorship among online journalists as it has in the print domain. However, the
2011 uprisings have lowered the bar of crossing red lines and writing about topics viewed once as taboo. The
explosion of online news and information sources as well as the development of UGC and interactive features
have opened up a meaningful space for public debate over political issues for the first time.

247. See http://arabcrunch.com/2011/02/jordanian-news-site-%E2%80%9Cammon%E2%80%9D-accuses-jordan-intelligence-of-hacking-its-web
site.html (accessed 25 March 2013).
248. See http://nz.news.yahoo.com/a/-/technology/8793937/top-jordan-website-back-up-after-hacking (accessed 10 February 2013).
249. See http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/southasia/news/article_1533677.php/Detained-Jordanian-columnists-bailed (accessed 25 March
2013).


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75

Alongside this, there have been numerous media forums and conferences that have taken place in Jordan
during the past 10 years, including the annual media and telecoms convergence conference and others that
deal mainly with the state of the press in Jordan, freedom of the press, and laws. New media educational
institutions in Jordan provide an outlet for debate among students, in addition to workshops on social media,
internet start-ups, and digital marketing. Debates have taken place on civil society issues through social
media platforms.
There have also been numerous reports and recommendations published concerning the press as well as
documents concerning the 2002 Audiovisual Law.
The amendment to the Audiovisual Law allowing for private broadcasting licenses has had a positive impact
on pluralism. Privately owned radio stations including Radio Al-Balad, the first community service radio
station, have brought diverse voices and have played a role in acting as watchdog in the 2007, 2010, and
2013 parliamentary elections. Some of the new stations also stream their broadcasts live online. Likewise,
the online platform JordandaysTV broadcasts events live, including parliamentary sessions, local arts and
cultural events, as well as internal political debates, for example on elections. Some legal provisions that
affect broadcasting and general press freedoms—including the 2005 Anti-Terrorism Law and the Press and
Publication Law—continue to restrict media and put pressure on journalists.
Nevertheless, media reform has regressed in recent years, overall, as reflected in a drop of 8 points for Jordan
in the latest Press Freedom Index (as mentioned above).250

250. See http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2013,1054.html (accessed 1 July 2013).

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JORDAN

8. Conclusions
8.1

Media Today

Media development, or the lack of it, in Jordan continues to reflect the political struggle for reform. A lack of
press freedom, authoritarian media legislation, lack of professionalism, and self-censorship among journalists
all remain obstacles.
The last few years have seen certain developments. Al Ghad newspaper, an independent title, was established
in 2004 and has created a healthy competition with other daily newspapers both in print and online. The
decision by Parliament in 2002 to approve the Audiovisual Law resulted in the creation of radio stations such
as Al-Balad, which have reported on news including parliamentary elections and sessions, and shed light on
political and social issues. In addition, the establishment of the ARIJ and the JMI provide opportunities for
Jordanian journalists to enhance their professionalism, receive training, and—in the case of investigative
reports—shed light on important social issues. Moreover, social media and some online news outlets, as well
as print newspapers’ online editions, have provided an opportunity for readers to rate and comment on articles
and express their opinions, adding a dimension of interaction that was not available before digitization.
Moreover, the fact that 90 percent of Jordanians now receive satellite transmission with over 600 free-to-air
channels has given them the opportunity to view the news, entertainment, and so on from different regional
perspectives and has fostered more diverse voices in television, compared with the state-controlled terrestrial
platform.
The Access to Information Law of 2007 was a positive development for Jordan, making it compulsory for
government institutions to disclose information to journalists and citizens (although implementation remains
a hindrance).
However, with new restrictive amendments to the Press and Publication Law that will include censoring
websites and stifling internet freedom, Jordanians are increasingly losing hope in media reform. And despite
government pledges to protect journalists and promote a free and independent media, we continue to witness
extrajudicial attacks and threats against journalists in addition to the formal legal restraints. The amended
Press and Publication Law, in combination with other restrictions including the anti-terrorism penal code,
remains a major hindrance to the development of robust, diverse, and professional media in Jordan.


2013

77

Amid these restraints, self-censorship has been an issue for Jordan’s journalists for many years. Although recent
survey data suggest this has declined somewhat following the Arab Spring, some 86 percent of journalists still
admit to practicing self-censorship. This may be due to fear of detention (or harassment), fearing personal
repercussions from society when writing on taboo subjects, and lacking the will or the passion to cover issues
in depth and for low wages.
Nevertheless, inspired by the Arab uprisings and the easing of public assembly restrictions, journalists at Al
Rai newspaper protested for many weeks in February and March 2011, demanding more freedom, enhancing
professionalism, and increases in salaries, and that state authorities should not interfere with what is published
and what they write. This was the first ever protest in the history of the government-owned newspaper.

8.2

Media Tomorrow

The changing media landscape, like the whole of the Middle East, continues to reflect the profound
uncertainty and the rapid transformation that are sweeping the region. For Jordan, this means that the
government, journalists, and citizens will continue to adjust to new trends as technological advances promise
alternative, more interactive ways of news consumption.
Ongoing social and political upheaval in the region, combined with new technologies of communication, is
likely to fuel demand for real-time, round-the-clock, and on-the-ground news reporting, as well as for media
reform. As more Jordanians go online, the new public sphere facilitated by social media is likely to expand,
although it is threatened and will likely be inhibited by the new regressive amendments to the Press and
Publications Law.
The government will need to urgently reform and lift restrictions on online journalism if the promise of a free
and independent media is not to slip further out of reach. At the same time, state television and radio outlets
will need urgent reform if they are to compete with expanding satellite and internet-based broadcasting
services. Print newspapers have already begun making their websites more interactive with multimedia
content, and this trend needs to continue and keep pace with technological developments if newspapers are
to survive and prosper in the digital world.
Jordan remains committed, in accordance with international agreements, to switching off analog television
signals by 2015. Managing the technical switch-over is likely to be a policy priority over the course of the next
two years. However, since satellite services reach over 90 percent of households, the switch-over is unlikely to
have a radical impact on audiences.

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JORDAN

List of Abbreviations, Figures, Tables,
and Companies
Acronyms and Abbreviations
ARIJ
ANHR
ASMR
AVC
CDFJ
CIA
CPJ
DOS
FWB
ICT
IPB
IREX
ITU
JMC
JMI
JPA
JRTV
LoT
MENA
MoICT
MP
NCHR
NGO
TRC
UAE
UGC
UN
USAID

Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism
Arabic Network for Human Rights
Arab Social Media Report
Audiovisual Commission
Center for Defending Freedom of Journalists
Central Intelligence Agency
Committee to Protect Journalists
Department of Statistics
ﬁxed wireless broadband
information and communications technology
Information and Communications Technology Price Basket
International Research and Exchanges Board
International Telecommunication Union
Jordan Media City
Jordan Media Institute
Jordan Press Association
Jordan Radio and Television Corporation
Leaders of Tomorrow
Middle East and North Africa
Ministry of Information and Communications Technology
Member of Parliament
National Center for Human Rights
nongovernmental organization
Telecommunications and Regulatory Commission
United Arab Emirates
user-generated content
United Nations
U.S. Agency for International Development


2013

79

Figures
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.
Figure 5.

Rural–urban breakdown (% of total population), 2012 ..........................................
Ethnic composition (% of total population), 2013 .................................................
Religious composition (% of total population), 2001 .............................................
Use of internet services (%), 2010 ..........................................................................
Reasons for visiting news websites (% of sample), 2009–2010 ................................

12
12
13
19
25

Economic indicators, 2005–2013 ...........................................................................
Households owning equipment, 2005–2011 ..........................................................
Platforms for the main TV reception and digital take-up, 2005–2012 ....................
Internet penetration (total internet subscriptions as % of total number of
households) and mobile penetration (total active SIM cards as % of total
population), 2005–2012.........................................................................................
Main media outlets in Jordan by audience ..............................................................
Most visited news websites, by users, 2010–2013 ...................................................

14
16
17

Tables
Table 1.
Table 2.
Table 3.
Table 4.

Table 5.
Table 6.

17
21
22

Companies
Al Jazeera
Arab Advisors Group
BBC
France Telecom
Info2Cell
Jordan Media City (JMC)
Jordan Telecom
Josat
Nilesat
Orange
OSN
Umniah
Xpress
Zain Jordan

80


JORDAN

Mapping Digital Media: Country Reports (published in English)
1.

Romania

26. Montenegro

2.

Thailand

27. Georgia

3.

Mexico

28. Nigeria

4.

Morocco

29. Colombia

5.

United Kingdom

30. Croatia

6.

Sweden

31. Slovenia

7.

Russia

32. China

8.

Lithuania

33. Peru

9.

Italy

34. Chile

10. Germany

35. Spain

11. United States

36. Kenya

12. Latvia

37. Bulgaria

13. Serbia

38. India

14. Netherlands

39. France

15. Albania

40. Estonia

16. Hungary

41. Kazakhstan

17. Moldova

42. Malaysia

18. Japan

43. Pakistan

19. Argentina

44. Slovakia

20. South Africa

45. Czech Republic

21. Turkey

46. Egypt

22. Lebanon

47. Singapore

23. Macedonia

48. Brazil

24. Bosnia and Herzegovina

49. Armenia

25. Poland


2013

81

Mapping Digital Media is a project of the Open Society Media Program and the Open Society
Information Program.

Open Society Media Program
The Media Program works globally to support independent and professional media as crucial players for
informing citizens and allowing for their democratic participation in debate. The program provides operational
and developmental support to independent media outlets and networks around the world, proposes engaging
media policies, and engages in efforts towards improving media laws and creating an enabling legal environment
for good, brave and enterprising journalism to ﬂourish. In order to promote transparency and accountability,
and tackle issues of organized crime and corruption the Program also fosters quality investigative journalism.

Open Society Information Program
The Open Society Information Program works to increase public access to knowledge, facilitate civil society
communication, and protect civil liberties and the freedom to communicate in the digital environment. The
Program pays particular attention to the information needs of disadvantaged groups and people in less
developed parts of the world. The Program also uses new tools and techniques to empower civil society groups
in their various international, national, and local efforts to promote open society.

Open Society Foundations
The Open Society Foundations work to build vibrant and tolerant democracies whose governments are
accountable to their citizens. Working with local communities in more than 70 countries, the Open Society
Foundations support justice and human rights, freedom of expression, and access to public health and education.

For more information:
Open Society Media Program
Open Society Foundations
7th Floor Millbank Tower, 21–24 Millbank
London SW1P 4QP, United Kingdom
mappingdigitalmedia@osf-eu.org
www.mappingdigitalmedia.org
www.soros.org/initiatives/media
Cover Design: Ahlgrim Design Group
Design and Layout: Judit Kovács l Createch Ltd.

Mapping Digital Media Jordan 2013

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