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9. Table of Contents
Mastering QlikView
Credits
About the Author
About the Reviewers
www.PacktPub.com
Support files, eBooks, discount offers, and more
Why subscribe?
Free access for Packt account holders
Instant updates on new Packt books
Preface
Qlik Sense
What this book covers
What you need for this book
Who this book is for
Conventions
Reader feedback
Customer support
Downloading the example code
Errata
Piracy
Questions
1. Performance Tuning and Scalability
Reviewing basic performance tuning techniques
Removing unneeded data
Reducing the number of rows
Reducing the number of columns
Replacing text keys with numbers
Resolving synthetic keys
Reviewing the basics
10. Generating test data
Generating dimension values
Generating fact table rows
Understanding how QlikView stores its data
A great primer
Looking at things from a simple level
Exporting the memory statistics for a document
Strategies to reduce the data size and improve performance
Optimizing field values and keys
Optimizing data by removing keys using ApplyMap
Optimizing performance by removing keys by joining tables
Optimizing memory by removing low cardinality fields
Testing chart performance for different load options
Turning the cache off
Examining the chart calculation time for different scenarios
Optimizing performance by creating counter fields
Optimizing performance by combining fact tables?
Optimizing your numbers
Optimizing chart calculation times
The QlikView calculation engine
Creating flags for well-known conditions
Sorting for well-known conditions
Using Direct Discovery
Direct Discovery restrictions
Direct Discovery syntax
Looking at an example Direct Query
Testing scalability with JMeter
Obtaining the scalability tools
Installing JMeter
Installing the scalability tools
About the scalability tools
11. Running an example execution
Summary
2. QlikView Data Modeling
Reviewing basic data modeling
Associating data
Automatically associating tables
Understanding synthetic keys
Creating composite keys
Using string concatenation
Using one of the Hash functions
Using the AutoNumber function
Realizing that facts are calculated at the level of their table
Joining data
Understanding Join and Keep
Inner joins
Left and right joins
Outer joins
Cartesian joins
Understanding the effect of duplicate key values on joins
Understanding Keep
Concatenating rows
Reviewing Concatenate
Differentiating Concatenate and Join
Mapping data with ApplyMap
Reviewing the basic functionality of ApplyMap
Mapping numbers
Using ApplyMap instead of Join with duplicate rows
Dimensional data modeling
Differentiating between facts and dimensions
Understanding the grain
Understanding star schemas
12. Summing with facts
Discovering more about facts
Transaction fact tables
Periodic snapshot fact tables
Factless fact tables
Dealing with nulls in fact tables in QlikView
Designing dimension tables
Denormalizing dimensions and conformed dimensions
Understanding surrogate keys
Dealing with missing or late arriving dimension values
Defining Kimball’s four-step dimensional design process
Selecting the business process
Declaring the grain
Identifying the dimensions
Identifying the facts
Learning some useful reusable dimension methods
Creating a calendar dimension
Unwrapping hierarchies
Creating leaves with Hierarchy
Creating parent associations with HierarchyBelongsTo
Creating dimensional facts
Handling slowly changing dimensions
Taking the most recently changed record using FirstSortedValue
Using IntervalMatch with SCDs
Using hash to manage from/to dates
Dealing with multiple fact tables in one model
Joining the fact tables together
Concatenating fact tables
Changing the grain of a fact table
Linking fact tables of different grains
Drilling across with document chaining
13. Summary
3. Best Practices for Loading Data
Reviewing data loading concepts
Getting data from anywhere
Loading data from QlikView
Loading similar files with concatenation
Loading dissimilar files with Concatenate and For Each
Understanding QlikView Data files
Storing tables to QVD
Using QVD files
Understanding why you should use an ETL approach
Speeding up overall data loading
Reusing extracted data in multiple documents
Applying common business rules across multiple documents
Creating conformed dimensions
Provisioning a self-service data layer
Using an ETL approach to create QVD data layers
Creating a StoreAndDrop subroutine
Extracting data
Creating an extractor folder structure
Differentiating types of scripts
Executing the extractors
Transforming data
Creating a transformer and model folder structure
Executing transformers
Loading data
Creating a UserApp folder structure
Executing the load step
Mastering loading techniques
Loading data incrementally
Establishing the script for the basic process
14. Running an incremental load when data is only added
Loading incrementally when data might be modified
Handling deletions from the source system
Handling situations where there is no modify date
Partially reloading only one part of the data model
Replacing a table
Adding new rows to a table
Managing script execution in partial reloads
Loading the content of another QVW
Using QlikView Expressor for ETL
Introducing Expressor
Understanding why to use Expressor for ETL
Understanding workspaces, libraries, projects, and artifacts
Creating a workspace
Managing extensions
Working with libraries and projects
Understanding artifacts
Configuring connections
Configuring a File connection
Connecting to a database
Creating a QVX Connector Connection
Configuring types and schemas
Adding additional Atomic types
Creating Composite types
Configuring a schema
Creating and packaging a basic dataflow
Understanding the dataflow toolbox
Inputs
Outputs
Transformers
Utility
15. Creating the dataflow
Configuring a Read File operator
Adding a Transformation operation
Creating a QVX output
Packaging the dataflow
Summary
4. Data Governance
Reviewing basic concepts of data governance
Understanding what metadata is
Structural metadata
Descriptive metadata
Administrative metadata
Establishing descriptive metadata
Adding document-level information
Documents without any additional metadata
Document Properties
Management Console
Naming and renaming fields
Guidelines to rename fields
Dimensions
Key fields
Measures
Renaming fields using As
Using Qualify
Renaming fields using Rename
Using a mapping table to rename fields
Tagging fields
Using the Tag statement to tag a field
Tagging fields using a mapping table
Hiding fields
Hiding fields automatically based on prefix or suffix
16. Using tagging to hide fields
Adding field comments
Renaming and commenting on tables
Commenting in charts
Commenting dimensions
Entering an expression comment
Automatically renaming qualified fields
Extracting metadata
Exporting the structure
Extracting from QVD files
Extracting from QVW files
Deploying the QlikView Governance Dashboard
Managing profiles
Configuring the Dashboard options
Reviewing operational information
Analyzing application information
Summary
5. Advanced Expressions
Reviewing basic concepts
Searching in QlikView
Searching for text
Wildcard search
Normal search
Fuzzy search
Associative search
Advanced search
Searching numeric fields
Numeric search
Automatic interpretation of searches
Multiple values search
Searching in multiple listboxes
17. Understanding bookmarks
Saving a bookmark
Managing bookmarks
Using variables in QlikView
SET versus LET
Using variables to hold common expressions
Using variables with Dollar-sign Expansion
Limiting calculations
Sum of If
Flag arithmetic
Calculations using variables
Data islands
Set Analysis
Explaining what we mean by a set
Set identifiers
Set modifiers
Understanding Dollar-sign Expansion
Following the two-step process
Following the steps in the script debugger
Following the steps in a chart expression
Understanding when the steps happen in chart expressions
Using parameters with variables and Dollar-sign Expansion
Using variables in expressions
Using advanced Set Analysis
Identifying the identifiers
Understanding that modifiers are sets
Set arithmetic
Using searches in Set Analysis
Using Dollar-sign Expansion with Set Analysis
Comparing to other fields
Direct field comparison
18. Using Concat with Dollar-sign Expansion
Using the P and E element functions
Set Analysis with Alternate States
Using Alternate States as identifiers
Comparing fields between states
Calculating vertically
Using inter-record and range functions
Applying the Total qualifier
Creating advanced aggregations with Aggr
Using Aggr to calculate a control chart
Calculated dimensions
No to nodistinct
Summary
6. Advanced Scripting
Reviewing the basic concepts
Using Table Files Wizard
Using relative paths
Delimited files
Fixed width files
XML files
HTML files
QVD/QVX files
Connecting to databases
Using the Connect button
Understanding the Connect To statement
Explaining the Force 32 Bit option
The Select wizard
Counting records
RecNo
RowNo
FieldValueCount
19. NoOfRows
NoOfColumns
Loading data quickly
Understanding compression settings
Optimal loading from QVD
Using an Exists clause
Preloading fields into QVDs
Applying variables and the Dollar-sign Expansion in the script
Examining common usage
Holding dates
Holding paths
Examining variable values during reloads
Nesting Dollar-sign Expansions
Passing parameters to variables – macro functions
Subroutines
Using control structures
Branching with conditional statements
If … Then … ElseIf
A note about conditional functions
Switch … Case
When and Unless
Looping in the script
AutoGenerate
For … Next loops
For Each … Next loops
FileList
DirList
Do … Loop
Exiting
Exiting the script
Exiting other constructs
20. Using variables for error handling
ErrorMode
ScriptError
ScriptErrorCount and ScriptErrorList
Examining advanced Table File Wizard options
Enabling a transformation step
Garbage
Fill
Column
Context
Unwrap
Rotate
Using the Crosstable wizard
Looking at data from different directions
Putting things first
First
FirstSortedValue
Looking backwards
Previous
Peek
Reusing code
Summary
7. Visualizing Data
Reviewing the history of data visualization
Beginning the story
Analyzing geometry
Grecian influences
French discord
Telling stories with diagrams
Educating with charts
Inventing new charts
21. Creating infographics
Using data visualization to persuade
Bringing the story up to date
Following the leaders
Edward Tufte
Few
Robert Kosara
Alberto Cairo
Andy Kirk
Enrico Bertini and Stefaner Moritz
Mike Bostock
Understanding the audience
Matching patterns
Counting numbers
Estimating numbers
Understanding picture superiority
Drawing conclusions
Designing effective visualizations
Understanding affordances
Grading your screen’s real estate
Nielsen’s F
The Gutenberg diagram
Preference for the right
Positioning screen elements
Charts on the left
Listboxes on the right
Dates on top
Using the layout grid
Thinking quantitatively
Understanding the SFW question
Designing dashboards
22. Choosing charts
Categorical comparison
Trend analysis
Comparing measures
Low cardinality, part-to-whole comparison
Tabular information
Using color
Color should have meaning
What does RAG mean?
The ink-to-data ratio
Color blindness
Using maps
Summary
Index
27. bone. As a result, in healing the flesh withdraws from the mutilated
portion of the finger, and usually leaves nearly an inch of bone
exposed, presenting of course a most revolting appearance.
The village to which Miss White’s captors belonged was located
at that time south of the Arkansas river, and distant from her home
at least three hundred miles. How many girls of eighteen years of
age possess the physical ability to survive a journey such as lay
before this lonely captive? Unprovided with a saddle of any
description, she was mounted upon an Indian pony, and probably
required to accomplish nearly, if not quite, one hundred miles within
the first twenty-four hours, and thus to continue the tiresome
journey with but little rest or nourishment. Added to the discomforts
and great fatigue of the journey was something more terrible and
exhausting than either. The young captive, although a mere girl, was
yet sufficiently versed in the perils attending frontier life to fully
comprehend that upon her arrival at the village a fate awaited her
more dreadful than death itself. She realized that if her life had been
spared by her savage captors it was due to no sentiment of mercy or
kindness on their part, but simply that she might be reserved for a
doom far more fearful and more to be dreaded than death.
The capture of Mrs. Morgan occurred about one month later, and
in the same section of country, and the story of her capture is in its
incidents almost a repetition of that of Miss White. Her young
husband was engaged at work in a field, not far from the house,
when the crack of a rifle from the woods near by summoned her to
the door. She barely had time to see her husband fall to the ground
when she discovered several Indians rushing toward the house. Her
first impulse was to seek safety in flight, but already the Indians had
surrounded the house, and upon her attempting to escape one of
the savages felled her to the ground by a blow from his war club,
and she lost all consciousness. When she recovered her senses it
was only to find herself bound upon the back of a pony which was
being led by a mounted warrior, while another warrior rode behind
and urged the pony she was mounted upon to keep up the trot.
There were about fifty warriors in the party, nearly all belonging to
28. the Cheyenne tribe, the others belonging to the Sioux and
Arrapahoes. As in the case of the capture of Miss White, a rapid
flight immediately followed the capture.
It was the story oft repeated of outrages like these, but
particularly of these two, that finally forced the people of Kansas to
take up arms in their own defence. Authority was obtained from the
General Government to raise a regiment of cavalry, whose services
were to be accepted for a period of six months. So earnest and
enthusiastic had the people of the frontier become in their
determination to reclaim the two captives, as well as administer
justly-merited punishment, that people of all classes and callings
were eager to abandon their professions and take up arms against
the traditional enemy of the frontier. The Governor of the State, Hon.
S. J. Crawford, resigned the duties of the Executive of the State into
the hands of the Lieutenant-Governor, and placed himself at the
head of the regiment, which was then being organized and equipped
for service during the winter campaign. After the return of the
Seventh Cavalry from the Washita campaign, we were simply waiting
the arrival at Camp Supply of the Kansas volunteers before again
setting out to continue the campaign, whose opening had begun so
auspiciously. Severe storms delayed the arrival of the Kansas troops
beyond the expected time. They reached Camp Supply, however, in
time for the 7th of December to be fixed upon as the date of our
departure. My command, as thus increased, consisted of eleven
companies of the Seventh United States Cavalry; ten companies of
the Nineteenth Kansas volunteer Cavalry, Colonel S. J. Crawford
commanding; a detachment of scouts under Lieutenant Silas
Pepoon, Tenth Cavalry; and between twenty and thirty whites,
Osage and Kaw Indians, as guides and trailers. As our ultimate
destination was Fort Cobb, Indian Territory, where we would obtain a
renewal of our supplies after the termination of our proposed march,
and as General Sheridan desired to transfer his headquarters “in the
field” to that point, he decided to accompany my command, but
generously declined to exercise any command of the expedition,
merely desiring to avail himself of this opportunity of an escort
29. without rendering a detachment for that purpose necessary; and, as
he remarked when announcing his intention to accompany us, he
simply wished to be regarded as a “passenger.”
The day prior to our departure I was standing in front of my
tent, when a young man, probably twenty-one or two years of age,
accosted me and began a conversation by inquiring when I expected
the expedition would move. Any person who has had much to do
with expeditions in the Indian country knows how many and how
frequent are the applications made to the commanding officer to
obtain employment as scouts or guides. Probably one in fifty of the
applicants is deserving of attention, and if employed would prove
“worthy of his hire.” Taking but a glance at the young man who
addressed me, and believing him to be one of the numerous
applicants for employment, my attention being at the time absorbed
with other matters, I was in no mood to carry on a conversation
which I believed would terminate in an offer of services not desired.
I was disposed to be somewhat abrupt in my answers, but there was
something in the young man’s earnest manner, the eagerness with
which he seemed to await my answers, that attracted and interested
me. After a few questions on his part as to what portion of the
country I expected to march through, what tribes I might encounter,
and others of a similar nature, he suddenly said, “General, I want to
go along with you.” This only confirmed my first impression,
although from his conversation I soon discovered that he was not
one of the professional applicants for employment as a scout or
guide, but more likely had been seized with a spirit of wild romance,
and imagined the proper field for its display would be discovered by
accompanying an expedition against the Indians. Many instances of
this kind had previously fallen under my observation, and I classed
this as one of them; so I simply informed him that I had already
employed as many scouts and guides as were required, and that no
position of that character, or any other in fact, was open to him. Not
in the least discouraged by this decided refusal, he replied: “But you
do not understand me; I do not desire employment in your
command, nor any position requiring pay. I only ask permission to
30. accompany your expedition. I have neither arms nor horse; if you
will furnish me these, and permit me to go with you, I will serve you
in any capacity I can, and will expect no pay.”
My curiosity was now excited; I therefore pressed him to explain
his motive in desiring to accompany the expedition.
“Well, I’ll tell you; it’s a sad story. About four months ago the
Indians attacked my home, and carried off my only sister, a girl
nineteen years of age. Since that day I have heard not a word as to
what has become of her. I know not whether she is among the living
or dead; but when I think of what must be her fate if among the
living, I am almost tempted to wish she was quietly resting among
the dead. I do not even know what tribe was engaged in her
capture, but hearing of your expedition I thought it might afford me
the means of getting some clue to my sister’s fate. You may have a
council with some of the chiefs, or some of the prisoners you
captured at the battle of the Washita may tell me something of her;
or if I can only learn where she is, perhaps you can exchange some
of your prisoners for her; at any rate, the only chance I have to
learn anything concerning her is by being permitted to accompany
your expedition.”
Of course he was permitted to accompany the expedition; not
only that, but he was provided with a horse and arms, and
appointed to a remunerative position. I asked him why he had not
informed me at first as to his object in desiring to go with us. He
replied that he feared that if it was known that he was in search of a
lost sister, and we should afterward have interviews with the
Indians, as we certainly would at Fort Cobb, he might not be as
successful in obtaining information as if the object of his mission was
unknown.
The name of this young man was Brewster, and the lost sister in
whose search he was so earnestly engaged was Mrs. Morgan, whose
capture has already been described. From him I learned that Mrs.
Morgan’s husband, although shot down at the first fire of the
Indians, was in a fair way to recover, although crippled probably for
31. life. But for his wounds, he too would have joined the brother in a
search for the sister and for his bride, whose honeymoon had met
with such a tragic interruption. Young Brewster remained with my
command during the entire winter, accompanying it, and every
detachment made from it, in the eager hope to learn something of
the fate of his sister. In his continued efforts to discover some clue
leading to her he displayed more genuine courage, perseverance,
and physical endurance, and a greater degree of true brotherly love
and devotion, than I have ever seen combined in one person. We
will hear from him as the story progresses.
It was decided to send the captives taken at the Washita to Fort
Hays, Kansas, where they could not only be safely guarded, but be
made far more comfortable than at Camp Supply. Before the
expedition moved I suggested to General Sheridan that I should take
with the expedition three of the squaws who were prisoners in our
hands, with a view to rendering their services available in
establishing communication with the hostile villages, if at any time
this should become a desirable object. General Sheridan approved of
the suggestion, and I selected three of the captives who were to
accompany us. The first was Mah-wis-sa, the sister of Black Kettle,
whose acquaintance the reader may have formed in the preceding
chapter; the second was a Sioux squaw, probably fifty years of age,
whom Mah-wis-sa expressed a desire to have accompany her, and
who at times was disposed to be extremely communicative in regard
to the winter resorts of the various tribes, and other matters
connected with the purposes of the expedition. The third was the
daughter of Little Rock, the chief second in rank to Black Kettle, who
had been killed at the battle of the Washita. Little Rock’s daughter
was an exceedingly comely squaw, possessing a bright, cheery face,
a countenance beaming with intelligence, and a disposition more
inclined to be merry than one usually finds among the Indians. She
was probably rather under than over twenty years of age. Added to
bright, laughing eyes, a set of pearly teeth, and a rich complexion,
her well-shaped head was crowned with a luxuriant growth of the
most beautiful silken tresses, rivalling in color the blackness of the
32. raven, and extending, when allowed to fall loosely over her
shoulders, to below her waist. Her name was Mo-nah-se-tah, which,
anglicized, means “The young grass that shoots in the spring.” Mo-
nah-se-tah, although yet a maiden in years and appearance, had
been given in marriage, or, more properly speaking, she had been
traded in marriage, as an Indian maiden who should be so
unfortunate as to be “given” away would not be looked upon as a
very desirable match. In addition to her handsome appearance, both
in form and feature, and to any other personal attraction which
might be considered peculiarly her own, Mo-nah-se-tah, being the
daughter of a chief high in rank, was justly considered as belonging
to the cream of the aristocracy, if not to royalty itself; consequently
the suitors who hoped to gain her hand must be prepared, according
to the Indian custom, to pay handsomely for an alliance so noble.
Little Rock, while represented as having been a kind and affectionate
father, yet did not propose that the hand of his favorite daughter
should be disposed of without the return of a due equivalent.
Among the young warriors of the tribe there were many who
would have been proud to call Mo-nah-se-tah to preside over the
domestic destinies of their lodge, but the price to be paid for so
distinguished an alliance was beyond the means of most of them.
Among the number of young braves who aspired to the honor of her
hand was one who, so far as worldly wealth was concerned, was
eligible. Unfortunately, however, he had placed too much reliance
upon this fact, and had not thought that while obtaining the consent
of paterfamilias it would be well also to win the heart of the maiden;
or perhaps he had, in seeking her hand, also attempted to gain her
heart, but not meeting with the desired encouragement from the
maiden of his choice, was willing to trust to time to accomplish the
latter, provided only he could secure the first. According to Indian
customs the consent of the bride to a proposed marriage, while it
may be ever so desirable, is not deemed essential. All that is
considered absolutely essential is, that the bridegroom shall be
acceptable to the father of the bride, and shall transfer to the
possession of the latter ponies or other articles of barter, in sufficient
33. number and value to be considered a fair equivalent for the hand of
the daughter. When it is stated that from two to four ponies are
considered as the price of the average squaw, and that the price for
the hand of Mo-nah-se-tah, as finally arranged, was eleven ponies,
some idea can be formed of the high opinion entertained of her.
It proved, however, so far as the young warrior was concerned,
an unsatisfactory investment. The ponies were transferred to Little
Rock, and all the formalities were duly executed which, by Indian
law and custom, were necessary to constitute Mo-nah-se-tah the
wife of the young brave. She was forced to take up her abode in his
lodge, but refused to acknowledge him as her husband, or to render
him that obedience and menial service which the Indian husband
exacts from his wife. Time failed to soften her heart, or to cause her
to look kindly upon her self-constituted but unrecognized lord and
master.
Here was a clear case of “incompatibility of disposition”; and
within the jurisdiction of some of our State laws a divorce would
have been granted almost unquestioned. The patience of the young
husband having become exhausted, and he having unsuccessfully
resorted to every measure of kindness deemed likely to win the love
and obedience of his wife, he determined to have recourse to
harsher measures—if necessary, to employ force. Again he mistook
the character of her upon whose apparently obdurate heart neither
threats nor promises had produced the faintest effect. Mo-nah-se-
tah had probably been anticipating such a decision, and had
prepared herself accordingly. Like most Indian women, she was as
skilful in the handling and use of weapons as most warriors are; and
when her husband, or rather the husband who had been assigned to
her, attempted to establish by force an authority which she had
persistently refused to recognize, she reminded him that she was the
daughter of a great chief, and rather than submit to the indignities
which he was thus attempting to heap upon her, she would resist
even to the taking of life; and suiting the action to the word, she
levelled a small pistol which she had carried concealed beneath her
34. blanket and fired, wounding him in the knee and disabling him for
life.
Little Rock, learning of what had occurred, and finding upon
investigation that his daughter had not been to blame, concluded to
cancel the marriage—to grant a divorce—which was accomplished
simply by returning to the unfortunate husband the eleven ponies
which had been paid for the hand of Mo-nah-se-tah. What an
improvement upon the method prescribed in the civilized world! No
lawyer’s fees, no publicity nor scandal; all tedious delays are
avoided, and the result is as nearly satisfactory to all parties as is
possible.
Having sent a messenger to ask the three Indian women
referred to to come to my tent, I acquainted them with my intention
of taking them with the expedition when we moved in search of the
hostile villages. To my surprise they evinced great delight at the
idea, and explained it by saying that if they accompanied us they
might be able to see or communicate with some of their people,
while by remaining with the other prisoners, and becoming further
separated from their own country and hunting-grounds, they could
entertain little or no hope of learning anything concerning the fate of
other portions of their tribe. They gladly acceded to the proposition
to accompany the troops. I then inquired of them in which mode
they preferred to travel, mounted upon ponies, as was their custom,
or in an ambulance. Much to my surprise, remembering how loath
the Indian is to adopt any contrivance of the white man, they chose
the ambulance, and wisely too, as the season was that of midwinter,
and the interior of a closely covered ambulance was a much less
exposed position than that to be found on the back of a pony.
36. XVIII.
FORAGE for the horses and mules, and rations for the men,
sufficient of both to last thirty days, having been loaded on the
wagons, the entire command, composed as previously stated, and
accompanied by General Sheridan and staff, left Camp Supply early
on the morning of December 7, and turning our horses’ heads
southward, we marched in the direction of the battle-ground of the
Washita. Our march to the Washita was quiet and uneventful, if we
except the loquacity of California Joe, who, now that we were once
more in the saddle with the prospect of stirring times before us,
seemed completely in his element, and gave vent to his satisfaction
by indulging in a connected series of remarks and queries, always
supplying the answer to the latter himself if none of his listeners
evinced a disposition to do so for him. His principal delight seemed
to be in speculating audibly as to what would be the impression
produced on the minds of the Indians when they discovered us
returning with increased numbers both of men and wagons.
“I’d jist like to see the streaked count’nances of Satanta,
Medicine Arrow, Lone Wolf, and a few others of ’em, when they
ketch the fust glimpse of the outfit. They’ll think we’re comin’ to
spend an evenin’ with ’em sure, and hev brought our knittin’ with us.
One look’ll satisfy ’em thar’ll be sum of the durndest kickin’ out over
these plains that ever war heern tell uv. One good thing, it’s goin’ to
cum as nigh killin’ uv ’em to start ’em out this time uv year as ef we
hed an out an’ out scrummage with ’em. The way I looks at it they
hev jist this preference: them as don’t like bein’ shot to deth kin take
ther chances at freezin’.” In this interminable manner California Joe
would pursue his semi-soliloquies, only too delighted if some one
exhibited interest sufficient to propound an occasional question.
37. As our proposed route bore to the southeast after reaching the
battle-field, our course was so chosen as to carry us to the Washita
river a few miles below, at which point we encamped early in the
day. General Sheridan desired to ride over the battle-ground, and we
hoped by a careful examination of the surrounding country to
discover the remains of Major Elliott and his little party, of whose
fate there could no longer be the faintest doubt. With one hundred
men of the Seventh Cavalry, under command of Captain Yates, we
proceeded to the scene of the battle, and from there dispersed in
small parties in all directions, with orders to make a thorough search
for our lost comrades. We found the evidences of the late
engagement much as we had left them. Here were the bodies, now
frozen, of the seven hundred ponies which we had slain after the
battle; here and there, scattered in and about the site of the former
village of Black Kettle, lay the bodies of many of the Indians who fell
during the struggle. Many of the bodies, however, particularly those
of Black Kettle and Little Rock, had been removed by their friends.
Why any had been allowed to remain uncared for, could only be
explained upon the supposition that the hasty flight of the other
villages prevented the Indians from carrying away any except the
bodies of the most prominent chiefs or warriors, although most of
those remaining on the battle-ground were found wrapped in
blankets and bound with lariats preparatory to removal and burial.
Even some of the Indian dogs were found loitering in the vicinity of
the places where the lodges of their former masters stood; but, like
the Indians themselves, they were suspicious of the white man, and
could hardly be induced to establish friendly relations. Some of the
soldiers, however, managed to secure possession of a few young
puppies; these were carefully brought up, and to this day they, or
some of their descendants, are in the possession of members of the
command.
After riding over the ground in the immediate vicinity of the
village, I joined one of the parties engaged in the search for the
bodies of Major Elliott and his men. In describing the search and its
38. result, I cannot do better than transcribe from my official report,
made soon after to General Sheridan:
“After marching a distance of two miles in the direction in which
Major Elliott and his little party were last seen, we suddenly came
upon the stark, stiff, naked, and horribly mutilated bodies of our
dead comrades. No words were needed to tell how desperate had
been the struggle before they were finally overpowered. At a short
distance from where the bodies lay, could be seen the carcasses of
some of the horses of the party, which had probably been killed
early in the fight. Seeing the hopelessness of breaking through the
line which surrounded them, and which undoubtedly numbered
more than one hundred to one, Elliott dismounted his men, tied their
horses together, and prepared to sell their lives as dearly as possible.
It may not be improper to add that in describing, as far as possible,
the details of Elliott’s fight I rely not only upon a critical and personal
examination of the ground and attendant circumstances, but am
sustained by the statements of Indian chiefs and warriors who
witnessed and participated in the fight, and who have since been
forced to enter our lines and surrender themselves up, under
circumstances which will be made to appear in other portions of this
report.
“The bodies of Elliott and his little band, with but a single
exception, were found lying within a circle not exceeding twenty
yards in diameter. We found them exactly as they fell, except that
their barbarous foes had stripped and mutilated the bodies in the
most savage manner.
“All the bodies were carried to camp. The latter was reached
after dark. It being the intention to resume the march before
daylight the following day, a grave was hastily prepared on a little
knoll near our camp, and, with the exception of that of Major Elliott,
whose remains were carried with us for interment at Fort Arbuckle,
the bodies of the entire party, under the dim light of a few torches
held by of sorrowing comrades, were consigned to one common
resting place. No funeral note sounded to measure their passage to
39. the grave. No volley was fired to tell us a comrade was receiving the
last sad rites of burial, that the fresh earth had closed over some of
our truest and most daring soldiers.
“Before interment, I caused a complete examination of each
body to be made by Dr. Lippincott, chief medical officer of the
expedition, with direction to report on the character and number of
wounds received by each, as well as to mutilations to which they
had been subjected. The following extracts are taken from Dr.
Lippincott’s report:
“Major Joel H. Elliott, two bullet holes in head, one in left cheek,
right hand cut off, left foot almost cut off, ... deep gash in right
groin, deep gashes in calves of both legs, little finger of left hand cut
off, and throat cut.
“Sergeant-Major Walter Kennedy, bullet hole in right temple,
head partly cut off, seventeen bullet holes in back, and two in legs.
“Corporal Harry Mercer, Troop E, bullet hole in right axilla, one in
region of heart, three in back, eight arrow wounds in back, right ear
cut off, head scalped, and skull fractured, deep gashes in both legs,
and throat cut.
“Private Thomas Christer, Troop E, bullet hole in head, right foot
cut off, bullet hole in abdomen, and throat cut.
“Corporal William Carrick, Troop H, bullet hole in right parietal
bone, both feet cut off, throat cut, left arm broken.
“Private Eugene Clover, Troop H, head cut off, arrow wound in
right side, both legs terribly mutilated.
“Private William Milligan, Troop H, bullet hole in left side of head,
deep gashes in right leg, ... left arm deeply gashed, head scalped,
and throat cut.
“Corporal James F. Williams, Troop I, bullet hole in back; head
and both arms cut off, many and deep gashes in back....
40. “Private Thomas Dooney, Troop I, arrow hole in region of
stomach, thorax cut open, head cut off, and right shoulder, cut by a
tomahawk.
“Farrier Thomas Fitzpatrick, Troop M, bullet hole in left parietal
bone, head scalped, arm broken, ... throat cut.
“Private John Myres, Troop M, several bullet holes in head,
scalped, nineteen bullet holes in body, ... throat cut.
“Private Cal. Sharpe, Troop M, two bullet holes in right side,
throat cut, one bullet hole in left side of head, one arrow hole in left
side, ... left arm broken.
“Unknown, head cut off, body partially destroyed by wolves.
“Unknown, head and right hand cut off, ... three bullet and nine
arrow holes in back.
“Unknown, scalped, skull fractured, six bullet and thirteen arrow
holes in back, and three bullet holes in chest.”
I have quoted these extracts in order to give the reader an
insight of the treatment invariably meted out to white men who are
so unfortunate as to fall within the scope of the red man’s
bloodthirsty and insatiable vengeance. The report to General
Sheridan then continues as follows:
“In addition to the wounds and barbarities reported by Dr.
Lippincott, I saw a portion of the stock of a Lancaster rifle protruding
from the side of one of the men; the stock had been broken off near
the barrel, and the butt of it, probably twelve inches in length, had
been driven into the man’s side a distance of eight inches. The forest
along the banks of the Washita, from the battle-ground a distance of
twelve miles, was found to have been one continuous Indian village.
Black Kettle’s band of Cheyennes was above; then came other
hostile tribes camped in the following order: Arrapahoes under Little
Raven; Kiowas under Satanta and Lone Wolf; the remaining bands of
Cheyennes, Comanches, and Apaches. Nothing could exceed the
disorder and haste with which these tribes had fled from their
41. camping grounds. They had abandoned thousands of lodge poles,
some of which were still standing, as when last used. Immense
numbers of camp kettles, cooking utensils, coffee-mills, axes, and
several hundred buffalo robes were found in the abandoned camps
adjacent to Black Kettle’s village, but which had not been visited
before by our troops. By actual examination, it was computed that
over six hundred lodges had been standing along the Washita during
the battle, and within five miles of the battle-ground, and it was
from these villages, and others still lower down the stream, that the
immense number of warriors came who, after our rout and
destruction of Black Kettle and his band, surrounded my command
and fought until defeated by the Seventh Cavalry about 3 P. M. on
the 27th ult.... In the deserted camp, lately occupied by Satanta with
the Kiowas, my men discovered the bodies of a young white woman
and child, the former apparently about twenty-three years of age,
the latter probably eighteen months old. They were evidently mother
and child, and had not long been in captivity, as the woman still
retained several articles of her wardrobe about her person—among
others a pair of cloth gaiters but little worn, everything indicating
that she had been but recently captured, and upon our attacking
and routing Black Kettle’s camp her captors, fearing she might be
recaptured by us and her testimony used against them, had
deliberately murdered her and her child in cold blood. The woman
had received a shot in the forehead, her entire scalp had been
removed, and her skull horribly crushed. The child also bore
numerous marks of violence.”
At daylight on the following morning the entire command started
on the trail of the Indian villages, nearly all of which had moved
down the Washita toward Fort Cobb, where they had good reason to
believe they would receive protection. The Arrapahoes and
remaining band of Cheyennes left the Washita valley and moved
across in the direction of Red river. After following the trail of the
Kiowas and other hostile Indians for seven days, over an almost
impassable country, where it was necessary to keep two or three
hundred men almost constantly at work with picks, axes, and
42. spades, before being able to advance with our immense train, my
Osage scouts came galloping back on the morning of the 17th of
December, and reported a party of Indians in our front bearing a flag
of truce.
It is to this day such a common occurrence for Indian agents to
assert in positive terms that the particular Indians of their agency
have not been absent from their reservation, nor engaged in making
war upon the white men, when the contrary is well known to be
true, that I deem it proper to introduce one of the many instances of
this kind which have fallen under my observation, as an illustration
not only of how the public in distant sections of the country may be
misled and deceived as to the acts and intentions of the Indians, but
also of the extent to which the Indian agents themselves will
proceed in attempting to shield and defend the Indians of their
particular agency. Sometimes, of course, the agent is the victim of
deception, and no doubt conscientiously proclaims that which he
firmly believes; but I am forced by long experience to the opinion
that instances of this kind are rare, being the exception rather than
the rule. In the example to which I refer, the high character and
distinction as well as the deservedly national reputation achieved by
the official then in charge of the Indians against whom we were
operating, will at once absolve me from the imputation of
intentionally reflecting upon the integrity of his action in the matter.
The only point to occasion surprise is how an officer possessing the
knowledge of the Indian character, derived from an extensive
experience on the frontier, which General Hazen could justly lay
claim to, should be so far misled as to give the certificate of good
conduct which follows. General Hazen had not only had superior
opportunities for studying the Indian character, but had participated
in Indian wars, and at the very time he penned the following note he
was partially disabled from the effects of an Indian wound. The
Government had selected him from the large number of intelligent
officers of high rank whose services were available for the position,
and had assigned him with plenary powers to the superintendency
of the Southern Indian District, a position in which almost the entire
43. control of all the southern tribes was vested in the occupant. If
gentlemen of the experience and military education of General
Hazen, occupying the intimate and official relation to the Indians
which he did, could be so readily and completely deceived as to their
real character, it is not strange that the mass of the people living far
from the scene of operations, and only possessing such information
as reaches them in scraps through the public press, and generally
colored by interested parties, should at times entertain extremely
erroneous impressions regarding the much-vexed Indian question.
Now to the case in point:
With the Osage scouts who came back from the advance with
the intelligence that a party of Indians were in front, also came a
scout who stated that he was from Fort Cobb, and delivered to me a
despatch, which read as follows:
Headquarters Southern Indian District, Fort Cobb, 9 P. M.
December 16, 1868.
To the Officer, commanding troops in the Field.
Indians have just brought in word that our troops to-day
reached the Washita some twenty miles above here. I send this
to say that all the camps this side of the point reported to have
been reached are friendly, and have not been on the war path
this season. If this reaches you, it would be well to communicate
at once with Satanta or Black Eagle, chiefs of the Kiowas, near
where you now are, who will readily inform you of the position
of the Cheyennes and Arrapahoes, also of my camp.
Respectfully,
(Signed) W. B. Hazen, Brevet Major-General.
This scout at the same time informed me that a large party of
Kiowa warriors, under Lone Wolf, Satanta, and other leading chiefs,
were within less than a mile of my advance, and notwithstanding the
above certificate regarding their friendly character, they had seized a
44. scout who accompanied the bearer of the despatch, disarmed him,
and held him a prisoner of war. Taking a small party with me, I
proceeded beyond our lines to meet the flag of truce. I was met by
several of the leading chiefs of the Kiowas, including those above
named. Large parties of their warriors could be seen posted in the
neighboring ravines and upon the surrounding hilltops. All were
painted and plumed for war, and nearly all were armed with one
rifle, two revolvers, bow and arrow, some of their bows being
strung, and their whole appearance and conduct plainly indicating
that they had come for war. Their declarations to some of my guides
and friendly Indians proved the same thing, and they were only
deterred from hostile acts by discovering our strength to be far
greater than they had imagined, and our scouts on the alert. Aside,
however, from the question as to what their present or future
intentions were at that time, how deserving were those Indians of
the certificate of good behavior which they had been shrewd enough
to obtain? The certificate was dated December 16, and stated that
the camps had not been on the war path “this season.”
What were the facts? On the 27th of November, only twenty-one
days prior to the date of the certificate, the same Indians, whose
peaceable character was vouched for so strongly, had engaged in
battle with my command by attacking it during the fight with Black
Kettle. It was in their camp that the bodies of the murdered mother
and child were found, and we had followed day by day the trail of
the Kiowas and other tribes, leading us directly from the dead and
mangled bodies of our comrades, slain by them a few days previous,
until we were about to overtake and punish the guilty parties, when
the above communication was received, some forty or fifty miles
from Fort Cobb, in the direction of the Washita battle-ground.
This, of itself, was conclusive evidence of the character of the
tribes we were dealing with; but aside from these incontrovertible
facts, had additional evidence been needed of the openly hostile
conduct of the Kiowas and Comanches, and of their active
participation in the battle of the Washita, it is only necessary to refer
to the collected testimony of Black Eagle and other leading chiefs.
45. This testimony was written, and was then in the hands of the agents
of the Indian Bureau. It was given voluntarily by the Indian chiefs
referred to, and was taken down at the time by the Indian agents,
not for the army, or with a view of furnishing it to officers of the
army, but simply for the benefit and information of the Indian
Bureau. This testimony, making due allowance for the concealment
of much that would be prejudicial to the interests of the Indians,
plainly states that the Kiowas and Comanches took part in the battle
of the Washita: that the former constituted a portion of the war
party whose trail I followed, and which led my command into Black
Kettle’s village: and that some of the Kiowas remained in Black
Kettle’s village until the morning of the battle.
This evidence is all contained in a report made to the
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, by one Philip McCuskey, United
States interpreter for the Kiowa and Comanche tribes. This report
was dated Fort Cobb, December 3, while the communication from
General Hazen, certifying to the friendly disposition and conduct of
these tribes, was dated at the same place thirteen days later. Mah-
wis-sa also confirmed these statements, and pointed out to me,
when near the battle-ground, the location of Satanta’s village. It was
from her, too, that I learned that it was in Satanta’s village that the
bodies of the white woman and child were found. As I pen these
lines, the daily press contains frequent allusions to the negotiations
which are being conducted between the Governor of Texas and the
General Government, looking to the release of Satanta from the
Texas penitentiary, to which institution Satanta, after a trial before
the civil authorities for numerous murders committed on the Texas
frontier, was sent three or four years ago to serve out a life
sentence.
After meeting the chiefs, who with their bands had approached
our advance under flag of truce, and compelling the release of the
scout whom they had seized and held prisoner, we continued our
march toward Fort Cobb, the chiefs agreeing to ride with us and
accompany my command to that place. Every assurance was given
me that the villages to which these various chiefs belonged would at
46. once move to Fort Cobb, and there encamp, thus separating
themselves from the hostile tribes, or those who preferred to decline
this proposition of peace, and to continue to wage war; and as an
evidence of the sincerity of their purpose, some eighteen or twenty
of the most prominent chiefs, generally Kiowas, voluntarily proposed
to accompany us during the march of that day and the next, by
which time it was expected that the command would reach Fort
Cobb. The chiefs only requested that they might send one of their
number, mounted on a fleet pony, to the villages, in order to hasten
their movement to Fort Cobb. How eager for peace were these poor,
confiding sons of the forest is the mental ejaculation of some of my
readers, particularly if they are inclined to be converts to the
humanitarian doctrines supposed to be applicable in the government
of Indians. If I am addressing any of this class, for whose kindness
of heart I have the utmost regard, I regret to be compelled to
disturb the illusion.
Peace was not included among the purposes which governed the
chiefs who so freely and unhesitatingly proffered their company
during our march to Fort Cobb. Nor had they the faintest intention of
either accompanying us or directing their villages to proceed to the
fort. The messenger whom they seemed so anxious to despatch to
the village was not sent to hasten the movement of their villages
toward Fort Cobb, as claimed by them, but to hasten their
movement in a precisely opposite direction, viz., towards the head
waters of Red river, near the northwestern limits of Texas. This
sudden effusion of friendly sentiments rather excited my suspicions,
but I was unable at first to divine the real intents and purposes of
the chiefs. Nothing was to be done but to act so as to avoid exciting
their suspicion, and trust to time to unravel the scheme. When we
arrived at our camping ground, on the evening of that day, the
chiefs requested permission to despatch another messenger to their
people to inform them where we were encamped. To this proposition
no objection was made. That evening I caused an abundant supply
of provisions, consisting principally of beef, bread, coffee, and sugar,
to be distributed among them. In posting my pickets that night for
47. the protection of the camp, I arranged to have the reserve stationed
within a short distance of the spot on which the chiefs were to
encamp during the night, which point was but a few paces from my
headquarters. Before retiring, I took Romeo, the interpreter, and
strolled down to pay a visit to the chiefs. The latter, after the
substantial meal in which they had just indulged, were seated,
Indian fashion, around a small fire, enjoying such comfort as was to
be derived from the occasional whiffs of smoke which each in proper
turn inhaled from the long-stemmed pipe of red clay that was kept
passing from right to left around the circle. Their greeting of me was
cordial in the extreme, but, as in the play—of “Richelieu,” I believe—
they “bowed too low.” Through Romeo I chatted on indifferent
subjects with the various chiefs, and from nearly all of them received
assurances of their firmly fixed resolution to abandon forever the
dangers and risks of the war path, to live no longer at variance with
their white brothers, to eschew henceforth all such unfriendly
customs as scalp-taking, murdering defenceless women and
children, and stealing stock from the settlers of the frontier. All this
was to be changed in the future. It seemed strange, listening to
these apparently “artless sons of nature” that men entertaining the
ardent desire for repose which they professed, had not turned their
backs on the war path long ago, and settled down to the quiet
enjoyment of the blessings of peace. But better that this conclusion
should be arrived at late than not at all. The curtain had fallen from
their eyes, and they were enabled to see everything in its proper
light. To adopt their own language, “their hearts had become good,”
“their tongues had become straight,” they had cast aside the bad
ways in which they had so long struggled unsuccessfully, and had
now resolved to follow the white man’s road, to adopt his mode of
dress, till the soil, and establish schools for the education of their
children, until in time the white man and the red man would not only
be brothers in name, but would be found travelling the same road
with interests in common.
Had I been a latter-day Peace Commissioner, I should have felt
in duty bound to send a despatch to the chief of the proper bureau
48. at Washington, in terms somewhat as follows:
Hon John Smith, Secretary of the —— Department.
I have just concluded a most satisfactory council with the
Kiowa and other tribes, certain members of which have lately
been accused of being more or less connected with the troubles
lately occurring upon our frontier. All the prominent chiefs met
me in council, and after a free interchange and expression of
opinions, I am happy to inform the Department that these
chiefs, representing as they do one of the most powerful and
important of the southern tribes, have voluntarily and solemnly
agreed to cease all hostile acts against the white men, to
prevent raids or war parties from being organized among their
young men, to abandon for all future time the war path, and to
come within the limits of their reservation, there to engage in
the peaceful pursuits of civilized life. They express a warm desire
to have educational facilities extended them for the benefit of
their children. As the season is far advanced, rendering it too
late for them to successfully cultivate a crop the present year,
they ask, and I recommend, that provisions sufficient for their
subsistence the present season be issued them. They also
request that, owing to the scarcity of game, a few breech-
loading arms be furnished them, say one rifle and one revolver
to each male over fourteen years of age. I am satisfied that this
is a most reasonable request, and that the granting of it would
go far to restore confidence in the good intentions of the
Government, as I am forced to remark that some of the recent
acts of the military, such as the occurrence on the Washita, have
done much to produce an unsettled feeling on the part of these
untutored wards of the nation. No further anxiety need be felt as
to the complete pacification of this tribe. I wish you might have
shared with me the pleasure of listening to these untaught
chieftains, begging for such assistance and guidance as would
lead them in the paths of peace. I leave here on the —th, to
49. visit the neighboring tribes, provided the military commander at
this point will furnish me a suitable escort.
I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
John Jones, Indian Agent.
P. S.—I have thought that if we could confer the ballot upon
those of the chiefs and warriors who show the greatest aptitude
and desire for peace, it might be a great step toward completing
their civilization. Of course some line of distinction or
qualification would have to be drawn; for example, confer the
right of ballot upon all those who faithfully accept their rations
from the Government for a period of six months. I merely throw
this out for the consideration of the Department.
J. J.
Not being an orthodox Peace Commissioner, in good standing in
that fraternity, I did not send a despatch of this character. What I
did, however, answered every purpose. I went to the station of the
guard near by and directed the non-commissioned officer in charge
to have his men keep a watchful eye upon those same “untutored
sons of the forest,” as I felt confident their plans boded us no good.
Romeo was also told to inform the chiefs that after the camp had
quieted down for the night, it would not be prudent for them to
wander far from their camp fire, as the sentries might mistake them
for enemies and fire upon them. This I knew would make them hug
their fire closely until morning. Before daylight we were again in the
saddle and commencing the last march necessary to take us to Fort
Cobb. Again did it become important, in the opinion of the chiefs, to
despatch another of their number to hurry up the people of their
villages, in order, as they said, that the villages might arrive at Fort
Cobb at the same time we did. As the march progressed these
applications became more frequent, until most of the chiefs had
been sent away as messengers. I noticed, however, that in selecting
those to be sent, the chiefs lowest in rank and importance were first
chosen, so that those who remained were the highest. When their
50. numbers had dwindled down to less than half the original party, I
saw that instead of acting in good faith this party of chiefs was
solely engaged in the effort to withdraw our attention from the
villages, and, by an apparent offer on their part to accompany us to
Fort Cobb, where we were encouraged to believe the villages would
meet us, prevent us from watching and following the trail made by
the lodges, which had already diverged from the direct route to Fort
Cobb, the one the villages would have pursued had that fort been
their destination. It became palpably evident that the Indians were
resorting, as usual, to stratagem to accomplish their purpose, which
of course involved our deception. Fortunately their purpose was
divined in time to thwart it. As no haste was necessary, I permitted
the remaining chiefs to continue the march with us, without giving
them any grounds to suppose that we strongly doubted their oft-
repeated assertions that their hearts were good and their tongues
were straight. Finally, as our march for that day neared its
termination and we were soon to reach our destination, the party of
chiefs, which at first embraced upwards of twenty, had become
reduced until none remained except the two head chiefs, Lone Wolf
and Satanta, and these no doubt were laughing in their sleeves, if
an Indian may be supposed to possess that article of apparel, at the
happy and highly successful manner in which they had hoodwinked
their white brethren. But had they known all that had been
transpiring they would not have felt so self-satisfied. As usual, quite
a number of officers and orderlies rode at the head of the column,
including a few of General Sheridan’s staff.
As soon as the scheme of the Indians was discovered, I
determined to seize the most prominent chiefs as hostages for the
fulfilment of their promises regarding the coming on of the villages;
but as for this purpose two hostages were as valuable as twenty, I
allowed all but this number to take their departure apparently
unnoticed. Finally, when none but Lone Wolf and Satanta remained,
and they no doubt were prepared with a plausible excuse to bid us
in the most improved Kiowa au revoir, the officers just referred to, at
51. a given signal, drew their revolvers, and Lone Wolf and Satanta were
informed through Romeo that they were prisoners.
52. XIX.
NOT even the proverbial stoicism of the red man was sufficient to
conceal the chagrin and disappointment recognizable in every
lineament of the countenances of both Satanta and Lone Wolf when
they discovered that all their efforts at deception had not only failed,
but left them prisoners in our hands. Had we been in doubt as to
whether their intention had really been to leave us in the lurch or
not, all doubt would have been dispelled by a slight circumstance
which soon after transpired. As I before stated, we had almost
reached Fort Cobb, which was our destination for the time being.
The chiefs who had already made their escape now became anxious
in regard to the non-arrival in their midst of Satanta and Lone Wolf.
The delay of the last two could not be satisfactorily accounted for.
Something must have gone amiss.
Again was stratagem resorted to. We were marching along
without interruption or incident to disturb our progress, such of us
as were at the head of the column keeping watchful eyes upon our
two swarthy prisoners, who rode sullenly at our sides, and whose
past career justified us in attributing to them the nerve and daring
necessary to induce an effort to secure their liberty should there be
the slightest probability of success. Suddenly a mounted Indian
appeared far away to our right, and approached us at a gallop until
almost within rifle range, when halting his well-trained pony upon a
little hillock which answered his purpose, he gracefully detached the
scarlet blanket he wore, and began waving it in a peculiar but
regular manner. Both chiefs looked anxiously in the direction of the
warrior, then merely glanced toward me as if to see if I had also
observed this last arrival; but too proud to speak or prefer a request,
they rode silently on, apparently indifferent to what might follow.
Turning to Romeo, who rode in rear, I directed him to inquire of the
53. chiefs the meaning of the signals which the warrior was evidently
endeavoring to convey to them. Satanta acted as spokesman, and
replied that the warrior in sight was his son, and that the latter was
signalling to him that he had something important to communicate,
and desired Satanta to ride out and join him.
To have seen the innocent and artless expression of
countenance with which Satanta made this announcement, one
would not have imagined that the son had been sent as a decoy to
cover the escape of the father, and that the latter had been aware of
this fact from the first. However, I pretended to humor Satanta. Of
course there was no objection to his galloping out to where his son
awaited him, because, as he said, that son was, and for good reason
perhaps, unwilling to gallop in to where his father was. But if
Satanta was so eager to see and communicate with his son, there
should be no objection to the presence of a small escort—not that
there existed doubts in my mind as to Satanta’s intention to return
to us, because no such doubt existed. I was positively convinced
that once safely beyond our reach, the place at the head of the
column, which had known him for a few brief hours, would know
him no more forever. I told Romeo to say to Satanta that he might
ride across the plain to where his son was, and not only that, but
several of us would do ourselves the honor to volunteer as his
escort.
The most careless observer would have detected the air of
vexation with which Satanta turned his pony’s head, and taking me
at my word started to meet his son. A brisk gallop soon brought us
to the little hillock upon which Satanta’s son awaited us. He was
there, a tall, trimly built, warrior-like young fellow of perhaps twenty,
and bore himself while in our presence as if he would have us to
understand he was not only the son of a mighty chief, but some day
would wear that title himself. What was intended to be gained by
the interview did not become evident, as the presence of Romeo
prevented any conversation between father and son looking to the
formation of plans for escape. Questions were asked and answered
as to where the village was, and in regard to its future movements,
54. but nothing satisfactory either to Satanta or his captors was learned
from the young warrior. Finally, I suggested to Satanta that as we
only intended to proceed a few miles further, being then in the near
vicinity of Fort Cobb, and would there encamp for an indefinite
period, his son had better accompany us to camp, where Lone Wolf
and Satanta would be informed what was to be required of them
and their people, and then, after conferring with each other, the two
chiefs could send Satanta’s son to the village with any message
which they might desire to transmit to their people. At the same
time I promised the young warrior good treatment, with permission
to go and come as he chose, and in no manner to be regarded or
treated as a prisoner.
This proposition seemed to strike the Indians favorably, and
much to my surprise, knowing the natural suspicion of the Indian,
the young warrior readily consented to the plan, and at once placed
himself in our power. Turning our horses’ heads, we soon resumed
our places at the head of the column, the three Indians riding in
silence, brooding, no doubt, over plans looking to their freedom.
By way of a slight digression from the main narrative, I will here
remark that during the prolonged imprisonment of the two chiefs,
Satanta’s son became a regular visitor to our camp, frequently
becoming the bearer of important messages from the chiefs to their
villages, and in time he and I, apparently, became firm friends. He
was an excellent shot with the rifle. Satanta said he was the best in
the tribe, and frequently, when time hung heavily on my hands, and
I felt a desire for recreation, he and I took our rifles, and, after
passing beyond the limits of camp, engaged in a friendly match at
target practice, a much more agreeable mode of testing our skill as
marksmen than by using each other as a target.
Satanta had exhibited no little gratification when I first engaged
to shoot with his son, and as the lodge in which he was kept a
closely guarded prisoner was on my route in returning from target
practice to my tent, I usually stopped a few moments in his lodge to
exchange passing remarks. He was evidently disappointed when
55. informed as to the result of the first trial with our rifles, that his son
had come off only second best; and numerous were the
explanations which his fertile mind suggested as the causes leading
to this result—a result which in the eyes of the Indian assumed far
greater importance than would ordinarily be attached to it by white
men. As we had agreed to have frequent contests of this kind,
Satanta assured me that his son would yet prove himself the better
man. Each meeting, however, only resulted as the first, although by
varying the distance every opportunity was given for a fair test.
Finally, when all other explanations had failed, Satanta thought he
had discovered the real obstacle to the success of his son, by
ascribing superior qualities to my rifle as compared with the one
used by him. Fairness on my part then required that I should offer
the young warrior the use of my rifle, and that I should use his in
the next match; a proposition which was at once accepted, and, as if
to be better prepared to make an excellent score, my rifle was soon
in his hands and undergoing the critical inspection and manipulation
of trigger, sights, etc., which always suggest themselves the moment
an experienced marksman finds a new rifle in his hands. The
following day we engaged as usual in rifle practice, he with my rifle,
I with his. I frankly confess that having entered into the contest from
the first with as much zest and rivalry as even my dusky competitor
could lay claim to, and having come off victor in the preceding
contests, I was not entirely free from anxiety lest the change in rifles
might also change the result, and detract, in the eyes of the Indians
at least, from my former successes. On this occasion, as on all
previous ones, we were alone, and consequently we were our own
judges, umpire, and referee. Greatly to my satisfaction, my good
fortune enabled me to make a better score than did my opponent,
and this result seemed to settle his opinion finally as to our relative
merits as marksmen. I attached no little importance to these
frequent and friendly meetings between Satanta’s son and myself.
Any superiority in the handling or use of weapons, in horseback
exercises, or in any of the recognized manly sports, is a sure
stepping-stone in obtaining for the possessor the highest regard of
the red man.
56. Upon our arrival at Fort Cobb, the day of the seizure of the two
chiefs, Lone Wolf and Satanta, we selected a camp with a view of
remaining at that point during the negotiations which were to be
conducted with the various tribes who were still on the war path. So
far as some of the tribes were concerned, they were occupying that
equivocal position which enabled them to class themselves as
friendly and at the same time engage in hostilities. This may sound
ambiguous, but is easily explained. The chiefs and old men, with the
women and children of the tribe, were permitted to assemble
regularly at the agency near Fort Cobb, and as regularly were
bountifully supplied with food and clothing sufficient for all their
wants; at the same time the young men, warriors, and war chiefs of
the tribe were almost continually engaged in making war upon the
frontier of northern Texas and southeastern Kansas. Indeed, we
established the fact, while at or near Fort Cobb, that while my
command was engaged in fighting the warriors and chiefs of certain
tribes at the battle of the Washita, the families of these same
warriors and chiefs were being clothed and fed by the agent of the
Government then stationed at Fort Cobb.
Surprising as this may seem, it is not an unusual occurrence.
The same system has prevailed during the past year. While my
command was resisting the attacks of a large body of warriors on
the Yellowstone river last summer, the families of many of these
warriors, the latter representing seven tribes or bands, were
subsisting upon provisions and clothed in garments issued to them
at the regular Indian agencies by the Government. But of this more
anon.
The three tribes which became at that time the special objects of
our attention, and with whom we were particularly anxious to
establish such relations as would prevent in the future a repetition of
the murders and outrages of which they had so long been guilty,
were the Kiowas, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes; the object being to
complete our work by placing these three tribes upon reservations
where they might be cared for, and at the same time be kept under
proper surveillance. The Washita campaign had duly impressed them
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