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More Than The Sum Of The Parts Complexity In Physics And Beyond Helmut Satz
More Than The Sum Of The Parts Complexity In Physics And Beyond Helmut Satz
More than the Sum of the Parts
More Than The Sum Of The Parts Complexity In Physics And Beyond Helmut Satz
More than the Sum
of the Parts
Complexity in Physics and Beyond
HELMUT SATZ
University of Bielefeld, Germany
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Helmut Satz 2022
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2022930086
ISBN 978–0–19–286417–8
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192864178.001.0001
Printed and bound by
CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
The laws of physics are simple, but nature is complex.
Per Bak
How Nature Works, 1996
More Than The Sum Of The Parts Complexity In Physics And Beyond Helmut Satz
Contents
1. Introduction 1
2. The Flow of Time 10
3. Global Connections 21
4. The Nature of Forces 27
5. The Formation of Structure 40
6. The Energy of Space 47
7. Critical Behavior 59
8. Self-Organized Criticality 72
9. Fractal Dimensions 78
10. Bifurcation and Chaos 85
11. Brownian Motion 97
12. Turbulence and Convection 105
13. Intermittency 116
14. Words and Numbers 121
15. Quantum Complexity 127
16. Conclusion 136
Bibliography 139
Person Index 141
Subject Index 143
Preface
Much of our natural science is based on the supposition that the whole is
the sum of its parts. This assumption has in fact worked amazingly well
and has provided us with a body of scientific knowledge on which much
of our modern world is based. In recent years, however, it has become
more and more evident that there is an immense number of phenomena
for which this assumption does not hold. For many years, we got along
by saying “let us assume the state to be in equilibrium” or “let us assume
motion without friction”, and more. Today we see that all the neglected
phenomena form a new field of study, complexity, which is as great or
greater than that considered so far in our conventional natural science.
Moreover, there turns out to be a considerable degree of universal-
ity for complex phenomena: complexity is observed in a vast variety of
phenomena in nature. In conventional physics, many concepts are appli-
cable only to issues that arise there, and to not much more. On the other
hand, the behavior observed for the onset of criticality, leading to corre-
lations between even very distant constituents—this behavior arises not
only in the study of magnetism in condensed matter physics, but as well
in the cosmology of the early universe and in the formation of flocks of
birds. Related patterns are found in economic developments, stock mar-
ket fluctuations, population growth, the spread of diseases. And by now,
critical behavior has also become a part of conventional physics.
Not surprisingly, this had led to the appearance of complexity theory
as a new field of research, with new fundamental concepts, such as emer-
gence, self-organization, bifurcation, and more. This book is not meant
as an introduction to complexity theory—for that, we refer a number
of excellent works listed in the bibliography. Our aim here is to illus-
trate a variety of different phenomena in nature for which conventional
science cannot give a satisfactory account, and to show that they gener-
ally arise as a result of collective many-body interactions. In some cases,
these could be codified into aspects of an emergent complexity theory,
preface ix
in others not. Another possible subtitle for the book would thus be “un-
conventional physics”. My aim is more to describe, to point out, rather
than to strive for a general theory. The many-faceted picture presented
by the different phenomena will hopefully serve as a challenge to future
scientists, and to them I leave the formulation of a possible science of
complexity.
The presentation here will be restricted to phenomena encountered in
nature, to questions addressed to natural science. We will not consider
issues in sociology, politics or economy; these are clearly well outside
the range of competence of a theoretical physicist, even if and when they
lead to fluctuation patterns not unlike those in physics. Nevertheless,
with complexity being such a novel subject, mathematicians, physicists,
and others, can well provide essential contributions to its understanding
and its future development. Crucial steps—critical behavior (Ken Wil-
son), the approach to chaos (Mitchell Feigenbaum) and self-organization
(Per Bak), came from physicists. Different views of the subject come
from different orientations, and mine in certainly that of a physicist. In
any case, the field thus is far from closed, and so I dare to give this pre-
sentation, although the subject of the book overlaps only partially with
my own field of work, the thermodynamics of strong interactions. In re-
cent years, however, complexity has been found to play an increasing
role also here, and besides this, I have, been in touch with the topic and
its initiators for many years.
The development of physics is quite naturally associated with the
names of those who brought about the crucial changes—Galileo,
Newton, Maxwell, Boltzmann, Planck, Einstein and more. The new
paradigms associated with the physics of complex systems have not yet
made their pioneering inventors well-known to the general public. In
line with showing how the study of complex systems is changing our
thinking, it therefore seems natural to point out who started it all. My
private, physics-oriented list starts with the three names already men-
tioned: Kenneth Wilson, Mitchell Feigenbaum and Per Bak; it continues
with many more, of course. These three have pointed out the road in
physics which we now follow, and although they are all no longer with
us, I have known all of them personally. So in a way, this is my memorial
for them.
x preface
The book is meant for a general audience, interested in the new per-
spectives opening up now in the study of systems consisting of many
similar or identical constituents. It is not a treatise, but rather an attempt
to convey the discovery that a great variety of such systems lead to novel
behavior due to collective interactions of the parts, that the whole is more
than the sum of the parts.
References for additional reading, general developments and further
information are provided in the bibliography at the end of the book. In
particular, I include here presentations of the status of the rapidly grow-
ing theory of complexity. Besides this list of general as well as specific
references, I cite in addition at the end of several chapters some books or
articles of particular relevance for the specific topic of that chapter. One
topic which is quite closely related to the present work is the structure of
animal swarms; this is indeed quite similar to that of many-body systems
is physics. I have not included it here, since it is covered in detail in my
recent book “The Rules of the Flock”, which was published last year by
Oxford University Press.
I had the pleasure of discussing different aspects of the topic with var-
ious colleagues, and so my thanks for stimulating remarks go to Andrzej
Bialas (Krakow), Philippe Blanchard (Bielefeld), Paolo Castorina (Cata-
nia) and Frithjof Karsch (Bielefeld). And I much appreciate notes by
Shaun Bullett (London) and Bob Doyle (Harvard). Without the inter-
ference of Corona I could perhaps have had the pleasure of discussing
with them in person. I hope that the future will bring such possibilities
back.
I dedicate this book to the memory of my wife Karin.
Bielefeld, November 2021
Helmut Satz
1
Introduction
Du siehst den Wald vor lauter Bäumen nicht.
(You don’t see the forest because of all the trees.)
German proverb
Divide and Conquer
From cave drawings to space telescopes, mankind has always, in one way
or another, tried to figure out the world in which we live. We want to
understand what things are made of, how they function, what different
forms they can take, and what the forces are that they experience. For
the past two millennia and more, the physical sciences, with much help
from mathematics, have developed an extremely successful approach
to addressing and answering these questions, best summarized in the
old Roman advice “divide and conquer.” Instead of looking at the com-
plex overall picture, we single out a small part of the whole and try to
understand its workings. If we succeed, we then put many such parts
together to arrive at an understanding of the larger scene. This philos-
ophy started in ancient Greece, when the idea of atoms was introduced
as the ultimate building blocks of matter, and the multi-faceted world
was attributed to the different ways these constituents were put together.
The approach of reduction to ultimate parts has, over the past centuries,
led to a well-defined atomic structure, first with atoms made of nuclei
and electrons, though the nuclei were then found to consist of nucleons
(protons and neutrons), and these in turn of quarks. The interaction be-
tween the different constituents is mediated by electromagnetic as well
as strong and weak nuclear forces, and in the past few decades, it has
2 more than the sum of the parts
become possible to combine all the components and the corresponding
forces into one unified description, the so-called standard model of ele-
mentary particle physics—the closest to a “world formula” that we have
ever had. The only force which has so far resisted a final unification with
those of the standard model is gravity. In spite of many attempts by some
of the most prominent physicists, such a “theory of everything” is still
missing. Very recently, in fact, it has been suggested that the reason for
this might be that gravity is of a fundamentally different nature from the
other forces; we shall come back to this truly new view of things later.
Philosophers in ancient Greece provided not only the start of
reductionism—they also warned that there are limits to this way of
thinking. This is perhaps best summarized by Aristotle, when he noted
that the whole is more than just the sum of its parts. In the process
of reduction to ultimate constituents some of the features of the whole
will necessarily be lost, and it is not clear if the specific way in which
we subsequently recombine things will lead back to what we started
with. Reduction and recombination are the yin and yang of the world,
complementary but opposing, and understanding one does not imply
understanding the other.
The success of reductionism has for many years overshadowed the
other side of the coin: if we have the building blocks, how can they be
put together, and what can be built from them? The knowledge of the
structure of the atom still left most of the behavior of bulk matter un-
explained, just as the anatomy of a bird tells us little about the behavior
of flocks of birds. In many forms of matter, constituents separated far
from each other are completely uncorrelated, and idealized systems of
this kind can indeed be taken apart and recombined, in order to account
for much of the observed behavior. For them, and as we shall see, only
for them, the whole is simply the sum of the parts.
The Onset of Complexity
At the transition points from one state of matter to another, for evapora-
tion, melting, freezing and more, this reductionism ends; the system now
refuses to be divided into independent subsystems—distant constituents
introduction 3
are now connected, everything becomes correlated. Physicists, irritated
by this complication, called it critical behavior. Today we realize that
there are more and more phenomena that make sense only when sys-
tems of many constituents undergo such devious doings. A single atom
cannot freeze or evaporate. Such phenomena signal the beginning of
complexity; the whole is now definitely more than the sum of its parts.
It has thus become more and more evident that an understanding
of the nature of elementary particles and the forces between them, the
ultimate reductionist world formula, the “theory of everything,” is not
sufficient for a full understanding of the behavior of systems of very
many such particles. The opposite approach, the combination of con-
stituents to form complex systems, turns out to have its own distinct laws;
moreover, these often depend very little on the nature of the constituents
and their interactions, and they thus are generally quite universal. The
magnetization of iron, the condensation of a gas, the formation of a
galaxy, or even that of a flock of birds—these all lead to very similar
structural patterns. In this sense, the truly new physics in the past 50
years is the universal science of collective behavior, dealing for the first
time with systems that are no longer simply the sum of all the smaller
subsystems. The formulation of a theory of critical behavior through
renormalization, the scale invariant behavior of systems of all sizes,
brought the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1982 to the American theorist,
Kenneth Wilson. Some years before, in 1977, the Russian–Belgian the-
orist, Ilya Prigogine, had already received this Prize for showing that
dissipative behavior could lead to new collective structures. The world
is full of physical phenomena that only manifest themselves in many-
body systems. Such phenomena are the topic of this book, and I want to
address them in a way accessible to the general interested reader, with
a minimum use of mathematics. As you will see, there are times when I
have found it impossible to avoid mathematics completely; in the words
of a former president of our university, it is the language that God uses
when he wants to speak to humans. And as with most languages, even
if you don’t understand every word, you can often still follow the ar-
gument. The book is not meant as a scientific treatise, but rather as a
narrative, telling the reader how the fascinating concepts of complexity
emerged in our understanding of the physical world.
4 more than the sum of the parts
We should, of course, begin by defining what is meant by complex-
ity. Unfortunately, this is harder than it seems, and there are various, not
always compatible, definitions. Our starting point is obviously a system
of many interacting simple constituents. If the behavior of that system
is uniform, if any two subsystems even far apart show the same form of
behavior, then we consider the overall system as simple, as opposed to
complex. Examples of simple systems of this kind are dilute gases, liq-
uids at rest, and crystals. However, they remain simple only if left alone,
in equilibrium; introducing temperature gradients, fluid flow, friction,
stress and more turns them into complex systems, and it is for precisely
this reason that in traditional classical physics such effects were usually
assumed to be negligible. Simple systems are generally found to follow
deterministic laws in a way that allows unique predictions for the change
of state under a slight change of control parameters. Increasing the vol-
ume of an ideal gas leads to a predictable change of its pressure. In simple
systems, small causes lead to small effects. In complex systems, the in-
dividual constituents are generally also subject to deterministic laws,
but collective effects result in unexpected new macroscopic behavior.
A temperature change of one degree can turn water into ice.
We shall see in more detail that systems of many identical parti-
cles can be combined to form different structures, and the transition
from one such structure to another leads to critical behavior. More-
over, the collective behavior of many particles can produce effective
“emergent” forces, which cannot be reduced to a pairwise interaction be-
tween individual constituents. These two aspects in a way define the topic
of this book: critical behavior and emergent structures in many-body
systems.
In the past few decades, it has been found that complex systems also
show regularities, and even obey general laws. The transfer of heat in
liquids shows striking flow effects, from convection patterns to chaos.
As already mentioned, the development of mathematical formulations
for such phenomena has produced a remarkable universality, with di-
verse applications from turbulence in fluids to the evolution of animal
populations. It is for this reason that the structure of complex systems is
quite often independent of the nature and interaction of its constituents.
And there is a limit to the regularities of complex systems: if many-body
introduction 5
systems show completely irregular and unpredictable behavior, if even
an infinitesimal change of parameters leads to completely unexpected
large-scale effects, then we speak of chaos. Simple as that seems, chaos
shares with complexity the lack of an unambiguous definition. How do
you measure the absence of order?
Since complexity is a very new field of research, it deals with diverse
phenomena which at first sight (and often also at second) appear rather
uncorrelated. For this reason, it seems unavoidable to present in this
book an assortment of topics in a rather unstructured way—the logical
pattern putting everything “in order” is not yet in place, and remains a
challenge to future science. For the time being, we are confronted with
a variety of concepts—critical behavior, self-organized criticality, emer-
gence, intermittency, scale-free behavior, chaos, turbulence and many
more; these concepts are obviously related, but much of the time it is not
clear how.
I should note here that there already exists a new field of research,
called complexity theory. Its aim is the study of mathematical models
that describe complex systems, in some cases successfully, in others not
yet. We will touch on these efforts from time to time, but the essential
aim here is to introduce a variety of patterns of complex behavior found
in nature, whether or not we have a theoretical framework to account
for them. We want to look at phenomena that are not amenable to a
description by the traditional methods of standard natural science, and
we want to see if we can somehow begin to understand their patterns,
even if we don’t yet have a theory. And to restrict the issue, we shall in-
deed deal with phenomena in nature—leaving side questions arising in
politics, economics, the stock market and more, questions that involve
complexity and that are addressed by complexity theory. We want to look
at complexity in nature.
Hints of Novel Behavior
To introduce the field, we begin with an issue that has been with us for
many years. In physical science, we have progressed from the atoms of
antiquity to the periodic table of elements, to atomic structure, to the
6 more than the sum of the parts
formation of nuclei out of protons and neutrons, and on to the quark
substructure of these nucleons. In all of the two thousand years in which
this reductionist understanding has evolved, we still have not arrive at
a satisfactory answer to the simple question why time in our world, in
history as well as in cosmology, has a well-defined direction and never
runs backwards. Evidently this is in many ways a much more fundamen-
tal issue than the grand unification of quarks and leptons in elementary
particle theory—but it is an issue which requires new ways of thinking
as well as new empirical input. We shall see that time as we know it arises
as a collective effect in many-body systems.
Complex systems, as we had noted, very often cannot be separated into
uncorrelated subsystems: even distant constituents are somehow still
connected. Next we therefore address the simplest possible case of the
formation of connectivity: percolation. We shall show that with increas-
ing density, even randomly distributed objects undergo critical behavior,
from isolated entities to global connectivity. Besides the conventional
critical behavior, magnetization, condensation and more, we have in the
past few years discovered another, geometric form of criticality. In Asia,
this has been present for millennia in the form of the game of Go, but its
more general structure has appeared as percolation only some hundred
years ago. In its poetic version, it deals with water lilies on a pond. How
many randomly placed lilies do we need to have in order to allow an ant
to cross the pond without getting its feet wet? Here as well, nature does
make a jump, and as the density of lilies increases, suddenly the crossing
becomes possible.
We shall then look in some detail at the nature of forces in the physical
world. Our thinking here is formed by the gravitational force causing
the apple to fall from the tree or holding the moon in orbit around the
earth. In a similar way, the electric force binds electrons to the nucleus to
form atoms, and the nuclear force binds protons and neutrons to obtain
nuclei. A force seems to be something like an invisible spring stretched
between two (or more) objects, pulling them towards each other, or—
in the case of two like electric charges—repelling each other. In recent
years, a different kind of force has come into consideration. If a hole is
punched into a tire, the air rushes out, as if pushed by some invisible
force. But there is no specific force on each molecule of outgoing air: only
Another Random Document on
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waters poured down from the mountain ravines, formed a lake on its eastern
side. But, gathering strength from resistance, the little mountain torrent
eventually worked itself an outlet, and now rushes foaming through a deep,
narrow chasm, leaping from precipice to precipice, until, the rocky barrier
forced, it once more reaches a level country.
On either side of the fearful chasm—or Tajo, as it is called in the
language of the country—which the persevering torrent has thus worked in
the rocky ledge, stands the city of Ronda; one portion of which, encircled
by an old embattled wall, that overhangs the southern cliff of the fissure, is
distinguished as the Old Town, and as the site of a Roman city; whilst the
more widely spread buildings on the opposite bank bear the name of El
Mercadillo,[70] or New Town.
The present walls of the old town were evidently raised by the Saracens,
and no traces are perceptible of any others having occupied their place.
Nevertheless, it can hardly be supposed that so eligible a site for a station
would have been overlooked by the Romans; and the Spanish antiquaries
have accordingly determined it to be the position of Arunda (one of the
cities mentioned by Pliny as situated in that part of Bœtica inhabited by the
Celtici)—a conclusion which both its present name and the discovery of
many ancient Roman inscriptions and statues in its vicinity tend to confirm.
Some, however, maintain that Ronda is the site of the Munda, under whose
walls was sealed the fate of the sons of Pompey. But the adjacent country ill
agrees with the description of it handed down to us; and the little town of
Monda, situated near the Mediterranean shore, is more generally admitted
to have been the scene of Julius Cæsar’s victory[71].
However the case may be, this city, under the domination of the Moors,
became one of their principal strongholds; for having, with various other
cities, been ceded by Ishmael King of Granada to the Emperor of Fez—
whose aid against the storm gathering in Castille (A.D. 1318) he deemed
essential for the preservation of his newly-acquired throne—it was some
few years afterwards, with Algeciras, Ximena, Marbella, and Gibraltar,[72]
formed into a kingdom for that emperor’s son, Abou Melic; and this prince,
passing over into Spain, (A.D. 1331) established his court at Ronda;
building a splendid palace there, and, according to the usual custom of the
Moors, erecting a formidable castle on the highest pinnacle of the rocky
mound. The natural defences of the city were also strengthened by a triple
circuit of walls, rendering it almost impregnable.
The Moorish name given to the place was Hisnorrendi, the laurelled
castle; but, on returning to the hands of the Spaniards, (A.D. 1485) it
assumed its present mongrel appellation; in which its etymological claims
upon the Celtic and Arabic languages are pretty equally balanced, as the
following old couplet partly illustrates;—
Y con el tiempo se ha desbaratado
El Hisna Randa, y Ronda se ha llamado.[73]
The existing circumvallation is very irregular, and embraces little more than
the mere summit of the rocky ledge on which the city stands; confining it
consequently within very narrow limits. Its length, however, is
considerable; and at its southern extremity, where the ground slopes more
gradually to the narrow gorge that connects it with the neighbouring
mountains, a triple line of outworks continues yet to supply the want of the
natural walls which elsewhere render the place so difficult of access.
On the crest of the ridge overlooking these advanced works, stands the
shell of the capacious castle; or Royal Palace, as it is called. Its solid walls
and vaulted chambers denote it to have been a work of great strength. It is
now, however, but a vast heap of ruins; the French, on finally evacuating
Ronda in 1812, having destroyed the principal part of it.
The only entrance to the city, from the country, is through a succession
of gates, in the before-mentioned outworks, the last of which is immediately
under the walls of the old palace. From this gate, a long and narrow, but
tolerably straight street, traverses the city from south to north, terminating
at the upper or new bridge, and being nearly three quarters of a mile in
length. This street is lined with handsome shops, and from it, numerous
alleys (for they deserve no better name) lead off right and left, winding and
turning in all directions, and communicating with numberless little courts,
crooked passages, and culs de sac; quite in the style of an eastern city.
In wandering through this labyrinth, the perplexed topographer is
astonished to find a number of remarkably handsome houses. In fact, it is
the Mayfair of Ronda—the aristocratic location of all the Hidalguía[74] of
the province;—who, proud of the little patch of land their forefathers’
swords conquered from the accursed Moslems, would as soon think of
denying the infallibility of the Pope, as of taking up their abode amongst the
mercantile inhabitants of the mushroom suburb.
The New Town, however, I must needs confess,—despite all aristocratic
predilections,—is by far the most agreeable place of residence.
The principal streets are wide, and tolerably straight; it contains some
fine open plazas or squares; and although the houses are thus more exposed
to the influence of the sun, yet, from the same cause, they enjoy a freer
circulation of air. The absence of an enclosing wall tends also, in point of
coolness, to give the Mercadillo an advantage over the city; leaving it open
to receive the full benefit of the refreshing breezes that sweep down from
the neighbouring mountains.
But, though destitute of battlements, the New Town is nearly as difficult
of approach, and as incapable of expansion, as the walled city itself; for,
bounded on its south side by the deep Tajo, and to the west, by an almost
equally formidable cliff that branches off from it, its eastern limits are
determined by a rocky ledge that extends diagonally towards the Guadiaro;
thus leaving the access free only on its north side.
The ground in all directions falls more or less rapidly inwards; and the
town, thus spread over it, assumes the form of an amphitheatre, looking into
the rocky bed of the Guadiaro.
There are three bridges across the river, communicating between the two
towns: the first—a work of the Moors—connects the suburb of San Miguel,
situated at the lowest part of the New Town, with some tanneries and other
buildings standing outside the walls of the ancient city. It is very narrow,
and being thrown over the stream just before it enters the dark fissure, does
not exceed forty feet in height. The second crosses the chasm at a single
span, where its banks have already attained a considerable elevation, and
affords an entrance to the Old Town by a gateway in the N.E. corner of its
present walls. The last and principal bridge is a noble, though somewhat
heavy structure of much more recent date than the others, and furnishes an
excellent specimen of the bold conception and peculiar taste of the
Spaniards of the last century. It is thrown across the chasm where its
precipitous banks have attained their greatest elevation, and its parapet is
280 feet above the stream that flows beneath, and nearly 600 above the
level of the plain to which it is hastening.
A bridge was erected at this same spot a hundred years back,[75] which
spanned the frightful fissure in one arch, and must have been one of the
boldest works of the kind, ever (up to that time) undertaken; since its
diameter could not have been less than 150 feet. Unfortunately, the
workmanship was in some way defective, (or more probably the
foundation,) and it fell down but a few years after its completion. The
present structure was then commenced, which, if not so airy and
picturesque as the former must have been, possesses the more solid
qualities of safety and durability.
This bridge also spans the lower portion of the fissure in one arch,
springing from solid buttresses that rest on the rocky bed of the torrent. But,
as the chasm widens rapidly, this first arch is merely carried sufficiently
high to admit of the free passage of the stream at all seasons, and is then
surmounted by a second, of the same span but much greater elevation; and
the massive buttresses on either side are lightened in appearance by being
pierced with arches to correspond—thus making the bridge consist of three
arches above and one below.
The view from the parapet of this bridge is quite enchanting. The
sensation of giddiness that seizes the spectator on first leaning over the
yawning abyss, leaves a feeling of pleasureable excitement, similar to that
produced by a slight shock of a galvanic battery. The distant roar of the
foaming torrent also warns him of his perilous height; but the solid nature
of the bounding wall quickly removes all feeling of insecurity, and allows
him, whilst he rests against it, to enjoy at his leisure the noble view before
him, in which are combined the rich and varied tints of a southern clime,
with the bold outlines and wild beauties of an Alpine region. The view
looking over the Eastern parapet of the bridge is of a more gloomy
character than that from the opposite side, but is equally grand and
imposing. In the bottom of the dark fissure—which here the sun’s rays
seldom reach—the transparent rivulet may be tracked, winding its way
leisurely through the tortuous channel; here and there interrupted in its
course by masses of fallen rock, and partially overshadowed by trees and
creepers; whilst its precipitous banks, from whose rugged surface it might
be supposed no vegetation could possibly spring, are thickly covered with
the higo chumbo,[76] (prickly pear) amongst whose thorny boughs
numerous ragged urchins may be seen—almost suspended in air—intent on
obtaining their favourite fruit. Beyond the dark tajo, the sun shines on the
green fields and vineyards of the fertile plain; and yet further behind are the
low wooded sierras that bound the vale of Ronda to the north.
The City can boast of few public buildings to excite the interest of a
stranger. The churches are numerous, and gaudily fitted up; but they contain
neither paintings nor statuary of any merit. In the New Town, on the other
hand, are the Theatre—a small but conveniently fitted up edifice—the
Stables of the Real Maestranza;[77] and the Plaza de los Toros; which latter,
though not so large as those of the principal cities of the Province, is
certainly one of the handsomest in Spain. It is built of stone, and nearly of a
circular form, and is capable of containing 10,000 persons. The roof is
continued all round; which is not the case in most amphitheatres; and it is
supported by a colonnade of 64 pillars of the Tuscan order. The greatest
diameter of the Arena is 190 feet, which is precisely the width of that of the
Flavian Amphitheatre at Rome. The internal economy of the bull-fighting
establishment is well worthy the observation of those who are curious in
such matters; being very complete and well ordered, though not now kept
up in the style of by-gone days.
The two towns together contain about 16,000 inhabitants, who are
principally employed in agricultural and horticultural pursuits; though there
are several manufactories of hats, two or three tanneries, and numerous
water-mills.
Ronda is a place of considerable commerce; its secluded and at the same
time central situation adapting it peculiarly for an emporium for smuggled
goods; in which, it may be said, the present trade of Spain entirely consists.
The vicinity of Gibraltar and Cadiz; the impracticable nature of the country
between those ports and along the Mediterranean shore; the difficult and
intricate mountain paths that traverse it (known only to the smugglers); and
the wretched state of the national army and Navy; all tend to favour the
contraband trade; and more especially that of Ronda, where the same
facilities present themselves for getting smuggled goods away from the
place, as of bringing them from the coast to it.
It is lamentable blindness on the part of the Spanish government,—
considering the deplorable state of the manufactures of the country; of the
“shipping interest;” of the roads and other means of inland communication;
and, to crown all, I may add, of the finances,—not to see the advantage that
would accrue from lowering the duties on foreign produce; on tobacco,
cocoa, and manufactured goods in particular, which may be considered as
absolute necessaries to all classes of Spaniards. By so doing, not only
would the present demoralising system of smuggling be put an end to,—
since it would then be no longer a profitable business,—but the money
which now clings to the fingers of certain venal authorities of the Customs,
or finds its way into the pockets of the Troops[78] and Sailors employed on
the preventive service, in the way of bribes, would then stand some chance
of reaching the public treasury.
The sums thus iniquitously received (and willingly paid by the
smugglers) amounts to a charge of 15 per cent. on the value of the
prohibited articles; a duty to that amount, or even something beyond, would
therefore readily be paid, to enable the purchaser to take his goods openly
into the market. The trade would thus fall into more respectable hands;
competition would increase; and the sellers would be satisfied with smaller
profits. This would naturally lead to an increased demand, and the revenue
would be proportionably benefited.
The obsolete notions that wed the Spaniards to their present faulty
system are, first, that, by opening the trade to foreign powers, their own
country would be drained of its specie, in which they seem to think the
riches of a nation consist; and secondly, that the national manufactures
would be ruined, if not protected by the imposition of high duties on those
of other countries.
The fallacy of these ideas is evident; for it would not be possible to
devise any plan by which money could be kept in a country, when the
articles that country stands in need of are to be bought cheaper elsewhere;
and it is futile to suppose—as, however, is fondly imagined—that Spain’s
doubloons go only to her colonies, to be brought back in taxation, or for the
purchase of the produce of the mother country. As well might we imagine
that Zante alone could furnish England with her Christmas consumption of
Currants, as that Cuba and the Philippine Islands (all the Colonies worth
enumerating that Spain now possesses) could supply her with tobacco,
cocoa, and cinnamon. And, as the above-mentioned articles are as much
necessaries of life in Spain, as tea and sugar—not to say the aforesaid
currants—are in England, the deficiency, coute qui coute, must be made
good somewhere; and consequently Spanish money will have to be
expended in procuring what is wanting.
A much greater evil than this, however, is occasioned by the enormously
high duty placed by the Mother Country on these very articles, the produce
of her dependencies; so that even her own colonial produce is smuggled to
her through the hands of foreigners!
With respect to the favour shown and encouragement given to her own
manufactures, by the prohibitory duties imposed on those of other nations,
it must be evident to any one at all acquainted with the state of the inland
communications of Spain, that the country is not in a sufficiently advanced
state of civilization to warrant its engaging in such undertakings with any
prospect of success. The Factories that are already in existence cannot
supply clothing for one fourth part of the population of the country; to
which circumstance alone are they indebted for being able to continue at
work; for if the number were increased, all would inevitably fail. The same
cause, therefore, here also exists, to encourage smuggling, as in the case of
the consumable articles, tobacco, spices, &c.—viz. the necessity of finding
a supply to meet the demand.
It is quite surprising that, for such a length of time, and under so many
different administrations, Spain should have continued thus blind to her
own interest. But, without going the length I have suggested, much good
might be effected, by merely giving up the farming out the taxes and
various monopolies, and by putting a stop to sundry other abuses, such as
the sale of places, by which the Crown revenues are principally raised.
If the present faulty system were abandoned,—by which a few
individuals only are enriched to the prejudice of the rest of the community,
—numerous speculators would be found ready to embark their capitals in
mining operations, in the construction of railroads, canals, &c. which would
be productive of incalculable benefit to the country; for, by such means, the
produce of the fertile plains in the interior of Spain would be able to come
with advantage into the foreign market; whilst the varied productions of this
fruitful country, by being distributed throughout its provinces with a more
equal hand, would be within the reach, and add to the comforts of all
classes of its inhabitants.
At the present day, such is the want of these means of communication,
that it frequently happens an article which is plentifully produced in one
province is absolutely difficult to procure in another. One province, for
instance, has wine, but wants bread; another has corn, but not any wood; a
third abounds in pasture, but has no market for its cheese, butter, &c., thus
rendering the cattle it possesses of comparatively little value.
From the same cause, large tracts of land lie waste in many parts of
Spain, because the crops they would yield, if cultivated, would not pay the
cost of transport, even to the adjoining province; and a prodigious quantity
of wine is annually destroyed, (a cruel fate from which even the divine Val
de Peñas is not exempt!) because the casks and pig-skins containing it are
of more value, on the spot where the wine is grown, than is the wine itself.
What remains unsold, therefore, at the end of the year, is frequently poured
into the street, in order that the casks may be available for the new wine.—
Such would also be the fate of all the light wines grown on the banks of the
Guadalete, but that the vicinity of Port St. Mary and Cadiz makes it worth
the grower’s while to prepare them with brandy and stronger bodied wines,
to bear the rolling over the Bay of Biscay.
In an article of produce so readily transported as barley, I have known
the price of a fanega[79] vary no less than four reales vellon[80] on the
opposite sides of the same chain of mountains; and I have seen Barbary
wheat selling at Gibraltar, for one third less than corn of Spanish growth
could be purchased at San Roque. This certainly would not be the case, if
the riches of Spain could be distributed more easily over the whole face of
the country; and since the demand for exportation would thereby be greatly
increased, more industrious habits would be engendered, and an important
step would thus be made towards civilization.
I must not, however, enlarge on this subject; otherwise, (besides
peradventure wearying my reader) I shall certainly incur the displeasure of
my quondam acquaintances of the Serrania; since any thing that may be
suggested to induce the Spanish government to place the commerce of the
country on a more liberal footing, would be most unfavourably viewed by
the rude inhabitants of the Ronda mountains; who—their present profitable
occupation ceasing—would be obliged to take to their spades and pruning-
knives, and labour for a livelihood in their fields and olive groves. The
inhabitants, however, of the favoured basin of Ronda, would rather benefit
by the change; the produce of their orchards being so rare, as to be in great
request all over the country. It is also worthy of remark, that, whilst the
sugar-cane succeeds on the plains about Malaga, this elevated mountain
valley, situated under the same parallel of latitude, enjoys a climate that
enables it to produce apples, cherries, plums, peaches, and other stone
fruits, that are more properly natives of central Europe, but which can
hardly be excelled either in England or France.
The climate is also considered so favourable to longevity, that it has
become a common saying in the country—
En Ronda los hombres
de ochenta años son pollones.[81]
But although, even on such tempting terms, one would hardly consent to
pass one’s entire life at Ronda, yet I scarcely know a place where a few
weeks may be more agreeably spent. The Inns are not good; though that
bearing the name of the Holy Trinity—to which in my various visits I
always bent my steps, until I could find a suitable lodging—is clean, and its
keepers are honest and obliging. Lodgings are abundant, and, for Spain,
very good; the great influx of strangers during the period of the fair having
induced the inhabitants to fit up their houses purposely for their
accommodation, and given them also some notion of what English
travellers require, besides four bare walls, a roof overhead, and a mattress
on the floor; the usual sum total of accommodation furnished at Spanish
inns and lodging-houses.
The society of this place is particularly good; a number of the most
ancient families of Andalusia having congregated here; who, with all the
polish of the first circle of Spanish society, are exempt from the
demoralizing vices which distinguish that of Madrid and other large cities.
It was only on the occasion of my second visit to the little Capital of the
Serranía, that I was so fortunate as to be the bearer of letters of introduction
to the principal families; and nothing could possibly exceed the kind
attentions they pressed upon me. Their friendly hospitality was even
extended, on my account, to all the English officers who, like myself, had
been attracted to Ronda by the fame of its cattle fair and bull fights, and
whom I was requested to invite to the balls, &c., which at that festive period
were given nightly at their different houses. Nor did their kindness cease
there; for I afterwards received pressing invitations to visit them, as well at
Ronda as at the neighbouring watering-places, to which they are in the
habit of resorting during the summer months; for the Spanish fashionables
—like those of other climes—deem it essential to their well being to
migrate periodically to these rendezvous for dancing and dosing.
One of the most remarkable as well as most delightful families of
Ronda, is that of Holgado y Montezuma. It is lineally descended from the
last Cacique of Mexico, whose name it bears, and whose character and
features I almost fancied were to be recognized in the somewhat haughty
eye, and occidental cast of countenance, of the present head of the family.
The lower orders of inhabitants have, amongst travellers, the credit of
being a fierce, intractable race; but this character is by no means merited,
and belongs altogether to the savage mountaineers of the Serranía. Indeed,
these latter hold the industrious artizans, and the peasants of the city and
plain, in great contempt, and it is a common maledictory expression
amongst them—
En Ronda mueras
acarreando zaques.[82]
This saying originated in the occupation of bringing up skins of water from
the bed of the river,—to which labour the christian captives were
condemned, when the city was possessed by the Moslems—and still
continues to be made use of, in allusion to the ignoble life of labour led by
the peaceful inhabitants.
CHAPTER VI.
RONDA FAIR—SPANISH PEASANTRY—VARIOUS COSTUMES—
JOCKEYS AND HORSES—LOVELY VIEW FROM THE NEW ALAMEDA
—BULL FIGHTS—DEFENCE OF THE SPANISH LADIES—MANNER OF
DRIVING THE BULLS INTO THE TOWN—FIRST ENTRANCE OF THE
BULL—THE FRIGHTENED WATERSELLER—THE MINA, OR
EXCAVATED STAIRCASE—RUINS OF ACINIPPO—THE CUEVA DEL
GATO—THE BRIDGE OF THE FAIRY.
THE fair which is held annually at Ronda, in the month of May, collects
an astonishing concourse of people from all parts of the country, and offers
an excellent opportunity for seeing the peculiar costumes of the different
provinces, as well as for observing the various shades of character of their
respective inhabitants. The national costume, (speaking generally of it) is,
without dispute, extremely becoming; for, not only does it set off to
advantage such as are naturally well formed, but it conceals the defects of
those to whom Dame Nature has been less kind; making them appear stout,
well built fellows—in their own expressive words, “bien, plantado”[83]—
when, in point of fact, it ofttimes happens that their slender legs have
enough to do to bear the weight of the spare and ill-formed bodies placed
upon them.
This is very perceptible when, deprived of their broad-brimmed
Sombreros and stout leather botines, the peasantry come to be capped and
trousered in a military garb. To a stranger, indeed, it must appear that the
Spanish troops are collected from the very refuse of the population of the
country; so miserable is their look. But the truth is, the conscription (by
which the Army is raised) is levied with great fairness; and to the change of
dress alone, therefore, must the falling off in their appearance be attributed.
The Spanish peasant, moreover, is the only one in Europe,[84] whose
tenue is not improved by the drill serjeant; which may be accounted for by
his not, like those of other countries, having been accustomed in his youth
to carry burthens upon his shoulders. He consequently bends under the new
weight of a musket and knapsack, which, so placed, he cannot but find
particularly irksome.
To return, however, to the crowded city; whilst Ronda fair thus
periodically furnishes the occasion for a general muster of the natives of all
classes, the Fair of Ronda may claim the merit of holding out to them the
inducement to display their figures and wardrobes to the best advantage;
and strange are the ways, and various the means, by which the Andaluz
Majo[85] seeks to win the sweet smiles or dazzle the bright eyes of his
tinsel-loving countrywomen.
Amongst the numerous varieties of the genus Majo, that claiming the
first rank may be readily known, by the seeming wish to avoid rather than to
court admiration. Thus, the rich waistcoat of bright silk or costly velvet,
studded with buttons innumerable of the most exquisite gold or silver
filigree, is partially concealed, though rendered more brilliant, by the jacket
of dark cloth simply ornamented with black braid and tags, which is worn
over it; whilst the plain white kerchief that protrudes from either side-
pocket requires to be closely examined, to make the extreme delicacy of its
texture apparent.
Others, of more gaudy and questionable taste, hold peagreens and
lavenders to be more becoming; and here and there an ultra dandy may be
seen, aping the bull-fighter, and bedizened with gold and silver lace; but he
is of an inferior caste, and may generally be set down as a Chevalier
d’Industrie.
Another class of the genus is distinguished by the glossy jacket of black
goat-skin. The wearers of this singular costume are the Ganaderos, or cattle
owners; whilst those satisfied with the more humble dresses, of brown or
white sheep-skin—by no means the least picturesque of the motley crowd
—belong to the shepherd tribe.
The breeches and gaiters undergo as many varieties as those above
specified of the upper garments; but almost all who thus appear in the
national costume wear the sombrero, or broad-brimmed hat with a high
conical crown; the Montera—a low flat cap, made of black velvet, and
ornamented with silk tassels—being now used only by the bull-fighters, and
some elderly sticklers for old hats as well as old habits.
Many scowling fellows, enveloped in capacious cloaks, seemed to have
no object in view but to examine with searching eyes the persons of the
assembled multitude, and to conceal as much as possible their own from
counter observation; and some of the savage mountaineers,—whom nothing
but a bull fight, or perhaps the hope of plunder, could draw from their
mountain fastnesses,—gave evident signs of never before having seen the
British uniform.
I may observe here, en passant, that a few robberies are generally heard
of, at the breaking up of the fair; the temptation of well filled pockets and
bales of merchandize drawing all the ladrones of the surrounding mountains
down to the high roads.
The cattle fair is held on a rocky plain beyond the northern limits of the
New Town. It is not so celebrated as some others held on the banks of the
Guadalquivir; the narrow stony tracts across the mountains being both
inconvenient for driving cattle, and injurious to their feet. Nevertheless, it
offers a good opportunity for swapping “a Haca,”[86] though Spanish
jockeys—like all others—must be dealt with according to their own proverb
—à picaro, picaro y medio.[87] The horses of the South of Spain are small,
hardy animals, well suited to the mountain roads of the country, but
possessing no claims to beauty, beyond a lively head and a sleek coat. The
Spaniards, by the way, have a strange prejudice in favour of Roman-nosed
horses. They not only admire the Cabeza de Carnero, (sheep’s head) as they
call it, but maintain that it is a certain indication of the animal being a
“good one.” I presume, therefore, the protuberance must be the organ of
ambulativeness.
I was much mortified to find that “Almanzor,” whose finely finished
head, straight forehead, sparkling eye, and dilated nostril, I certainly
thought entitled him to be considered the handsomest of his kind in the fair,
was looked upon as a very ordinary animal.
No ai vasija que mida los gustos, ni balanza que los iguale,[88] as
Guzman de Alfarache says; and my taste will certainly be disputed in other
matters besides horseflesh by all Spaniards, when I confess to having
frequently retired from the busy throng of the fair, or abstained from
witnessing the yet more exciting bull fight, to enjoy, without fear of
interruption, the lovely view obtained from the shady walks of the new
Alameda.[89] This delightful promenade is situated at the further extremity
of the modern town, overhanging the precipice which has been mentioned
as bounding it to the west. The view is similar to that obtained from the
parapet of the bridge; but here, the eye ranges over a greater extent of
country, commanding the whole of the southern portion of the fertile valley,
and taking in the principal part of the mountain chain that encompasses it.
For hours together have I sat on the edge of the precipice, receiving the
refreshing westerly breeze, and feasting my eyes on the beauteous scene
beneath; tracing the windings of the serpent streamlet, and watching the
ever-changing tints and shadows, cast by the sun on the deeply-furrowed
sides of the mountains, as he rolled on in his diurnal course. All nature
seemed to be at rest; not a human being could be seen throughout the wide
vale; not a sound came up from it, save now and then the bay of some
vigilant watch dog, or the call of the parent partridge to her infant brood. Its
carefully irrigated gardens, its neatly trimmed vineyards, and, here and
there, a low white cottage peeping through blossoming groves of orange
and lemon trees, bore evidence of its being fertilized by the hand of man:
but where are its inhabitants? nay, where are those of the city itself, whose
boisterous mirth but lately rent the air! All is now silent as the grave: the
cries of showmen have ceased. The tramp of horses and the lowing of cattle
are heard no longer; the Thebaic St. Anthony himself could not have been
more solitary than I found myself.—But, hark. What sound is that? a buz of
distant vivas is borne through the air!—It proceeds from the crowded circus
—the Matador has made a successful thrust—his brave antagonist bites the
dust, and he is rewarded with a shower of pesetas,[90] and those cries of
triumph!—I regret not having missed witnessing his prowess! but the
declining sun tells me that my retreat is about to be invaded; the glorious
luminary sinks below the horizon, and the walk is crowded with the late
spectators of the poor bull’s last agonies.
“Jesus![91] Don Carlos”—would exclaim many of my bright-eyed
acquaintances—“why were you not at the Bull fight?”—“I could not
withdraw myself from this lovely spot.”—“Well, no ai vasija que mida los
gustos.... You might see this at any other time.” There was no replying to
such an indisputable fact, but by another equally incontrovertible—viz.
—“The sun sets but once a day.”
The Bull-fights of Ronda are amongst the best of Spain; the animals
being selected from the most pugnacious breeds of Utrera and Tarifa; the
Picadores from the most expert horsemen of Xeres and Cordoba; the
Matadores from the most skilful operators of Cadiz and Seville; and the
whole arrangement of the sports being under the superintendence of the
Royal Maestranza. During the fair there are usually three Corridas,[92] at
each of which, eight bulls are slaughtered.
A Bull-fight has been so often described that I will content myself with
offering but very few remarks upon the disgusting, barbarous, exciting,
interesting sport,—for such it successively becomes, to those who can be
persuaded to witness it a second, third, and fourth time.
In the first place, I cannot admit, that it is a bit more cruel than an
English bull-bait (I speak only from hearsay of the latter), or more
disgusting than a pugilistic contest; which latter, whatever pity it may
occasion to see human nature so debased, can certainly possess little to
interest the spectator, beyond the effect its termination will have upon his
betting-book.
Oh!—I hear many of my countrymen exclaim—“I do not complain so
much of the cruelty practised on the bulls, or the dangers incurred by the
men. The former were made to be killed for our use; the latter are free
agents, and enter the arena from choice. I feel only for the poor horses,
exposed to be gored and tortured by an infuriated animal, without a chance
of ultimate escape.” Doubtless, the sufferings endured by the poor horses
are very disgusting to witness; but it is merely because we see their agonies,
that we feel so acutely for them. Before we condemn the Spaniards,
therefore, let us look again at the amusements of our own country, and
consider how many birds every sportsman dooms to linger in the
excruciating torments of a broken leg or wing, or some painful bodily
wound, for each one that he kills!—“But recollect,” rejoins my Interlocutor,
“recollect the difference between a bird and such a noble animal as a
horse!”—Certes, I reply, a horse is a nobler looking beast than a pheasant or
a wild duck; but just observe the wretchedness of our own decayed equinine
nobility, standing in Trafalgar Square and other rendezvous of cabs and
hackney coaches!—Would it not be comparative charity to end their
sufferings by half an hour’s exposure in the Arena?
I must next throw my gauntlet into the arena in behalf of the Spanish
Ladies, who I maintain are vilely aspersed by those who have represented
them as taking pleasure in the tortures inflicted on the unfortunate horses,
and as expressing delight at the jeopardy in which the lives of the bull’s
human persecutors are sometimes placed.
On such occasions, I have on the contrary remarked, that they always
retired to the back part of their box, or, if they could not do that, turned their
heads away in disgust or alarm.
It may be said, that they have no business at such exhibitions. Very true
—but surely some allowance is due, considering their want of such
breakneck sights as horse-races and steeple-chases? And,—apart the cruelty
to the animals,—I see no greater harm in the Spanish Lady’s attendance at a
Bull-fight, than our fair country-woman’s witnessing such national sports.
—The Toreadores[93] are certainly not exposed to greater risks than the
jockeys and gentlemen whom taste or avocation leads daily to encounter the
dangers of the field, for the entertainment of the public!
At the numerous bull-fights I have witnessed—for I must plead guilty to
having become an aficionado[94]—I saw but four men hurt, and who can
say as much, that has hunted regularly throughout the season with a pack of
fox-hounds? or, that has walked the streets of London for a week, since cabs
and omnibuses have been introduced?
Certainly, it is not unusual to hear female voices cry, “Bravo toro!” when
some fierce bull has, at his first sweep round the circle, borne down all the
horsemen opposed to him; and then, maddened with pain, and flushed with
victory, but unable to attain his human tormentors, (who, in spite of the
ponderous weight of cuirasse, boot leather, and padding that encumbers
them, always manage to hobble off to a place of refuge) rushes upon the
poor blindfold, abandoned horses; which, with just sufficient strength to get
upon their legs, stand trembling in the centre of the Arena, quite conscious
of their danger, but not knowing which way to avoid it, and thus, one by
one, fall victims to the rage of their infuriated enemy.—On such occasions,
I repeat, I have heard such encouraging cries proceed from female lips; but
he who asserts that they have been uttered by a Spanish Lady can be classed
only with Monsieur Pillet, (I think that was the quinze jours à Londres
gentleman’s name) who stated that all English Ladies boxed and drank
brandy.
The most amusing part of the sport afforded by the Bulls is the driving
them into the town. This is done at night, and the following is the method
adopted. The animals, having been conducted from their native pastures to
the vale of Ronda, are left to graze upon the sides of the mountains, until
the night preceding the first day’s corrida; when a number of persons—of
whom a large proportion are amateurs—proceed from the city, armed with
long lances, to drive them into their destined slaughterhouse. The weapons,
however, are more for show than use; since the savage animals are decoyed,
rather than goaded, into the snare prepared for them. To effect this, some
tame animals are intermixed with the new comers on their first arrival; and
these, trained by human devices in all the ways of deceit, lead them off to
slake their thirst at the purest rill, and point out to them the tenderest pasture
wherewith to satisfy their hunger. The unsuspecting strangers, trusting to
the pundonor of their new friends, abandon themselves to a Cupuan
enjoyment of the delights of this fertile region, and perceive not the host of
human foes that, under shelter of the night, are stealthily encircling them.
The investment completed, a horseman rides forward to attract the attention
of their treacherous brethren, who trot off after him, followed by the whole
herd. The rest of the horsemen now close upon their rear, urging the bulls
forward with loud shouts and blazing torches; and, following close upon the
heels of their leader, the wonder-struck animals enter the town at a brisk
pace and in compact order. The cross streets having been strongly
barricaded, the avant courier of the Calbalgada proceeds straight to the
court-yard attached to the amphitheatre, the entrance to which alone has
been left open, and forthwith ensconces himself in a stable. The savage
brutes, bewildered by the strangeness of the scene, the blaze of lights and
din of voices, make no attempts either at escape or resistance, but, blindly
following his track, enter the court-yard, the gate of which is immediately
closed upon them.
A number of doors are now thrown open, which communicate with a
large apartment boarded off into narrow stalls. Into these but one bull at a
time can enter, and each of the decoy animals, selecting a separate entrance,
is quickly followed by two or three of the strangers. The tame animal is
permitted to pass through the narrow passage and escape at the other end;
but the unhappy victims of his toils, in attempting to follow his footsteps,
find their progress impeded by stout bars let down from above, and are thus
finally and securely installed.
Under this unpleasant restraint they continue until their services are
required in the arena; and during this brief period they are open to the
inspection of the curious, who can examine them at their ease from the
apartment above, the planking of the floor being left open for the express
purpose.
When the hour of the bull is come, the front bar of his prison is
withdrawn, a goad from above urges him forward, and, rushing from his
dark cell into the broad daylight, the astonished animal finds himself at
once in the Arena and within a few paces of a Picador’s lance, couched
ready to receive his attack.
Some rush upon their enemy without a moment’s hesitation; and I have
not unfrequently seen a valiant bull overthrow the four picadores placed at
intervals round the circus, in less than that number of minutes. But, in
general, the animal pauses ere making his first onset—looks round with
amazement at the assembled multitude—paws up the dusty surface of the
arena—appears bewildered at the novelty of the sight and by the din of
voices,—and is undecided where to make the first attack. At length, his eye
rests on the nearest picador, and it is seldom withdrawn until he has made
his charge. He rushes on his enemy with his head erect, lowering it only
when arrived within a few paces. The picador gives point to receive him on
the fleshy part of the neck above the right shoulder; and, if his horse be
steady, he generally succeeds in turning the bull off. But should the bull,
regardless of his wound, return immediately to the attack, the man has not
time to resume his defensive position, and his only safety is in ignominious
flight. If his steed be quick in answering the spur, he is soon removed from
danger, but, if otherwise, nine times in ten both horse and rider are laid
prostrate.
Whilst in confinement, the bulls are decorated with the colours of their
respective breeders (a bunch of ribbon, attached to a dart, which is forced
into the animal’s shoulder); and such as appear tame, and hold out small
promise of sport, are often “ingeniously tormented” previously to being
turned into the arena. I have heard also that it is not unusual, when the
circus is small, and the Toreadores are not very expert, to weaken the
animal’s powers by letting a weight fall upon his back, so as to injure the
spine; but this refinement of cruelty is certainly not practised at Ronda.
It doubtless requires the possession of some courage to be a bull-fighter;
though at the same time it is to be recollected, that the people who devote
themselves to the profession have been brought up, from their earliest
youth, amongst the horns of these animals, and have thus acquired a
knowledge of all their peculiarities; they are consequently aware, that the
bull’s furious onset requires but a little activity to be readily avoided, and
they have by long habit become quick-sighted to take advantage of his blind
rage, for striking their blow. But, above all, their confidence is increased by
knowing with what ease the attention of the bull is drawn off; and no
Picador or Matador ever ventures into the arena unattended by one Chulo,
[95] at least; who, provided with a gaudy coloured flag or cloak, stands near
at hand to occupy the bull’s attention, should his opponent have met with
any accident.
I once witnessed a laughable instance—as it turned out—of the ease with
which a bull’s attention may be diverted. An Aguador, or water-seller, had
taken post in the narrow passage which serves as a retreat for the bull-
fighters when hard pressed, between the front row of seats and the Arena,
and, unconscious of danger, was vending his iced liquid to the thirsty
spectators—pouring it with singular dexterity from a huge jar made fast to
his back into their outstretched goblets—when a bull, following close upon
the heels of a Chulo, leapt the five-foot barrier, and came with his fore legs
amongst the front row spectators, but, unable to make good his footing, fell
back into the narrow passage. The Chulo, by vaulting back into the Arena,
readily escaped from the enraged animal, which, not having space to turn
round, face and re-leap the barrier, found himself a prisoner within the
narrow passage. Very different, however, was the situation of the venturous
Aguador, who, labouring under his weighty liquid incubus, could not
possibly have clambered over the fence, even had time permitted of his
making the attempt. But, so far from that being the case, the bull having
instantly recovered his legs, was coming trotting and bellowing towards
him, with the most felonious intentions. The spectators shouted with all
their might to the luckless water-seller, to save himself; alas! how was he to
do so?—a single glance over his right shoulder convinced him of the
vainness of the admonition! Instinct prompted him to run; but escape
appeared impossible; for the horns of the rabid animal were within a few
feet of him, and every barrier was closed!
In this awful predicament, fright made him take the only step that could
possibly have saved him—namely, a false one. He stumbled, groaned, and
fell flat upon his face. The bull, without slacking his speed, stooped down to
give him his quietus; when a peasant—one of the spectators—having tied
his pocket-handkerchief to the end of his porra,[96] dangled it before the
animal’s eyes just as he reached the fallen Aguador. The enraged bull,
making a toss at the new object thus placed before him, bounded over the
prostrate water-carrier, without doing any other injury than breaking his jar
with his hind feet, and proceeded on to complete the tour of the circus.
The fright of the fortunate vender of water was excessive, and now most
ludicrous. The liquid poured in torrents over his shoulders and down his
neck, leading him to believe that he had been most desperately gored, and
that it was his life’s blood which was—not oozing out of, but—absolutely
deluging him. He screamed most lustily that he was a dead man; and the
spectators, highly amused at the scene, cried out in return, “Get up—get up,
or you’ll be drowned!” But, until some of the Chulos came to his aid, and
put him on his legs, he could not be persuaded that he had escaped without
even a scratch.
He lost no time, however, in putting the power of his limbs to the proof,
running off as fast as they could carry him, to escape from the jeers of the
crowd, who, amidst roars of laughter, shouted after him, “What a
gash!”—“I can see right through his body.”—“The Bull is swimming after
you!”—“Toro! Toro!” &c.
We will now leave the Amphitheatre, and proceed to visit one of the
most interesting sights of the ancient city—namely, an extraordinary
staircase, or Mina as it is called by the natives, which, sunk close to the
edge of the chasm dividing the two towns, communicates with the rocky
bed of the river.
It is said to have been a work of Abou Melic, the first king of Ronda, and
was clearly undertaken to ensure a supply of water to the city in the event of
a siege;—the want of this indispensable article being, in those early days,
the only dread the inattackable fortress had to guard against.
The entrance to the Mina is in the garden attached to a gentleman’s
house at a little distance from, and to the east of, the principal bridge.
The descent, according to our Cicerone’s information, was formerly
effected by 365 steps, cut in the live rock; but, at the present day, it would
defy the powers of numbers to reckon them, the greater part of the staircase
being in so ruinous a condition as to be barely practicable. I should suppose,
however, the depth of the Mina, from its mouth to the bed of the river, is
about 250 feet. It pierces the solid rock, in short and very irregular zig-zags,
for about two thirds the distance down, when, entering a natural rent in the
cliff, the remaining portion is built up from the bottom of the chasm with
large blocks of stone; advantage having been taken of a lateral projection, to
cover this artificial facing from an enemy’s projectiles.
At various levels, passages lead off from the staircase into spacious and
curiously arched apartments, to which light is admitted by narrow
casements opening into the chasm or tajo. This subterranean edifice is
supposed to have been a palace of the Moorish kings.
On the side walls of the narrow, crooked staircase, are numerous rudely
engraved crosses, which our conductor assured us were wrought by the
hands of the Christian captives who, during the last siege of the place, were
employed in bringing up water for the use of the garrison, and whose oft-
repeated signs of faith, thus lightly marked by their passing hands, had
miraculously left these deep impressions on the hard stone. “Nor”—added
he—“did such proofs of their devotion go unrewarded even in this world,
for their liberation quickly followed; the until then unconquered city having
been wrested from the Mohammedans after only a few weeks’ siege.”—The
chains of these good Christians were sent to Toledo, in one of the churches
of which city they may yet be seen.
Various other remarkable legends are related of this wonderful place;
which, however, I will pass over, to say a few words of other objects worthy
of observation in the vicinity of the city.
Of these, the most interesting to the Antiquary are the ruins of the
Roman city of Acinippo,[97] which lie scattered on the side of a mountain
on the left of the road to Seville by way of Olbera, and distant about ten
miles N.W. from Ronda. Some of the Spanish Geographers persist in calling
it Ronda la vieja, (old Ronda,) but certainly on no good grounds, since no
place bearing the comparatively modern name of Ronda could well be of
older date than the present city itself.
In the time of Carter, the venerable ruins of Acinippo could boast of
containing an Amphitheatre and the foundations of several spacious
temples, all in tolerable preservation; but these are now barely perceptible;
and the statues, pavements, in fact, every thing considered worth removing,
has long since been carried to Ronda.
Numerous Roman coins are daily turned up by the plough, as it passes
over the streets of the ancient city, and Cameos, intaglios, and other more
valuable relics, may be procured occasionally from the peasants dwelling in
the neighbourhood.
But, though scarcely one stone of Acinippo now rests upon another, still
the view from the site is of itself a sufficient reward for the trouble of
scrambling to the summit of the mountain; whence, on a clear day, it is said
that even Cadiz may be seen.
Deep in the valley, on the opposite or eastern side, flows the principal
source of the Guadelete, (water of Lethe) which the Spaniards maintain is
the real river of Oblivion of the ancients. Where the fertilizing stream flows
amongst the vineyards of Xeres, it probably has often proved so without
any fable.
On the bank of this rivulet stands the little castellated town of Setenil;
famous in Moorish history, as having defied all the efforts of the Christians
to subdue it, until the ponderous lombards of Ferdinand and Isabella were
brought to bear with unerring aim upon its rock-based battlements. A.D.
1484.
Within another morning’s ride from Ronda is a very remarkable cavern,
in the side of a lofty mountain, about five miles to the S.W. of the city, and
known by the name of the Cueva del Gato (Cat’s cave). The entrance to it is
some way up the face of a scarped wall of rock, that falls along the right
bank of the Guadiaro, and can be gained only by those whose heads and
feet are proof against the dizzy and slippery perils to be encountered; the
ascent being over a pile of rough granite blocks, moistened by the spray of a
foaming torrent that gushes out of the narrow cavity. These difficulties
surmounted, the cavern itself is tolerably practicable, and the stream flows
more tranquilly, though still here and there obstructed by blocks of stone.
After penetrating some way into the interior, an opening of considerable
width presents itself, where a ruined building of very ancient date is
observable. It is said to owe its foundation to the Romans, and to have been
a temple dedicated to the infernal deities. Rumour alleges that in later times
it has served as a refuge for banditti. To proceed further, it is necessary to be
well supplied with torches: with their aid I was informed the cavern is
practicable for a great distance.
The stream to which this cavern gives a passage, takes its rise in a
wooded basin, situated on the opposite side the mountain ridge, from
whence the waters of all the other valleys are led off in a northerly direction
to the Guadalete. This eccentric little rivulet directs its course, however, to
the south, reaches the foot of a high-peaked mount that overlooks the
village of Montejaque, and there, its course being obstructed by the solid
rock, betakes itself once more to the earth, filtering its way for upwards of a
mile through the mountain, and finally discharging itself into the
Guadiaro[98] by the mouth of the Cueva del gato.
The Cavern is said to have received its name from the wonderful feat of
a cat, which, put into the fissure by which the stream disappears from the
surface of the ground, reached the other entrance with one of its lives yet
unexhausted.
Numerous other delightful excursions may be made from Ronda, up the
ravines in the surrounding mountains; and, should the sports of the field
possess attractions, the country is noted for its abundance of game of all
kinds; from quails and red-legged partridges, to wild boars, deer, and
wolves.
In following this pursuit, chance one morning directed my footsteps
along the edge of the precipice, that (as I have already mentioned,) bounds
the New town to the west, and which, describing a wide circle, and
gradually losing something of its height, once more closes upon the
Guadiaro, about a mile below the city.
The space that nature has thus singularly walled in, and sunk beneath the
rest of the vale of Ronda, is richly clad with gardens and vineyards; and the
little stream, having disengaged itself from the dark chasm that divides the
two towns, here once more slackens its pace, to luxuriate under refreshing
groves of orange, citron, and pomegranate trees. Arrived, however, at the
southern extremity of this basin, the rocky ledge on which I found myself
standing again presents an obstacle to the tranquil flow of the crystal
stream, and it hurries fretfully through a narrow defile, of the same wild
character as that in which it received its birth; the banks being thickly
clothed with the endless varieties of the cistus, and shadowed by the dense
and sombre foliage of the ilex and wild olive.
Beyond this, a glen of somewhat more easy access presents itself, and
the river is spanned by a light but firmly-knit arch, that bears the romantic
name of the Puente del Duende, or, the Bridge of the Fairy. So sequestered
is this spot—for it is some distance from any public road—that the little
bridge, though well known to the country people, is seldom visited by
strangers; and indeed its leafy canopy is so impervious, that, until arrived at
the very brink of the precipice overlooking the dell, it is not possible either
to discover the bridge or to trace the further progress of the river itself,
which, by its tortuous course, seems loth to leave the lovely valley that has
grown rich under its fostering care.
The mountains beyond appear equally unwilling that the beauteous basin
should lose its benefactor; presenting themselves in such confused and
successive masses, and in such intricate forms, as seem to preclude the
possibility of the little stream ever finding its way through them to the
Mediterranean.
Conspicuous above all the other points of this serrated range, is the Pico
de San Cristoval,—said in the country to be the first land made by
Columbus on his return from the discovery of the New World. Certain it is,
that this peak,—called also La Cabeza del Moro (Moor’s head)—can be
seen at an immense distance. I myself, from the blue Atlantic, have traced
its faint outline reaching far above the horizon, when the low land about
Cadiz, though comparatively near, could not even be discerned.
In following the course of the stream, however, I have been carried far
below the Fairy’s Bridge, to which it is time I should retrace my steps. The
narrow little structure serves, at this day, merely as a point of passage to a
mill, situated on the left bank of the rivulet; from whence long trains of pig-
skin laded mules convey almost as constant, if not so copious a stream, of
oil and wine, over the bridge, as that of water which flows beneath it. The
hills that rise at the back of the mill—and which in our more level country
would be called mountains—are clad to their very summits with vineyards
and olive groves—the sources of this gladdening and fattening stream.
There was, nevertheless, an air of solitude, and even of mystery, about the
spot, that greatly excited my curiosity. The reckless muleteers devoutly
crossed themselves ere they ventured to pass over the little bridge; some
even prostrated themselves before a crucifix rudely carved in wood that
stood overhanging it. The more timid goatherds drove their flocks far away
from the holy spot; and those whom I questioned concerning it gave me to
understand, that the less they said and I inquired on the subject, the better
for all parties.
The owner of the mill, without being quite so reserved, was equally
mysterious; saying that, though in this sceptical age many persons were
disposed to regard the wonderful things related of the place as mere cuentas
de viejas—i. e. old women’s tales—yet that he could vouch for their truth,
and, whilst it would be unbecoming in him (as Herodotus said before him)
to disclose all he knew, this much he could say,—that it would be
dangerous for most people to dwell as near the enchanted spot as he did.
“But,” added he, throwing open his shirt and exposing what I learnt was a
piece of a black dog’s skin, that he wore suspended from a rosary at his
breast, “this is a sovereign charm against all manner of witchcraft.”
I afterwards discovered that the olive-grinding rogue was a notorious
smuggler, and kept his contraband goods concealed in what are supposed to
be haunted caverns, under his habitation, secure from the search of
superstitious Aduaneros.[99]
My curiosity still further excited by the difficulty experienced in
gratifying it, I applied for information touching the Fairy’s Bridge to my
friend Don —— ——, who referred me to El Padre Canonigo, Don Apodo
Fulano, adding laughingly, “You will be amused at the worthy father’s
serious manner of relating the story; but I can assure you,—divesting it of
the marvellous,—it is not todo cisco y carbon, como tesoro de duende.”[100]
To the Padre I forthwith bent my steps; and the following chapter
contains his account of the Puente del Duende, which I give as nearly as
possible in his own words.
CHAPTER VII.
LEGEND OF THE FAIRY’S BRIDGE.
“My companions said to me, ‘Do you visit her monument?’but I answered,
‘Where but in my heart should she have a tomb?’”
Arabic Elegy.
YOU must know, Don Carlos, commenced the worthy Padre, “con voz
reposada y clara”[101]—You must know, that the bridge you have just
visited has usurped the name it bears, which was given to a much more
extraordinary structure—if such it may be called—that formerly occupied
its place; or, I should rather say, that was situated near the present edifice;
for the supernatural bridge of which I am about to speak was thrown across
the ravine somewhat lower down the stream; where, as you may have
observed, the cliff on the left bank falls quite perpendicularly along the
river, and is at this day entirely overgrown with ivy.
This bridge was formed of a single tree; a huge acebuche[102]—a tree
often employed as an agent in working miracles—which, having grown for
ages on the brink of the precipice, was one night marvellously felled to the
earth. That it had been prostrated by supernatural means was evident; for
the trunk bore no marks of the axe; and though still adhering to the stump
by the bark and some slight fibres, yet it had been most curiously blackened
and charred; whilst a wild vine, which (having entwined itself gracefully
round its wide-spreading branches) had accompanied it in his fall, remained
unscorched, and seemed to have been purposely left unhurt, to serve as a
hand-rope to steady the footsteps of the venturous passenger over the
tremulous bridge.
The further extremity of the tree rested on a ledge that projected slightly
from the opposite cliff; above which, a fissure in the rock appeared to lead
into a dark cavern. But so curiously was the rustic bridge balanced, that as
sure as any mortal attempted to cross by it to the opposite side of the river,
so sure was he to be precipitated into the abyss below.
It is supposed that this chink in the cliff had served to admit light and air
to some spacious caverns which, in remote times, had been formed in the
rocks, and from which a rude staircase had communicated with a quinta, or
country house, situated in the midst of the vineyards and olive grounds that
clothe the hill side. But of these, Don Carlos, no vestige now remains;
indeed all traces of them were lost soon after the occurrence of the events I
am about to relate.
The last possessor of this villa was a wealthy Moor—Abenhabuz by
name—of the tribe of the Ganzules, and one of the most distinguished
Alfaquies of the proud city of Ronda. To the treachery of this Moor the
capture of the Moslem stronghold by the Catholic kings[103] was mainly
attributed; for the bravery of its Alcaide, the strength of its garrison, and the
triple circuit of walls by which in those days its assailable points were
defended, rendered it too formidable a post even for such indomitable
spirits as Ferdinand and Isabella to think of attacking. But Hamet Zeli,
surnamed El Zegri, the fierce governor of Ronda, dreamed not of treason,
and least of all did he suppose that Abenhabuz, his bosom friend, could
betray him. But what will not envy stoop to do? He was persuaded by his
deceitful confidant that the Spaniards were laying close siege to Malaga,
and that a most favourable opportunity thereby was presented for making a
foray in their country. Sallying forth, therefore, with his brave Gomeles—
the principal strength of the garrison—El Zegri crossed the mountains to the
westward of the city, and fell upon the unprotected country round Arcos and
Xeres de la Frontera.
Ferdinand and Isabella were quickly informed of his departure from
Ronda, and, breaking up their camp before Malaga without loss of time,
pressed forward through the rugged and now unguarded defiles of El Burgo,
to seize upon their prey.
El Zegri, loaded with plunder, and breathing further vengeance, bent his
steps also towards his sequestered fortress; little, however, anticipating the
blow that awaited him. It was only at his bivouac in the dark cork forest
under the lofty Sierra del Pinar that the thunder of the Castillian artillery
burst upon his astounded ear.—He mounted his courser in all haste, and,
dashing forward with mad speed, stopped not until he had gained the pass
of Montejaque. You see it there, Don Carlos, (said the Padre, pointing to a
deep gap in the summit of the serrated ridge that bounds the basin of Ronda
to the west) it is still known in the country as El Puerto del Pasmo del
Moro.[104]—What a sight there met his eager, searching eye! The proud city
entrusted to his care, hemmed in on all sides by Christian lances!—the
sumptuous mosques and stately palaces of his ancestors, crumbling to dust,
under the all-destroying projectiles of the implacable enemies of his creed!
—A cry of rage burst from him; but his prudence even in that trying
moment did not forsake him. Checking his advancing troops, so as to keep
them out of sight of the beleaguering army, he sent forward a trusty
messenger, who, gaining admission to the Fortress, cheered its feeble
garrison with the news of his being at hand, and of his intention to force his
way into the city during the night. But Abenhabuz took care to have this
information conveyed to the besiegers; and El Zegris’ bold attempt was
consequently foiled.
The inhabitants, seeing all hope of relief now cut off, their store of
provisions nearly exhausted, and large gaps formed in the walls of their
until-now unconquered city, deemed it prudent to negotiate for a
capitulation; and the sagacious Ferdinand, aware that El Zegri was still in
the field—that the place could yet hold out some weeks—that his own
supplies might be cut off,—and that to carry the city by storm would be
attended with immense loss of life,—willingly granted most favourable
terms; the garrison and inhabitants were permitted to depart with all their
effects; such of them as chose to remain in Spain having even lands
assigned to them, and being permitted the free exercise of their religion.
But whilst the wily Ferdinand hesitated not to grant these liberal terms,
yet, as in duty bound, he forthwith transmitted to Rome a formal declaration
of his resolve to extirpate the abominable heresy of Mohammed from his
dominions, whenever a fitting opportunity should occur; thus piously
reserving to himself the right of infringing the terms of capitulation,
wherever his doing so should seem most conducive to the interests of our
holy religion.
The traitor Abenhabuz, besides the indulgences granted by the terms of
the surrender, was, as the price of his treason, permitted to reside within the
city, and to retain possession of his estates. But some years after, (when, by
the capture of Granada, the Catholic Monarchs were relieved from all
apprehension of evil consequences ensuing from carrying their long
meditated plans into effect) he, as well as the other Moslems who had
chosen to remain in Spain, was offered the alternative of Christianity or
expatriation. He balanced not in the choice; but forthwith repairing to the
altar of Our Lady of griefs, declared himself a convert to the true faith.
In consequence of this act—with the piety and generosity which have at
all times distinguished the Spanish nation above all others—the Moor was
graciously allowed to keep possession of the lovely quinta and its
surrounding vineyards; the rest of his vast estates being made over—for the
good of his soul—as an expiatory offering to the chivalric brotherhood of
Santiago.
Abenhabuz retired to his country retreat, accompanied only by his
daughter, the beauteous Hinzára; for his sons—true scions of an Arabic
stock—chose rather to seek a home on the parched shores of Africa, than
abandon the accursed dogmas of their Prophet.
Hinzára was the youngest of the Moor’s children, and the sole issue of a
Christian maiden who had been captured in a foray some time previous to
the fall of Ronda, and who—meditating his future treason—Abenhabuz had
considered it conducive to his interest to marry.
At the period of his expulsion from the city, his wife had been dead some
time, and his daughter had just reached the age when a maiden’s footsteps
most require the guidance of a mother’s care. But Hinzára was a being of no
common order. The rosebud bursting through the petals of its mossy calyx,
spreading its delicious fragrance to the summer breeze, exceeds not more in
loveliness every other flower of the field, than the beauty of Hinzára
surpassed that of all the maidens of the neighbourhood. To you, Don Carlos,
whose eyes are daily feasted on the charms of our comely Andalusians, it
will suffice to say, that in the daughter of Abenhabuz were combined the
regular features and soft expression of the dark-eyed Malagueña; the
blooming cheek and polished brow of the fair Serrana[105] of Casarabonela;
and the form and carriage of the graceful Gaditana![106] Her person, in fact,
was a bouquet, of the choicest flowers culled from this our Hesperian
garden; whilst her mind might be likened to a book, in which, as in the
pages of our incomparable Cervantes, were to be found united the most
brilliant wit, the soundest discretion, the purest sentiment, and the nicest
judgment.
Courted by all the principal chieftains of the day—Spaniards as well as
Moriscoes—Hinzára appeared alike regardless of their adulation, and
unmoved by their importunity. But the Moorish maiden was not insensible,
and—unknown to all besides—had pledged her hand to a noble Biscayian
youth, long the possessor of her guileless heart.
The ancestors of Don Ramiro—for such was her lover’s appellation—
though rich in deeds of renown, had left him little else than an untarnished
sword, to support the glorious names of Segastibelza y Bigorre which he
inherited from them. And besides his poverty, Hinzára had other reasons
(which will be stated as I proceed with my tale) to fear that her father’s
consent to their union would not be easily obtained.
Abenhabuz was, to all appearance, fully sensible of the generosity that
had been so manifestly shown to him; and though now the possessor of but
the few vineyards and olive grounds that encircled his quinta, he was
nevertheless generally considered a wealthy man:—a reputation for which
he was as much indebted to his imagined knowledge of Alchymy, as for the
hords he was supposed to have collected during a long life of rapine and
plunder.
This character for wealth, whilst it excited the cupidity of many, secured
to him the protection of the governor of Ronda, Don Guiterre Mondejar;
who, captivated by the charms of the beauteous Hinzára, hoped, together
with her hand, to obtain, what he coveted yet more, the imaginary treasures
of the Alchymist.
The crafty Moor readily promised him the immediate possession of the
one, and the inheritance of the other; but he had no intention of fulfilling his
engagements. The protection of a powerful friend was needful for a time, to
screen his proceedings from a too-vigilant observation; particularly, since
the establishment of the Holy Inquisition by Ferdinand and Isabella of
blessed memory (here the worthy Father crossed himself most devoutly)
was a thorn in the side of these backsliding Christians that obliged them to
be extremely circumspect; but the implacable Abenhabuz cherished hopes
of wreaking vengeance on those by whom he chose to conceive he had been
wronged; and the Spanish governor was one of his marked victims.
In the prosecution of his horrible designs, the Moor was prepared to
immolate even his own daughter to satisfy his revenge; though this was an
extremity to which he hoped not to be driven. It may, however, be readily
imagined that his stock of parental affection was not very great, and that he
concerned himself but little in his daughter’s affairs. He enjoined her to be
strict in the outward observance of her religious duties, the better to conceal
his own delinquency; but of her actual conversion to Christianity, and her
acquaintance with Don Ramiro, he was altogether ignorant.
For a considerable time, Abenhabuz succeeded, under various pretences,
in deferring the fulfilment of his contract with Don Guiterre; but, at length,
finding his projects of vengeance not yet ripe for execution, and that the
amorous Spaniard was becoming every day more urgent for the possession
of Hinzára, he determined to overcome the few weak qualms of conscience
that had hitherto withheld him from sacrificing his daughter, and intimated
to her that she was shortly to become the wife of the abhorred Guiterre. To
his surprise, however—for it was for the first time in her life—Hinzára
refused obedience to his will. Commands and entreaties were alike
unavailing:—to the first she opposed a calm but resolute refusal; to the
latter a flood of tears. But when the infuriated father employed threats, and
assailed her with invectives,—“Hold!” exclaimed the daughter of the cross.
“Though, in casting off the execrable heresy of Mohammed, I cast not off
my Moslem father, yet in embracing this,” and she drew from her bosom a
small gold crucifix, “I obtained a Protector against all outrage; and should
he at the cost of my plighted word,—my word, for the observance of which
I have pledged my belief in a crucified redeemer—persist in exacting
obedience to his will; amongst the Holy Sisterhood of Santa Ursula shall I
seek, and readily find, a refuge from his tyranny.”
The Infidel was thunderstruck—his rage unbounded. Scarcely admitting
that a woman had a soul to be saved, he had thought it mattered little
whether his daughter was a Mohammedan or a Christian; conceiving that,
in either case, her duty to him prescribed passive obedience. But he had
always imagined that Hinzára’s abjuration of Islamism, like his own, was a
mere mockery, and that he should find in her a willing instrument to work
his purpose of taking vengeance on his Christian rulers. Awakened now to a
sense of his error,—and as he considered of his danger—he feared that she
might, on the contrary, prove an insuperable bar to the execution of his
plans; and he determined to lose no time in removing her.
Dissimulation was, however, necessary. Smothering, therefore, his anger,
he affected to be moved by her tears. He alluded no more to the marriage
contract entered into with Don Guiterre; and, treating her with more than
wonted kindness, lulled her into forgetfulness of his former harshness,
whilst he matured the most hellish plot that ever was conceived by man, to
render her subservient to his designs.
Informing the governor of Hinzára’s determined opposition to their
wishes, he imparted to him the diabolical scheme he contemplated to force
her into compliance; and in the vile Spaniard he unfortunately found a too
willing abettor of his infamous project.
The cavern under the Moor’s habitation contained numerous chambers
opening into each other, the innermost of which was known only to
Abenhabuz himself; the entrance being concealed by tapestry, and closed by
means of secret springs. On the plea of having some repairs executed to the
quinta, Hinzára and her father retired to the subterranean apartments;
Abenhabuz occupying that which communicated with the staircase, Hinzára
the one from which the secret chamber opened; the intermediate chamber
serving as their common refectory.
One afternoon, as the sun was closing his diurnal course, an officer of
the Holy Inquisition, accompanied by numerous Aquazils and masked
attendants, appeared suddenly before the abode of the renegade Moor. The
terrified domestics fell on their knees, repeating their Pater nosters, too
much alarmed to give notice of the approach of the visiters; and the officer,
followed by his satellites, proceeded straight to the entrance of the
Souterrain, and demanded instant admission.
“Who is he,” inquired Abenhabuz from within, “that thus unannounced
requires entry? If his business be of worldly affairs, let him choose some
more fitting time, nor disturb a good Christian at his evening devotions; but,
if aught else, enter—the latch is now raised.” The party immediately rushed
forward, but the superior stopped short at the scene before him—
Abenhabuz, clothed in sackcloth, stretched prostrate on the bare floor
before an image of the blessed Virgin! Beside him lay a scourge, with
which he had evidently been inflicting self-punishment!
“What want ye of me?” demanded the Moor, without rising from the
rocky floor.—“With you we have now no further business, good
Abenhabuz,” replied the officer. “We must however see your daughter—for
such is our duty—though doubtless she follows the example of her pious
father.”—“Hinzára,” said the Moor, “is within that second chamber,”
pointing to the door—then raising his voice, he called out in Spanish
—“Hinzára, my child, open, that these worthy Señores may bear witness to
the piety of Abenhabuz’ daughter;” but Hinzára answered not.
“What is this?” exclaimed the Moor—“the heat of the summer sun has
surely overcome her.—Hinzára, my beloved, open quickly”—but still
Hinzára replied not.
“Force open the door, then,” said the officer, “but quietly—disturb not
her sleep, if such be the cause of her silence. Excuse this apparent rudeness,
worthy Alfaqui; our orders are imperative.”
Admittance was quickly gained, and disclosed to the spectators the
lovely form of Hinzára, extended on a divan, her eyes closed in profound
sleep. Her right arm, passed across her gently heaving bosom, hung over the
side of the couch, and on the floor beneath it lay a book, which to all
appearance had fallen from it.—That book was the Koran!
The exclamations of the astonished spectators, but, above all, the
wailings of old Abenhabuz, soon brought the sleeper to her senses. But not
to detain you, Don Carlos, with superfluous details: suffice it to say, that
further search was made; the secret doorway was discovered, and exposed
to view a small apartment furnished with the Mehrab,[107] denoting it to be
a Mohammedan place of worship.
No one of the assembled group was, or rather appeared to be, so much
shocked as Abenhabuz.—“Father! Father!” exclaimed the frantic Hinzára in
tones of the most piercing anguish:—but, overcome by the intensity of her
emotion, she could utter no more, and fell senseless to the ground.
Happy had it been for the wretched Hinzára had this insensibility to
mundane ills been the perpetual sleep of death! But inscrutable, my friend,
are the ways of Providence! The innocent victim of this fiendish plot woke
only to the torments of the Inquisition!—Oh that an institution, ordained to
effect so much good, should in this instance have been the means of
inflicting such unmerited anguish! But what human works are all perfect?
I must not attempt, Don Carlos, to raise the veil that covered the events
which followed. The disappearance of Hinzára, whose virtues yet more than
her beauty caused her to be universally beloved, excited much solicitude.
But time swept on; and at length all, save one, seemed to have forgotten the
existence of the ill-fated maiden. That one, however, persisted in his
endeavours to trace her out; and, dangerous as was the attempt, to penetrate
even the secrets of the Holy Inquisition. But all his efforts were unavailing.
Still, however, Ramiro clung to the idea that she had not been removed
from Ronda; and despising the alluring prospects of wealth and distinction,
at that time held out by the discovery of a new world, he remained rooted to
the spot. At length his sad presentiment was but too truly realized. A
mysteriously-worded billet, left by an unknown hand, warned him of
approaching calamity; shortly after, public notice was given that an
execution of heretics was about to take place; and on the appointed day,
headmost of the wretched criminals, and clothed in a dress of surge,
representing flames and demons,—indicative of her impending fate,—was
the hapless daughter of Abenhabuz.
The frantic Ramiro soon distinguished her from the rest. The pile that
was to immolate his lovely, innocent Hinzára was already lighted—the
criminals destined for execution were about to be given over to the secular
power—when, rushing to the feet of the Grand Inquisitor, the proud
descendant of the bluest blood in Spain, on his bent knees, supplicated for
mercy. With the eloquence of despair, he pleaded her youth, her virtues, her
piety;—but, alas! he pleaded in vain!—“Let me at least,” said he at length,
“make one effort to induce her to confess?—my known loyalty—my birth
—my station—entitle me to this boon.”
The Inquisitor was moved;—Ramiro’s entreaties were seconded by a
faint murmur that ran through the crowd; and his request was granted,
despite the frowns of Don Guiterre, into whose hands, as governor of the
city, the condemned were about to pass.
A passage was quickly opened for Ramiro through the dense multitude,
and, amidst loud vivas, he flew to his Hinzára. The maiden’s countenance
brightened at the approach of her long separated lover. Starting from the
posture of prayer, in which she was devoutly attending to the exhortations
of one of the holy brotherhood appointed to the sad office of attending her
in her last moments—yet not without first raising her eyes in gratitude to
the great disposer of all things—“Thanks, beloved Ramiro,” said she, “for
this last, convincing proof of affection! I almost fear, however, to ask—
didst thou receive my message?”—“I did,” replied her lover; “but let me
implore thee, adored Hinzára, to change thy purpose—alas! beloved of my
soul, hope not that thy silence will aught avail thy father. Be assured his fate
is sealed—nay—I know not but that he may already have been sacrificed;
for, during many weeks past, I have in vain sought to gain tidings of him.—
Declare then all thou knowest, and at least save thyself, and me—who
cannot survive thy loss—from the fate that hangs over us.”——“No,
Ramiro,” replied the maiden, in slow but steady accents, “my resolve is
fixed. Since there is yet a chance of saving my father, we must part—let us
hope to meet again hereafter.—I trust thou hast been able to comply with
my desire?”—He motioned assent.—“Then Heaven bless thee, dearest
Ramiro! as thou lovest me, obey my last injunctions—return not evil for
evil—there is another and a better world—risk not our chance of possessing
in it the happiness denied to us here.”
One moment of human weakness succeeded—it was but one—Hinzára’s
head fell upon her lover’s breast—her bloodless lips met his for the first—
the last time. Recovering herself quickly, “Now, beloved,” she exclaimed,
“thy promise!—and thou, oh blessed Saviour, before whose holy image I
now, on bended knees, offer up my last supplication!—who seest the pile
already laid to torment with infamous publicity thy too weak servant!—
plead, oh plead forgiveness for this act, which hastens me, by but a few
short moments, into the presence of an omnipotent, all-merciful creator!”
Ramiro listened to the words of the prostrate maiden with intense and
agonised attention, and at the conclusion of her short but earnest prayer
drew from his breast a glittering poignard—Hinzára snatched it hastily from
his hand,—and the next moment fell a corpse at his feet!
The horror of the spectators, at this unlooked-for termination of
Ramiro’s interference—the consternation of the officials of the Holy
Inquisition—the rage and invectives of the Governor—were such that,
amidst the general confusion which ensued, Ramiro, snatching the poignard
from the reeking body of his mistress, darted through the crowd, and
effected his escape.—Don Guiterre vented his impotent rage on the lifeless
body of his victim, by having it burnt, amidst the groans and indignant cries
of the assembled multitude.
Every attempt to trace the flight of Don Ramiro failed; but information
was eventually received, that an individual answering his description had
embarked at Malaga, in a vessel bound to some Italian port.
The excitement caused by this tragic affair gradually subsided. Years
rolled on—Abenhabuz was never again seen—and the fate of his daughter
was nearly forgotten;—when one morning the Governor of Ronda was no
where to be found. Diligent search was of course made, and at length his
corpse was discovered in the rocky bed of the Guadiaro, immediately
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More Than The Sum Of The Parts Complexity In Physics And Beyond Helmut Satz

  • 1. More Than The Sum Of The Parts Complexity In Physics And Beyond Helmut Satz download https://ebookbell.com/product/more-than-the-sum-of-the-parts- complexity-in-physics-and-beyond-helmut-satz-43775888 Explore and download more ebooks at ebookbell.com
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  • 6. More than the Sum of the Parts
  • 8. More than the Sum of the Parts Complexity in Physics and Beyond HELMUT SATZ University of Bielefeld, Germany
  • 9. Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Helmut Satz 2022 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2022930086 ISBN 978–0–19–286417–8 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192864178.001.0001 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
  • 10. The laws of physics are simple, but nature is complex. Per Bak How Nature Works, 1996
  • 12. Contents 1. Introduction 1 2. The Flow of Time 10 3. Global Connections 21 4. The Nature of Forces 27 5. The Formation of Structure 40 6. The Energy of Space 47 7. Critical Behavior 59 8. Self-Organized Criticality 72 9. Fractal Dimensions 78 10. Bifurcation and Chaos 85 11. Brownian Motion 97 12. Turbulence and Convection 105 13. Intermittency 116 14. Words and Numbers 121 15. Quantum Complexity 127 16. Conclusion 136 Bibliography 139 Person Index 141 Subject Index 143
  • 13. Preface Much of our natural science is based on the supposition that the whole is the sum of its parts. This assumption has in fact worked amazingly well and has provided us with a body of scientific knowledge on which much of our modern world is based. In recent years, however, it has become more and more evident that there is an immense number of phenomena for which this assumption does not hold. For many years, we got along by saying “let us assume the state to be in equilibrium” or “let us assume motion without friction”, and more. Today we see that all the neglected phenomena form a new field of study, complexity, which is as great or greater than that considered so far in our conventional natural science. Moreover, there turns out to be a considerable degree of universal- ity for complex phenomena: complexity is observed in a vast variety of phenomena in nature. In conventional physics, many concepts are appli- cable only to issues that arise there, and to not much more. On the other hand, the behavior observed for the onset of criticality, leading to corre- lations between even very distant constituents—this behavior arises not only in the study of magnetism in condensed matter physics, but as well in the cosmology of the early universe and in the formation of flocks of birds. Related patterns are found in economic developments, stock mar- ket fluctuations, population growth, the spread of diseases. And by now, critical behavior has also become a part of conventional physics. Not surprisingly, this had led to the appearance of complexity theory as a new field of research, with new fundamental concepts, such as emer- gence, self-organization, bifurcation, and more. This book is not meant as an introduction to complexity theory—for that, we refer a number of excellent works listed in the bibliography. Our aim here is to illus- trate a variety of different phenomena in nature for which conventional science cannot give a satisfactory account, and to show that they gener- ally arise as a result of collective many-body interactions. In some cases, these could be codified into aspects of an emergent complexity theory,
  • 14. preface ix in others not. Another possible subtitle for the book would thus be “un- conventional physics”. My aim is more to describe, to point out, rather than to strive for a general theory. The many-faceted picture presented by the different phenomena will hopefully serve as a challenge to future scientists, and to them I leave the formulation of a possible science of complexity. The presentation here will be restricted to phenomena encountered in nature, to questions addressed to natural science. We will not consider issues in sociology, politics or economy; these are clearly well outside the range of competence of a theoretical physicist, even if and when they lead to fluctuation patterns not unlike those in physics. Nevertheless, with complexity being such a novel subject, mathematicians, physicists, and others, can well provide essential contributions to its understanding and its future development. Crucial steps—critical behavior (Ken Wil- son), the approach to chaos (Mitchell Feigenbaum) and self-organization (Per Bak), came from physicists. Different views of the subject come from different orientations, and mine in certainly that of a physicist. In any case, the field thus is far from closed, and so I dare to give this pre- sentation, although the subject of the book overlaps only partially with my own field of work, the thermodynamics of strong interactions. In re- cent years, however, complexity has been found to play an increasing role also here, and besides this, I have, been in touch with the topic and its initiators for many years. The development of physics is quite naturally associated with the names of those who brought about the crucial changes—Galileo, Newton, Maxwell, Boltzmann, Planck, Einstein and more. The new paradigms associated with the physics of complex systems have not yet made their pioneering inventors well-known to the general public. In line with showing how the study of complex systems is changing our thinking, it therefore seems natural to point out who started it all. My private, physics-oriented list starts with the three names already men- tioned: Kenneth Wilson, Mitchell Feigenbaum and Per Bak; it continues with many more, of course. These three have pointed out the road in physics which we now follow, and although they are all no longer with us, I have known all of them personally. So in a way, this is my memorial for them.
  • 15. x preface The book is meant for a general audience, interested in the new per- spectives opening up now in the study of systems consisting of many similar or identical constituents. It is not a treatise, but rather an attempt to convey the discovery that a great variety of such systems lead to novel behavior due to collective interactions of the parts, that the whole is more than the sum of the parts. References for additional reading, general developments and further information are provided in the bibliography at the end of the book. In particular, I include here presentations of the status of the rapidly grow- ing theory of complexity. Besides this list of general as well as specific references, I cite in addition at the end of several chapters some books or articles of particular relevance for the specific topic of that chapter. One topic which is quite closely related to the present work is the structure of animal swarms; this is indeed quite similar to that of many-body systems is physics. I have not included it here, since it is covered in detail in my recent book “The Rules of the Flock”, which was published last year by Oxford University Press. I had the pleasure of discussing different aspects of the topic with var- ious colleagues, and so my thanks for stimulating remarks go to Andrzej Bialas (Krakow), Philippe Blanchard (Bielefeld), Paolo Castorina (Cata- nia) and Frithjof Karsch (Bielefeld). And I much appreciate notes by Shaun Bullett (London) and Bob Doyle (Harvard). Without the inter- ference of Corona I could perhaps have had the pleasure of discussing with them in person. I hope that the future will bring such possibilities back. I dedicate this book to the memory of my wife Karin. Bielefeld, November 2021 Helmut Satz
  • 16. 1 Introduction Du siehst den Wald vor lauter Bäumen nicht. (You don’t see the forest because of all the trees.) German proverb Divide and Conquer From cave drawings to space telescopes, mankind has always, in one way or another, tried to figure out the world in which we live. We want to understand what things are made of, how they function, what different forms they can take, and what the forces are that they experience. For the past two millennia and more, the physical sciences, with much help from mathematics, have developed an extremely successful approach to addressing and answering these questions, best summarized in the old Roman advice “divide and conquer.” Instead of looking at the com- plex overall picture, we single out a small part of the whole and try to understand its workings. If we succeed, we then put many such parts together to arrive at an understanding of the larger scene. This philos- ophy started in ancient Greece, when the idea of atoms was introduced as the ultimate building blocks of matter, and the multi-faceted world was attributed to the different ways these constituents were put together. The approach of reduction to ultimate parts has, over the past centuries, led to a well-defined atomic structure, first with atoms made of nuclei and electrons, though the nuclei were then found to consist of nucleons (protons and neutrons), and these in turn of quarks. The interaction be- tween the different constituents is mediated by electromagnetic as well as strong and weak nuclear forces, and in the past few decades, it has
  • 17. 2 more than the sum of the parts become possible to combine all the components and the corresponding forces into one unified description, the so-called standard model of ele- mentary particle physics—the closest to a “world formula” that we have ever had. The only force which has so far resisted a final unification with those of the standard model is gravity. In spite of many attempts by some of the most prominent physicists, such a “theory of everything” is still missing. Very recently, in fact, it has been suggested that the reason for this might be that gravity is of a fundamentally different nature from the other forces; we shall come back to this truly new view of things later. Philosophers in ancient Greece provided not only the start of reductionism—they also warned that there are limits to this way of thinking. This is perhaps best summarized by Aristotle, when he noted that the whole is more than just the sum of its parts. In the process of reduction to ultimate constituents some of the features of the whole will necessarily be lost, and it is not clear if the specific way in which we subsequently recombine things will lead back to what we started with. Reduction and recombination are the yin and yang of the world, complementary but opposing, and understanding one does not imply understanding the other. The success of reductionism has for many years overshadowed the other side of the coin: if we have the building blocks, how can they be put together, and what can be built from them? The knowledge of the structure of the atom still left most of the behavior of bulk matter un- explained, just as the anatomy of a bird tells us little about the behavior of flocks of birds. In many forms of matter, constituents separated far from each other are completely uncorrelated, and idealized systems of this kind can indeed be taken apart and recombined, in order to account for much of the observed behavior. For them, and as we shall see, only for them, the whole is simply the sum of the parts. The Onset of Complexity At the transition points from one state of matter to another, for evapora- tion, melting, freezing and more, this reductionism ends; the system now refuses to be divided into independent subsystems—distant constituents
  • 18. introduction 3 are now connected, everything becomes correlated. Physicists, irritated by this complication, called it critical behavior. Today we realize that there are more and more phenomena that make sense only when sys- tems of many constituents undergo such devious doings. A single atom cannot freeze or evaporate. Such phenomena signal the beginning of complexity; the whole is now definitely more than the sum of its parts. It has thus become more and more evident that an understanding of the nature of elementary particles and the forces between them, the ultimate reductionist world formula, the “theory of everything,” is not sufficient for a full understanding of the behavior of systems of very many such particles. The opposite approach, the combination of con- stituents to form complex systems, turns out to have its own distinct laws; moreover, these often depend very little on the nature of the constituents and their interactions, and they thus are generally quite universal. The magnetization of iron, the condensation of a gas, the formation of a galaxy, or even that of a flock of birds—these all lead to very similar structural patterns. In this sense, the truly new physics in the past 50 years is the universal science of collective behavior, dealing for the first time with systems that are no longer simply the sum of all the smaller subsystems. The formulation of a theory of critical behavior through renormalization, the scale invariant behavior of systems of all sizes, brought the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1982 to the American theorist, Kenneth Wilson. Some years before, in 1977, the Russian–Belgian the- orist, Ilya Prigogine, had already received this Prize for showing that dissipative behavior could lead to new collective structures. The world is full of physical phenomena that only manifest themselves in many- body systems. Such phenomena are the topic of this book, and I want to address them in a way accessible to the general interested reader, with a minimum use of mathematics. As you will see, there are times when I have found it impossible to avoid mathematics completely; in the words of a former president of our university, it is the language that God uses when he wants to speak to humans. And as with most languages, even if you don’t understand every word, you can often still follow the ar- gument. The book is not meant as a scientific treatise, but rather as a narrative, telling the reader how the fascinating concepts of complexity emerged in our understanding of the physical world.
  • 19. 4 more than the sum of the parts We should, of course, begin by defining what is meant by complex- ity. Unfortunately, this is harder than it seems, and there are various, not always compatible, definitions. Our starting point is obviously a system of many interacting simple constituents. If the behavior of that system is uniform, if any two subsystems even far apart show the same form of behavior, then we consider the overall system as simple, as opposed to complex. Examples of simple systems of this kind are dilute gases, liq- uids at rest, and crystals. However, they remain simple only if left alone, in equilibrium; introducing temperature gradients, fluid flow, friction, stress and more turns them into complex systems, and it is for precisely this reason that in traditional classical physics such effects were usually assumed to be negligible. Simple systems are generally found to follow deterministic laws in a way that allows unique predictions for the change of state under a slight change of control parameters. Increasing the vol- ume of an ideal gas leads to a predictable change of its pressure. In simple systems, small causes lead to small effects. In complex systems, the in- dividual constituents are generally also subject to deterministic laws, but collective effects result in unexpected new macroscopic behavior. A temperature change of one degree can turn water into ice. We shall see in more detail that systems of many identical parti- cles can be combined to form different structures, and the transition from one such structure to another leads to critical behavior. More- over, the collective behavior of many particles can produce effective “emergent” forces, which cannot be reduced to a pairwise interaction be- tween individual constituents. These two aspects in a way define the topic of this book: critical behavior and emergent structures in many-body systems. In the past few decades, it has been found that complex systems also show regularities, and even obey general laws. The transfer of heat in liquids shows striking flow effects, from convection patterns to chaos. As already mentioned, the development of mathematical formulations for such phenomena has produced a remarkable universality, with di- verse applications from turbulence in fluids to the evolution of animal populations. It is for this reason that the structure of complex systems is quite often independent of the nature and interaction of its constituents. And there is a limit to the regularities of complex systems: if many-body
  • 20. introduction 5 systems show completely irregular and unpredictable behavior, if even an infinitesimal change of parameters leads to completely unexpected large-scale effects, then we speak of chaos. Simple as that seems, chaos shares with complexity the lack of an unambiguous definition. How do you measure the absence of order? Since complexity is a very new field of research, it deals with diverse phenomena which at first sight (and often also at second) appear rather uncorrelated. For this reason, it seems unavoidable to present in this book an assortment of topics in a rather unstructured way—the logical pattern putting everything “in order” is not yet in place, and remains a challenge to future science. For the time being, we are confronted with a variety of concepts—critical behavior, self-organized criticality, emer- gence, intermittency, scale-free behavior, chaos, turbulence and many more; these concepts are obviously related, but much of the time it is not clear how. I should note here that there already exists a new field of research, called complexity theory. Its aim is the study of mathematical models that describe complex systems, in some cases successfully, in others not yet. We will touch on these efforts from time to time, but the essential aim here is to introduce a variety of patterns of complex behavior found in nature, whether or not we have a theoretical framework to account for them. We want to look at phenomena that are not amenable to a description by the traditional methods of standard natural science, and we want to see if we can somehow begin to understand their patterns, even if we don’t yet have a theory. And to restrict the issue, we shall in- deed deal with phenomena in nature—leaving side questions arising in politics, economics, the stock market and more, questions that involve complexity and that are addressed by complexity theory. We want to look at complexity in nature. Hints of Novel Behavior To introduce the field, we begin with an issue that has been with us for many years. In physical science, we have progressed from the atoms of antiquity to the periodic table of elements, to atomic structure, to the
  • 21. 6 more than the sum of the parts formation of nuclei out of protons and neutrons, and on to the quark substructure of these nucleons. In all of the two thousand years in which this reductionist understanding has evolved, we still have not arrive at a satisfactory answer to the simple question why time in our world, in history as well as in cosmology, has a well-defined direction and never runs backwards. Evidently this is in many ways a much more fundamen- tal issue than the grand unification of quarks and leptons in elementary particle theory—but it is an issue which requires new ways of thinking as well as new empirical input. We shall see that time as we know it arises as a collective effect in many-body systems. Complex systems, as we had noted, very often cannot be separated into uncorrelated subsystems: even distant constituents are somehow still connected. Next we therefore address the simplest possible case of the formation of connectivity: percolation. We shall show that with increas- ing density, even randomly distributed objects undergo critical behavior, from isolated entities to global connectivity. Besides the conventional critical behavior, magnetization, condensation and more, we have in the past few years discovered another, geometric form of criticality. In Asia, this has been present for millennia in the form of the game of Go, but its more general structure has appeared as percolation only some hundred years ago. In its poetic version, it deals with water lilies on a pond. How many randomly placed lilies do we need to have in order to allow an ant to cross the pond without getting its feet wet? Here as well, nature does make a jump, and as the density of lilies increases, suddenly the crossing becomes possible. We shall then look in some detail at the nature of forces in the physical world. Our thinking here is formed by the gravitational force causing the apple to fall from the tree or holding the moon in orbit around the earth. In a similar way, the electric force binds electrons to the nucleus to form atoms, and the nuclear force binds protons and neutrons to obtain nuclei. A force seems to be something like an invisible spring stretched between two (or more) objects, pulling them towards each other, or— in the case of two like electric charges—repelling each other. In recent years, a different kind of force has come into consideration. If a hole is punched into a tire, the air rushes out, as if pushed by some invisible force. But there is no specific force on each molecule of outgoing air: only
  • 22. Another Random Document on Scribd Without Any Related Topics
  • 23. waters poured down from the mountain ravines, formed a lake on its eastern side. But, gathering strength from resistance, the little mountain torrent eventually worked itself an outlet, and now rushes foaming through a deep, narrow chasm, leaping from precipice to precipice, until, the rocky barrier forced, it once more reaches a level country. On either side of the fearful chasm—or Tajo, as it is called in the language of the country—which the persevering torrent has thus worked in the rocky ledge, stands the city of Ronda; one portion of which, encircled by an old embattled wall, that overhangs the southern cliff of the fissure, is distinguished as the Old Town, and as the site of a Roman city; whilst the more widely spread buildings on the opposite bank bear the name of El Mercadillo,[70] or New Town. The present walls of the old town were evidently raised by the Saracens, and no traces are perceptible of any others having occupied their place. Nevertheless, it can hardly be supposed that so eligible a site for a station would have been overlooked by the Romans; and the Spanish antiquaries have accordingly determined it to be the position of Arunda (one of the cities mentioned by Pliny as situated in that part of Bœtica inhabited by the Celtici)—a conclusion which both its present name and the discovery of many ancient Roman inscriptions and statues in its vicinity tend to confirm. Some, however, maintain that Ronda is the site of the Munda, under whose walls was sealed the fate of the sons of Pompey. But the adjacent country ill agrees with the description of it handed down to us; and the little town of Monda, situated near the Mediterranean shore, is more generally admitted to have been the scene of Julius Cæsar’s victory[71]. However the case may be, this city, under the domination of the Moors, became one of their principal strongholds; for having, with various other cities, been ceded by Ishmael King of Granada to the Emperor of Fez— whose aid against the storm gathering in Castille (A.D. 1318) he deemed essential for the preservation of his newly-acquired throne—it was some few years afterwards, with Algeciras, Ximena, Marbella, and Gibraltar,[72] formed into a kingdom for that emperor’s son, Abou Melic; and this prince, passing over into Spain, (A.D. 1331) established his court at Ronda; building a splendid palace there, and, according to the usual custom of the Moors, erecting a formidable castle on the highest pinnacle of the rocky
  • 24. mound. The natural defences of the city were also strengthened by a triple circuit of walls, rendering it almost impregnable. The Moorish name given to the place was Hisnorrendi, the laurelled castle; but, on returning to the hands of the Spaniards, (A.D. 1485) it assumed its present mongrel appellation; in which its etymological claims upon the Celtic and Arabic languages are pretty equally balanced, as the following old couplet partly illustrates;— Y con el tiempo se ha desbaratado El Hisna Randa, y Ronda se ha llamado.[73] The existing circumvallation is very irregular, and embraces little more than the mere summit of the rocky ledge on which the city stands; confining it consequently within very narrow limits. Its length, however, is considerable; and at its southern extremity, where the ground slopes more gradually to the narrow gorge that connects it with the neighbouring mountains, a triple line of outworks continues yet to supply the want of the natural walls which elsewhere render the place so difficult of access. On the crest of the ridge overlooking these advanced works, stands the shell of the capacious castle; or Royal Palace, as it is called. Its solid walls and vaulted chambers denote it to have been a work of great strength. It is now, however, but a vast heap of ruins; the French, on finally evacuating Ronda in 1812, having destroyed the principal part of it. The only entrance to the city, from the country, is through a succession of gates, in the before-mentioned outworks, the last of which is immediately under the walls of the old palace. From this gate, a long and narrow, but tolerably straight street, traverses the city from south to north, terminating at the upper or new bridge, and being nearly three quarters of a mile in length. This street is lined with handsome shops, and from it, numerous alleys (for they deserve no better name) lead off right and left, winding and turning in all directions, and communicating with numberless little courts, crooked passages, and culs de sac; quite in the style of an eastern city. In wandering through this labyrinth, the perplexed topographer is astonished to find a number of remarkably handsome houses. In fact, it is the Mayfair of Ronda—the aristocratic location of all the Hidalguía[74] of the province;—who, proud of the little patch of land their forefathers’ swords conquered from the accursed Moslems, would as soon think of
  • 25. denying the infallibility of the Pope, as of taking up their abode amongst the mercantile inhabitants of the mushroom suburb. The New Town, however, I must needs confess,—despite all aristocratic predilections,—is by far the most agreeable place of residence. The principal streets are wide, and tolerably straight; it contains some fine open plazas or squares; and although the houses are thus more exposed to the influence of the sun, yet, from the same cause, they enjoy a freer circulation of air. The absence of an enclosing wall tends also, in point of coolness, to give the Mercadillo an advantage over the city; leaving it open to receive the full benefit of the refreshing breezes that sweep down from the neighbouring mountains. But, though destitute of battlements, the New Town is nearly as difficult of approach, and as incapable of expansion, as the walled city itself; for, bounded on its south side by the deep Tajo, and to the west, by an almost equally formidable cliff that branches off from it, its eastern limits are determined by a rocky ledge that extends diagonally towards the Guadiaro; thus leaving the access free only on its north side. The ground in all directions falls more or less rapidly inwards; and the town, thus spread over it, assumes the form of an amphitheatre, looking into the rocky bed of the Guadiaro. There are three bridges across the river, communicating between the two towns: the first—a work of the Moors—connects the suburb of San Miguel, situated at the lowest part of the New Town, with some tanneries and other buildings standing outside the walls of the ancient city. It is very narrow, and being thrown over the stream just before it enters the dark fissure, does not exceed forty feet in height. The second crosses the chasm at a single span, where its banks have already attained a considerable elevation, and affords an entrance to the Old Town by a gateway in the N.E. corner of its present walls. The last and principal bridge is a noble, though somewhat heavy structure of much more recent date than the others, and furnishes an excellent specimen of the bold conception and peculiar taste of the Spaniards of the last century. It is thrown across the chasm where its precipitous banks have attained their greatest elevation, and its parapet is 280 feet above the stream that flows beneath, and nearly 600 above the level of the plain to which it is hastening.
  • 26. A bridge was erected at this same spot a hundred years back,[75] which spanned the frightful fissure in one arch, and must have been one of the boldest works of the kind, ever (up to that time) undertaken; since its diameter could not have been less than 150 feet. Unfortunately, the workmanship was in some way defective, (or more probably the foundation,) and it fell down but a few years after its completion. The present structure was then commenced, which, if not so airy and picturesque as the former must have been, possesses the more solid qualities of safety and durability. This bridge also spans the lower portion of the fissure in one arch, springing from solid buttresses that rest on the rocky bed of the torrent. But, as the chasm widens rapidly, this first arch is merely carried sufficiently high to admit of the free passage of the stream at all seasons, and is then surmounted by a second, of the same span but much greater elevation; and the massive buttresses on either side are lightened in appearance by being pierced with arches to correspond—thus making the bridge consist of three arches above and one below. The view from the parapet of this bridge is quite enchanting. The sensation of giddiness that seizes the spectator on first leaning over the yawning abyss, leaves a feeling of pleasureable excitement, similar to that produced by a slight shock of a galvanic battery. The distant roar of the foaming torrent also warns him of his perilous height; but the solid nature of the bounding wall quickly removes all feeling of insecurity, and allows him, whilst he rests against it, to enjoy at his leisure the noble view before him, in which are combined the rich and varied tints of a southern clime, with the bold outlines and wild beauties of an Alpine region. The view looking over the Eastern parapet of the bridge is of a more gloomy character than that from the opposite side, but is equally grand and imposing. In the bottom of the dark fissure—which here the sun’s rays seldom reach—the transparent rivulet may be tracked, winding its way leisurely through the tortuous channel; here and there interrupted in its course by masses of fallen rock, and partially overshadowed by trees and creepers; whilst its precipitous banks, from whose rugged surface it might be supposed no vegetation could possibly spring, are thickly covered with the higo chumbo,[76] (prickly pear) amongst whose thorny boughs numerous ragged urchins may be seen—almost suspended in air—intent on
  • 27. obtaining their favourite fruit. Beyond the dark tajo, the sun shines on the green fields and vineyards of the fertile plain; and yet further behind are the low wooded sierras that bound the vale of Ronda to the north. The City can boast of few public buildings to excite the interest of a stranger. The churches are numerous, and gaudily fitted up; but they contain neither paintings nor statuary of any merit. In the New Town, on the other hand, are the Theatre—a small but conveniently fitted up edifice—the Stables of the Real Maestranza;[77] and the Plaza de los Toros; which latter, though not so large as those of the principal cities of the Province, is certainly one of the handsomest in Spain. It is built of stone, and nearly of a circular form, and is capable of containing 10,000 persons. The roof is continued all round; which is not the case in most amphitheatres; and it is supported by a colonnade of 64 pillars of the Tuscan order. The greatest diameter of the Arena is 190 feet, which is precisely the width of that of the Flavian Amphitheatre at Rome. The internal economy of the bull-fighting establishment is well worthy the observation of those who are curious in such matters; being very complete and well ordered, though not now kept up in the style of by-gone days. The two towns together contain about 16,000 inhabitants, who are principally employed in agricultural and horticultural pursuits; though there are several manufactories of hats, two or three tanneries, and numerous water-mills. Ronda is a place of considerable commerce; its secluded and at the same time central situation adapting it peculiarly for an emporium for smuggled goods; in which, it may be said, the present trade of Spain entirely consists. The vicinity of Gibraltar and Cadiz; the impracticable nature of the country between those ports and along the Mediterranean shore; the difficult and intricate mountain paths that traverse it (known only to the smugglers); and the wretched state of the national army and Navy; all tend to favour the contraband trade; and more especially that of Ronda, where the same facilities present themselves for getting smuggled goods away from the place, as of bringing them from the coast to it. It is lamentable blindness on the part of the Spanish government,— considering the deplorable state of the manufactures of the country; of the “shipping interest;” of the roads and other means of inland communication; and, to crown all, I may add, of the finances,—not to see the advantage that
  • 28. would accrue from lowering the duties on foreign produce; on tobacco, cocoa, and manufactured goods in particular, which may be considered as absolute necessaries to all classes of Spaniards. By so doing, not only would the present demoralising system of smuggling be put an end to,— since it would then be no longer a profitable business,—but the money which now clings to the fingers of certain venal authorities of the Customs, or finds its way into the pockets of the Troops[78] and Sailors employed on the preventive service, in the way of bribes, would then stand some chance of reaching the public treasury. The sums thus iniquitously received (and willingly paid by the smugglers) amounts to a charge of 15 per cent. on the value of the prohibited articles; a duty to that amount, or even something beyond, would therefore readily be paid, to enable the purchaser to take his goods openly into the market. The trade would thus fall into more respectable hands; competition would increase; and the sellers would be satisfied with smaller profits. This would naturally lead to an increased demand, and the revenue would be proportionably benefited. The obsolete notions that wed the Spaniards to their present faulty system are, first, that, by opening the trade to foreign powers, their own country would be drained of its specie, in which they seem to think the riches of a nation consist; and secondly, that the national manufactures would be ruined, if not protected by the imposition of high duties on those of other countries. The fallacy of these ideas is evident; for it would not be possible to devise any plan by which money could be kept in a country, when the articles that country stands in need of are to be bought cheaper elsewhere; and it is futile to suppose—as, however, is fondly imagined—that Spain’s doubloons go only to her colonies, to be brought back in taxation, or for the purchase of the produce of the mother country. As well might we imagine that Zante alone could furnish England with her Christmas consumption of Currants, as that Cuba and the Philippine Islands (all the Colonies worth enumerating that Spain now possesses) could supply her with tobacco, cocoa, and cinnamon. And, as the above-mentioned articles are as much necessaries of life in Spain, as tea and sugar—not to say the aforesaid currants—are in England, the deficiency, coute qui coute, must be made
  • 29. good somewhere; and consequently Spanish money will have to be expended in procuring what is wanting. A much greater evil than this, however, is occasioned by the enormously high duty placed by the Mother Country on these very articles, the produce of her dependencies; so that even her own colonial produce is smuggled to her through the hands of foreigners! With respect to the favour shown and encouragement given to her own manufactures, by the prohibitory duties imposed on those of other nations, it must be evident to any one at all acquainted with the state of the inland communications of Spain, that the country is not in a sufficiently advanced state of civilization to warrant its engaging in such undertakings with any prospect of success. The Factories that are already in existence cannot supply clothing for one fourth part of the population of the country; to which circumstance alone are they indebted for being able to continue at work; for if the number were increased, all would inevitably fail. The same cause, therefore, here also exists, to encourage smuggling, as in the case of the consumable articles, tobacco, spices, &c.—viz. the necessity of finding a supply to meet the demand. It is quite surprising that, for such a length of time, and under so many different administrations, Spain should have continued thus blind to her own interest. But, without going the length I have suggested, much good might be effected, by merely giving up the farming out the taxes and various monopolies, and by putting a stop to sundry other abuses, such as the sale of places, by which the Crown revenues are principally raised. If the present faulty system were abandoned,—by which a few individuals only are enriched to the prejudice of the rest of the community, —numerous speculators would be found ready to embark their capitals in mining operations, in the construction of railroads, canals, &c. which would be productive of incalculable benefit to the country; for, by such means, the produce of the fertile plains in the interior of Spain would be able to come with advantage into the foreign market; whilst the varied productions of this fruitful country, by being distributed throughout its provinces with a more equal hand, would be within the reach, and add to the comforts of all classes of its inhabitants. At the present day, such is the want of these means of communication, that it frequently happens an article which is plentifully produced in one
  • 30. province is absolutely difficult to procure in another. One province, for instance, has wine, but wants bread; another has corn, but not any wood; a third abounds in pasture, but has no market for its cheese, butter, &c., thus rendering the cattle it possesses of comparatively little value. From the same cause, large tracts of land lie waste in many parts of Spain, because the crops they would yield, if cultivated, would not pay the cost of transport, even to the adjoining province; and a prodigious quantity of wine is annually destroyed, (a cruel fate from which even the divine Val de Peñas is not exempt!) because the casks and pig-skins containing it are of more value, on the spot where the wine is grown, than is the wine itself. What remains unsold, therefore, at the end of the year, is frequently poured into the street, in order that the casks may be available for the new wine.— Such would also be the fate of all the light wines grown on the banks of the Guadalete, but that the vicinity of Port St. Mary and Cadiz makes it worth the grower’s while to prepare them with brandy and stronger bodied wines, to bear the rolling over the Bay of Biscay. In an article of produce so readily transported as barley, I have known the price of a fanega[79] vary no less than four reales vellon[80] on the opposite sides of the same chain of mountains; and I have seen Barbary wheat selling at Gibraltar, for one third less than corn of Spanish growth could be purchased at San Roque. This certainly would not be the case, if the riches of Spain could be distributed more easily over the whole face of the country; and since the demand for exportation would thereby be greatly increased, more industrious habits would be engendered, and an important step would thus be made towards civilization. I must not, however, enlarge on this subject; otherwise, (besides peradventure wearying my reader) I shall certainly incur the displeasure of my quondam acquaintances of the Serrania; since any thing that may be suggested to induce the Spanish government to place the commerce of the country on a more liberal footing, would be most unfavourably viewed by the rude inhabitants of the Ronda mountains; who—their present profitable occupation ceasing—would be obliged to take to their spades and pruning- knives, and labour for a livelihood in their fields and olive groves. The inhabitants, however, of the favoured basin of Ronda, would rather benefit by the change; the produce of their orchards being so rare, as to be in great request all over the country. It is also worthy of remark, that, whilst the
  • 31. sugar-cane succeeds on the plains about Malaga, this elevated mountain valley, situated under the same parallel of latitude, enjoys a climate that enables it to produce apples, cherries, plums, peaches, and other stone fruits, that are more properly natives of central Europe, but which can hardly be excelled either in England or France. The climate is also considered so favourable to longevity, that it has become a common saying in the country— En Ronda los hombres de ochenta años son pollones.[81] But although, even on such tempting terms, one would hardly consent to pass one’s entire life at Ronda, yet I scarcely know a place where a few weeks may be more agreeably spent. The Inns are not good; though that bearing the name of the Holy Trinity—to which in my various visits I always bent my steps, until I could find a suitable lodging—is clean, and its keepers are honest and obliging. Lodgings are abundant, and, for Spain, very good; the great influx of strangers during the period of the fair having induced the inhabitants to fit up their houses purposely for their accommodation, and given them also some notion of what English travellers require, besides four bare walls, a roof overhead, and a mattress on the floor; the usual sum total of accommodation furnished at Spanish inns and lodging-houses. The society of this place is particularly good; a number of the most ancient families of Andalusia having congregated here; who, with all the polish of the first circle of Spanish society, are exempt from the demoralizing vices which distinguish that of Madrid and other large cities. It was only on the occasion of my second visit to the little Capital of the Serranía, that I was so fortunate as to be the bearer of letters of introduction to the principal families; and nothing could possibly exceed the kind attentions they pressed upon me. Their friendly hospitality was even extended, on my account, to all the English officers who, like myself, had been attracted to Ronda by the fame of its cattle fair and bull fights, and whom I was requested to invite to the balls, &c., which at that festive period were given nightly at their different houses. Nor did their kindness cease there; for I afterwards received pressing invitations to visit them, as well at Ronda as at the neighbouring watering-places, to which they are in the
  • 32. habit of resorting during the summer months; for the Spanish fashionables —like those of other climes—deem it essential to their well being to migrate periodically to these rendezvous for dancing and dosing. One of the most remarkable as well as most delightful families of Ronda, is that of Holgado y Montezuma. It is lineally descended from the last Cacique of Mexico, whose name it bears, and whose character and features I almost fancied were to be recognized in the somewhat haughty eye, and occidental cast of countenance, of the present head of the family. The lower orders of inhabitants have, amongst travellers, the credit of being a fierce, intractable race; but this character is by no means merited, and belongs altogether to the savage mountaineers of the Serranía. Indeed, these latter hold the industrious artizans, and the peasants of the city and plain, in great contempt, and it is a common maledictory expression amongst them— En Ronda mueras acarreando zaques.[82] This saying originated in the occupation of bringing up skins of water from the bed of the river,—to which labour the christian captives were condemned, when the city was possessed by the Moslems—and still continues to be made use of, in allusion to the ignoble life of labour led by the peaceful inhabitants.
  • 33. CHAPTER VI. RONDA FAIR—SPANISH PEASANTRY—VARIOUS COSTUMES— JOCKEYS AND HORSES—LOVELY VIEW FROM THE NEW ALAMEDA —BULL FIGHTS—DEFENCE OF THE SPANISH LADIES—MANNER OF DRIVING THE BULLS INTO THE TOWN—FIRST ENTRANCE OF THE BULL—THE FRIGHTENED WATERSELLER—THE MINA, OR EXCAVATED STAIRCASE—RUINS OF ACINIPPO—THE CUEVA DEL GATO—THE BRIDGE OF THE FAIRY. THE fair which is held annually at Ronda, in the month of May, collects an astonishing concourse of people from all parts of the country, and offers an excellent opportunity for seeing the peculiar costumes of the different provinces, as well as for observing the various shades of character of their respective inhabitants. The national costume, (speaking generally of it) is, without dispute, extremely becoming; for, not only does it set off to advantage such as are naturally well formed, but it conceals the defects of those to whom Dame Nature has been less kind; making them appear stout, well built fellows—in their own expressive words, “bien, plantado”[83]— when, in point of fact, it ofttimes happens that their slender legs have enough to do to bear the weight of the spare and ill-formed bodies placed upon them. This is very perceptible when, deprived of their broad-brimmed Sombreros and stout leather botines, the peasantry come to be capped and trousered in a military garb. To a stranger, indeed, it must appear that the Spanish troops are collected from the very refuse of the population of the country; so miserable is their look. But the truth is, the conscription (by which the Army is raised) is levied with great fairness; and to the change of dress alone, therefore, must the falling off in their appearance be attributed. The Spanish peasant, moreover, is the only one in Europe,[84] whose tenue is not improved by the drill serjeant; which may be accounted for by his not, like those of other countries, having been accustomed in his youth to carry burthens upon his shoulders. He consequently bends under the new weight of a musket and knapsack, which, so placed, he cannot but find particularly irksome.
  • 34. To return, however, to the crowded city; whilst Ronda fair thus periodically furnishes the occasion for a general muster of the natives of all classes, the Fair of Ronda may claim the merit of holding out to them the inducement to display their figures and wardrobes to the best advantage; and strange are the ways, and various the means, by which the Andaluz Majo[85] seeks to win the sweet smiles or dazzle the bright eyes of his tinsel-loving countrywomen. Amongst the numerous varieties of the genus Majo, that claiming the first rank may be readily known, by the seeming wish to avoid rather than to court admiration. Thus, the rich waistcoat of bright silk or costly velvet, studded with buttons innumerable of the most exquisite gold or silver filigree, is partially concealed, though rendered more brilliant, by the jacket of dark cloth simply ornamented with black braid and tags, which is worn over it; whilst the plain white kerchief that protrudes from either side- pocket requires to be closely examined, to make the extreme delicacy of its texture apparent. Others, of more gaudy and questionable taste, hold peagreens and lavenders to be more becoming; and here and there an ultra dandy may be seen, aping the bull-fighter, and bedizened with gold and silver lace; but he is of an inferior caste, and may generally be set down as a Chevalier d’Industrie. Another class of the genus is distinguished by the glossy jacket of black goat-skin. The wearers of this singular costume are the Ganaderos, or cattle owners; whilst those satisfied with the more humble dresses, of brown or white sheep-skin—by no means the least picturesque of the motley crowd —belong to the shepherd tribe. The breeches and gaiters undergo as many varieties as those above specified of the upper garments; but almost all who thus appear in the national costume wear the sombrero, or broad-brimmed hat with a high conical crown; the Montera—a low flat cap, made of black velvet, and ornamented with silk tassels—being now used only by the bull-fighters, and some elderly sticklers for old hats as well as old habits. Many scowling fellows, enveloped in capacious cloaks, seemed to have no object in view but to examine with searching eyes the persons of the assembled multitude, and to conceal as much as possible their own from counter observation; and some of the savage mountaineers,—whom nothing
  • 35. but a bull fight, or perhaps the hope of plunder, could draw from their mountain fastnesses,—gave evident signs of never before having seen the British uniform. I may observe here, en passant, that a few robberies are generally heard of, at the breaking up of the fair; the temptation of well filled pockets and bales of merchandize drawing all the ladrones of the surrounding mountains down to the high roads. The cattle fair is held on a rocky plain beyond the northern limits of the New Town. It is not so celebrated as some others held on the banks of the Guadalquivir; the narrow stony tracts across the mountains being both inconvenient for driving cattle, and injurious to their feet. Nevertheless, it offers a good opportunity for swapping “a Haca,”[86] though Spanish jockeys—like all others—must be dealt with according to their own proverb —à picaro, picaro y medio.[87] The horses of the South of Spain are small, hardy animals, well suited to the mountain roads of the country, but possessing no claims to beauty, beyond a lively head and a sleek coat. The Spaniards, by the way, have a strange prejudice in favour of Roman-nosed horses. They not only admire the Cabeza de Carnero, (sheep’s head) as they call it, but maintain that it is a certain indication of the animal being a “good one.” I presume, therefore, the protuberance must be the organ of ambulativeness. I was much mortified to find that “Almanzor,” whose finely finished head, straight forehead, sparkling eye, and dilated nostril, I certainly thought entitled him to be considered the handsomest of his kind in the fair, was looked upon as a very ordinary animal. No ai vasija que mida los gustos, ni balanza que los iguale,[88] as Guzman de Alfarache says; and my taste will certainly be disputed in other matters besides horseflesh by all Spaniards, when I confess to having frequently retired from the busy throng of the fair, or abstained from witnessing the yet more exciting bull fight, to enjoy, without fear of interruption, the lovely view obtained from the shady walks of the new Alameda.[89] This delightful promenade is situated at the further extremity of the modern town, overhanging the precipice which has been mentioned as bounding it to the west. The view is similar to that obtained from the parapet of the bridge; but here, the eye ranges over a greater extent of
  • 36. country, commanding the whole of the southern portion of the fertile valley, and taking in the principal part of the mountain chain that encompasses it. For hours together have I sat on the edge of the precipice, receiving the refreshing westerly breeze, and feasting my eyes on the beauteous scene beneath; tracing the windings of the serpent streamlet, and watching the ever-changing tints and shadows, cast by the sun on the deeply-furrowed sides of the mountains, as he rolled on in his diurnal course. All nature seemed to be at rest; not a human being could be seen throughout the wide vale; not a sound came up from it, save now and then the bay of some vigilant watch dog, or the call of the parent partridge to her infant brood. Its carefully irrigated gardens, its neatly trimmed vineyards, and, here and there, a low white cottage peeping through blossoming groves of orange and lemon trees, bore evidence of its being fertilized by the hand of man: but where are its inhabitants? nay, where are those of the city itself, whose boisterous mirth but lately rent the air! All is now silent as the grave: the cries of showmen have ceased. The tramp of horses and the lowing of cattle are heard no longer; the Thebaic St. Anthony himself could not have been more solitary than I found myself.—But, hark. What sound is that? a buz of distant vivas is borne through the air!—It proceeds from the crowded circus —the Matador has made a successful thrust—his brave antagonist bites the dust, and he is rewarded with a shower of pesetas,[90] and those cries of triumph!—I regret not having missed witnessing his prowess! but the declining sun tells me that my retreat is about to be invaded; the glorious luminary sinks below the horizon, and the walk is crowded with the late spectators of the poor bull’s last agonies. “Jesus![91] Don Carlos”—would exclaim many of my bright-eyed acquaintances—“why were you not at the Bull fight?”—“I could not withdraw myself from this lovely spot.”—“Well, no ai vasija que mida los gustos.... You might see this at any other time.” There was no replying to such an indisputable fact, but by another equally incontrovertible—viz. —“The sun sets but once a day.” The Bull-fights of Ronda are amongst the best of Spain; the animals being selected from the most pugnacious breeds of Utrera and Tarifa; the Picadores from the most expert horsemen of Xeres and Cordoba; the Matadores from the most skilful operators of Cadiz and Seville; and the whole arrangement of the sports being under the superintendence of the
  • 37. Royal Maestranza. During the fair there are usually three Corridas,[92] at each of which, eight bulls are slaughtered. A Bull-fight has been so often described that I will content myself with offering but very few remarks upon the disgusting, barbarous, exciting, interesting sport,—for such it successively becomes, to those who can be persuaded to witness it a second, third, and fourth time. In the first place, I cannot admit, that it is a bit more cruel than an English bull-bait (I speak only from hearsay of the latter), or more disgusting than a pugilistic contest; which latter, whatever pity it may occasion to see human nature so debased, can certainly possess little to interest the spectator, beyond the effect its termination will have upon his betting-book. Oh!—I hear many of my countrymen exclaim—“I do not complain so much of the cruelty practised on the bulls, or the dangers incurred by the men. The former were made to be killed for our use; the latter are free agents, and enter the arena from choice. I feel only for the poor horses, exposed to be gored and tortured by an infuriated animal, without a chance of ultimate escape.” Doubtless, the sufferings endured by the poor horses are very disgusting to witness; but it is merely because we see their agonies, that we feel so acutely for them. Before we condemn the Spaniards, therefore, let us look again at the amusements of our own country, and consider how many birds every sportsman dooms to linger in the excruciating torments of a broken leg or wing, or some painful bodily wound, for each one that he kills!—“But recollect,” rejoins my Interlocutor, “recollect the difference between a bird and such a noble animal as a horse!”—Certes, I reply, a horse is a nobler looking beast than a pheasant or a wild duck; but just observe the wretchedness of our own decayed equinine nobility, standing in Trafalgar Square and other rendezvous of cabs and hackney coaches!—Would it not be comparative charity to end their sufferings by half an hour’s exposure in the Arena? I must next throw my gauntlet into the arena in behalf of the Spanish Ladies, who I maintain are vilely aspersed by those who have represented them as taking pleasure in the tortures inflicted on the unfortunate horses, and as expressing delight at the jeopardy in which the lives of the bull’s human persecutors are sometimes placed.
  • 38. On such occasions, I have on the contrary remarked, that they always retired to the back part of their box, or, if they could not do that, turned their heads away in disgust or alarm. It may be said, that they have no business at such exhibitions. Very true —but surely some allowance is due, considering their want of such breakneck sights as horse-races and steeple-chases? And,—apart the cruelty to the animals,—I see no greater harm in the Spanish Lady’s attendance at a Bull-fight, than our fair country-woman’s witnessing such national sports. —The Toreadores[93] are certainly not exposed to greater risks than the jockeys and gentlemen whom taste or avocation leads daily to encounter the dangers of the field, for the entertainment of the public! At the numerous bull-fights I have witnessed—for I must plead guilty to having become an aficionado[94]—I saw but four men hurt, and who can say as much, that has hunted regularly throughout the season with a pack of fox-hounds? or, that has walked the streets of London for a week, since cabs and omnibuses have been introduced? Certainly, it is not unusual to hear female voices cry, “Bravo toro!” when some fierce bull has, at his first sweep round the circle, borne down all the horsemen opposed to him; and then, maddened with pain, and flushed with victory, but unable to attain his human tormentors, (who, in spite of the ponderous weight of cuirasse, boot leather, and padding that encumbers them, always manage to hobble off to a place of refuge) rushes upon the poor blindfold, abandoned horses; which, with just sufficient strength to get upon their legs, stand trembling in the centre of the Arena, quite conscious of their danger, but not knowing which way to avoid it, and thus, one by one, fall victims to the rage of their infuriated enemy.—On such occasions, I repeat, I have heard such encouraging cries proceed from female lips; but he who asserts that they have been uttered by a Spanish Lady can be classed only with Monsieur Pillet, (I think that was the quinze jours à Londres gentleman’s name) who stated that all English Ladies boxed and drank brandy. The most amusing part of the sport afforded by the Bulls is the driving them into the town. This is done at night, and the following is the method adopted. The animals, having been conducted from their native pastures to the vale of Ronda, are left to graze upon the sides of the mountains, until the night preceding the first day’s corrida; when a number of persons—of
  • 39. whom a large proportion are amateurs—proceed from the city, armed with long lances, to drive them into their destined slaughterhouse. The weapons, however, are more for show than use; since the savage animals are decoyed, rather than goaded, into the snare prepared for them. To effect this, some tame animals are intermixed with the new comers on their first arrival; and these, trained by human devices in all the ways of deceit, lead them off to slake their thirst at the purest rill, and point out to them the tenderest pasture wherewith to satisfy their hunger. The unsuspecting strangers, trusting to the pundonor of their new friends, abandon themselves to a Cupuan enjoyment of the delights of this fertile region, and perceive not the host of human foes that, under shelter of the night, are stealthily encircling them. The investment completed, a horseman rides forward to attract the attention of their treacherous brethren, who trot off after him, followed by the whole herd. The rest of the horsemen now close upon their rear, urging the bulls forward with loud shouts and blazing torches; and, following close upon the heels of their leader, the wonder-struck animals enter the town at a brisk pace and in compact order. The cross streets having been strongly barricaded, the avant courier of the Calbalgada proceeds straight to the court-yard attached to the amphitheatre, the entrance to which alone has been left open, and forthwith ensconces himself in a stable. The savage brutes, bewildered by the strangeness of the scene, the blaze of lights and din of voices, make no attempts either at escape or resistance, but, blindly following his track, enter the court-yard, the gate of which is immediately closed upon them. A number of doors are now thrown open, which communicate with a large apartment boarded off into narrow stalls. Into these but one bull at a time can enter, and each of the decoy animals, selecting a separate entrance, is quickly followed by two or three of the strangers. The tame animal is permitted to pass through the narrow passage and escape at the other end; but the unhappy victims of his toils, in attempting to follow his footsteps, find their progress impeded by stout bars let down from above, and are thus finally and securely installed. Under this unpleasant restraint they continue until their services are required in the arena; and during this brief period they are open to the inspection of the curious, who can examine them at their ease from the apartment above, the planking of the floor being left open for the express purpose.
  • 40. When the hour of the bull is come, the front bar of his prison is withdrawn, a goad from above urges him forward, and, rushing from his dark cell into the broad daylight, the astonished animal finds himself at once in the Arena and within a few paces of a Picador’s lance, couched ready to receive his attack. Some rush upon their enemy without a moment’s hesitation; and I have not unfrequently seen a valiant bull overthrow the four picadores placed at intervals round the circus, in less than that number of minutes. But, in general, the animal pauses ere making his first onset—looks round with amazement at the assembled multitude—paws up the dusty surface of the arena—appears bewildered at the novelty of the sight and by the din of voices,—and is undecided where to make the first attack. At length, his eye rests on the nearest picador, and it is seldom withdrawn until he has made his charge. He rushes on his enemy with his head erect, lowering it only when arrived within a few paces. The picador gives point to receive him on the fleshy part of the neck above the right shoulder; and, if his horse be steady, he generally succeeds in turning the bull off. But should the bull, regardless of his wound, return immediately to the attack, the man has not time to resume his defensive position, and his only safety is in ignominious flight. If his steed be quick in answering the spur, he is soon removed from danger, but, if otherwise, nine times in ten both horse and rider are laid prostrate. Whilst in confinement, the bulls are decorated with the colours of their respective breeders (a bunch of ribbon, attached to a dart, which is forced into the animal’s shoulder); and such as appear tame, and hold out small promise of sport, are often “ingeniously tormented” previously to being turned into the arena. I have heard also that it is not unusual, when the circus is small, and the Toreadores are not very expert, to weaken the animal’s powers by letting a weight fall upon his back, so as to injure the spine; but this refinement of cruelty is certainly not practised at Ronda. It doubtless requires the possession of some courage to be a bull-fighter; though at the same time it is to be recollected, that the people who devote themselves to the profession have been brought up, from their earliest youth, amongst the horns of these animals, and have thus acquired a knowledge of all their peculiarities; they are consequently aware, that the bull’s furious onset requires but a little activity to be readily avoided, and they have by long habit become quick-sighted to take advantage of his blind
  • 41. rage, for striking their blow. But, above all, their confidence is increased by knowing with what ease the attention of the bull is drawn off; and no Picador or Matador ever ventures into the arena unattended by one Chulo, [95] at least; who, provided with a gaudy coloured flag or cloak, stands near at hand to occupy the bull’s attention, should his opponent have met with any accident. I once witnessed a laughable instance—as it turned out—of the ease with which a bull’s attention may be diverted. An Aguador, or water-seller, had taken post in the narrow passage which serves as a retreat for the bull- fighters when hard pressed, between the front row of seats and the Arena, and, unconscious of danger, was vending his iced liquid to the thirsty spectators—pouring it with singular dexterity from a huge jar made fast to his back into their outstretched goblets—when a bull, following close upon the heels of a Chulo, leapt the five-foot barrier, and came with his fore legs amongst the front row spectators, but, unable to make good his footing, fell back into the narrow passage. The Chulo, by vaulting back into the Arena, readily escaped from the enraged animal, which, not having space to turn round, face and re-leap the barrier, found himself a prisoner within the narrow passage. Very different, however, was the situation of the venturous Aguador, who, labouring under his weighty liquid incubus, could not possibly have clambered over the fence, even had time permitted of his making the attempt. But, so far from that being the case, the bull having instantly recovered his legs, was coming trotting and bellowing towards him, with the most felonious intentions. The spectators shouted with all their might to the luckless water-seller, to save himself; alas! how was he to do so?—a single glance over his right shoulder convinced him of the vainness of the admonition! Instinct prompted him to run; but escape appeared impossible; for the horns of the rabid animal were within a few feet of him, and every barrier was closed! In this awful predicament, fright made him take the only step that could possibly have saved him—namely, a false one. He stumbled, groaned, and fell flat upon his face. The bull, without slacking his speed, stooped down to give him his quietus; when a peasant—one of the spectators—having tied his pocket-handkerchief to the end of his porra,[96] dangled it before the animal’s eyes just as he reached the fallen Aguador. The enraged bull, making a toss at the new object thus placed before him, bounded over the
  • 42. prostrate water-carrier, without doing any other injury than breaking his jar with his hind feet, and proceeded on to complete the tour of the circus. The fright of the fortunate vender of water was excessive, and now most ludicrous. The liquid poured in torrents over his shoulders and down his neck, leading him to believe that he had been most desperately gored, and that it was his life’s blood which was—not oozing out of, but—absolutely deluging him. He screamed most lustily that he was a dead man; and the spectators, highly amused at the scene, cried out in return, “Get up—get up, or you’ll be drowned!” But, until some of the Chulos came to his aid, and put him on his legs, he could not be persuaded that he had escaped without even a scratch. He lost no time, however, in putting the power of his limbs to the proof, running off as fast as they could carry him, to escape from the jeers of the crowd, who, amidst roars of laughter, shouted after him, “What a gash!”—“I can see right through his body.”—“The Bull is swimming after you!”—“Toro! Toro!” &c. We will now leave the Amphitheatre, and proceed to visit one of the most interesting sights of the ancient city—namely, an extraordinary staircase, or Mina as it is called by the natives, which, sunk close to the edge of the chasm dividing the two towns, communicates with the rocky bed of the river. It is said to have been a work of Abou Melic, the first king of Ronda, and was clearly undertaken to ensure a supply of water to the city in the event of a siege;—the want of this indispensable article being, in those early days, the only dread the inattackable fortress had to guard against. The entrance to the Mina is in the garden attached to a gentleman’s house at a little distance from, and to the east of, the principal bridge. The descent, according to our Cicerone’s information, was formerly effected by 365 steps, cut in the live rock; but, at the present day, it would defy the powers of numbers to reckon them, the greater part of the staircase being in so ruinous a condition as to be barely practicable. I should suppose, however, the depth of the Mina, from its mouth to the bed of the river, is about 250 feet. It pierces the solid rock, in short and very irregular zig-zags, for about two thirds the distance down, when, entering a natural rent in the cliff, the remaining portion is built up from the bottom of the chasm with
  • 43. large blocks of stone; advantage having been taken of a lateral projection, to cover this artificial facing from an enemy’s projectiles. At various levels, passages lead off from the staircase into spacious and curiously arched apartments, to which light is admitted by narrow casements opening into the chasm or tajo. This subterranean edifice is supposed to have been a palace of the Moorish kings. On the side walls of the narrow, crooked staircase, are numerous rudely engraved crosses, which our conductor assured us were wrought by the hands of the Christian captives who, during the last siege of the place, were employed in bringing up water for the use of the garrison, and whose oft- repeated signs of faith, thus lightly marked by their passing hands, had miraculously left these deep impressions on the hard stone. “Nor”—added he—“did such proofs of their devotion go unrewarded even in this world, for their liberation quickly followed; the until then unconquered city having been wrested from the Mohammedans after only a few weeks’ siege.”—The chains of these good Christians were sent to Toledo, in one of the churches of which city they may yet be seen. Various other remarkable legends are related of this wonderful place; which, however, I will pass over, to say a few words of other objects worthy of observation in the vicinity of the city. Of these, the most interesting to the Antiquary are the ruins of the Roman city of Acinippo,[97] which lie scattered on the side of a mountain on the left of the road to Seville by way of Olbera, and distant about ten miles N.W. from Ronda. Some of the Spanish Geographers persist in calling it Ronda la vieja, (old Ronda,) but certainly on no good grounds, since no place bearing the comparatively modern name of Ronda could well be of older date than the present city itself. In the time of Carter, the venerable ruins of Acinippo could boast of containing an Amphitheatre and the foundations of several spacious temples, all in tolerable preservation; but these are now barely perceptible; and the statues, pavements, in fact, every thing considered worth removing, has long since been carried to Ronda. Numerous Roman coins are daily turned up by the plough, as it passes over the streets of the ancient city, and Cameos, intaglios, and other more valuable relics, may be procured occasionally from the peasants dwelling in the neighbourhood.
  • 44. But, though scarcely one stone of Acinippo now rests upon another, still the view from the site is of itself a sufficient reward for the trouble of scrambling to the summit of the mountain; whence, on a clear day, it is said that even Cadiz may be seen. Deep in the valley, on the opposite or eastern side, flows the principal source of the Guadelete, (water of Lethe) which the Spaniards maintain is the real river of Oblivion of the ancients. Where the fertilizing stream flows amongst the vineyards of Xeres, it probably has often proved so without any fable. On the bank of this rivulet stands the little castellated town of Setenil; famous in Moorish history, as having defied all the efforts of the Christians to subdue it, until the ponderous lombards of Ferdinand and Isabella were brought to bear with unerring aim upon its rock-based battlements. A.D. 1484. Within another morning’s ride from Ronda is a very remarkable cavern, in the side of a lofty mountain, about five miles to the S.W. of the city, and known by the name of the Cueva del Gato (Cat’s cave). The entrance to it is some way up the face of a scarped wall of rock, that falls along the right bank of the Guadiaro, and can be gained only by those whose heads and feet are proof against the dizzy and slippery perils to be encountered; the ascent being over a pile of rough granite blocks, moistened by the spray of a foaming torrent that gushes out of the narrow cavity. These difficulties surmounted, the cavern itself is tolerably practicable, and the stream flows more tranquilly, though still here and there obstructed by blocks of stone. After penetrating some way into the interior, an opening of considerable width presents itself, where a ruined building of very ancient date is observable. It is said to owe its foundation to the Romans, and to have been a temple dedicated to the infernal deities. Rumour alleges that in later times it has served as a refuge for banditti. To proceed further, it is necessary to be well supplied with torches: with their aid I was informed the cavern is practicable for a great distance. The stream to which this cavern gives a passage, takes its rise in a wooded basin, situated on the opposite side the mountain ridge, from whence the waters of all the other valleys are led off in a northerly direction to the Guadalete. This eccentric little rivulet directs its course, however, to the south, reaches the foot of a high-peaked mount that overlooks the
  • 45. village of Montejaque, and there, its course being obstructed by the solid rock, betakes itself once more to the earth, filtering its way for upwards of a mile through the mountain, and finally discharging itself into the Guadiaro[98] by the mouth of the Cueva del gato. The Cavern is said to have received its name from the wonderful feat of a cat, which, put into the fissure by which the stream disappears from the surface of the ground, reached the other entrance with one of its lives yet unexhausted. Numerous other delightful excursions may be made from Ronda, up the ravines in the surrounding mountains; and, should the sports of the field possess attractions, the country is noted for its abundance of game of all kinds; from quails and red-legged partridges, to wild boars, deer, and wolves. In following this pursuit, chance one morning directed my footsteps along the edge of the precipice, that (as I have already mentioned,) bounds the New town to the west, and which, describing a wide circle, and gradually losing something of its height, once more closes upon the Guadiaro, about a mile below the city. The space that nature has thus singularly walled in, and sunk beneath the rest of the vale of Ronda, is richly clad with gardens and vineyards; and the little stream, having disengaged itself from the dark chasm that divides the two towns, here once more slackens its pace, to luxuriate under refreshing groves of orange, citron, and pomegranate trees. Arrived, however, at the southern extremity of this basin, the rocky ledge on which I found myself standing again presents an obstacle to the tranquil flow of the crystal stream, and it hurries fretfully through a narrow defile, of the same wild character as that in which it received its birth; the banks being thickly clothed with the endless varieties of the cistus, and shadowed by the dense and sombre foliage of the ilex and wild olive. Beyond this, a glen of somewhat more easy access presents itself, and the river is spanned by a light but firmly-knit arch, that bears the romantic name of the Puente del Duende, or, the Bridge of the Fairy. So sequestered is this spot—for it is some distance from any public road—that the little bridge, though well known to the country people, is seldom visited by strangers; and indeed its leafy canopy is so impervious, that, until arrived at the very brink of the precipice overlooking the dell, it is not possible either
  • 46. to discover the bridge or to trace the further progress of the river itself, which, by its tortuous course, seems loth to leave the lovely valley that has grown rich under its fostering care. The mountains beyond appear equally unwilling that the beauteous basin should lose its benefactor; presenting themselves in such confused and successive masses, and in such intricate forms, as seem to preclude the possibility of the little stream ever finding its way through them to the Mediterranean. Conspicuous above all the other points of this serrated range, is the Pico de San Cristoval,—said in the country to be the first land made by Columbus on his return from the discovery of the New World. Certain it is, that this peak,—called also La Cabeza del Moro (Moor’s head)—can be seen at an immense distance. I myself, from the blue Atlantic, have traced its faint outline reaching far above the horizon, when the low land about Cadiz, though comparatively near, could not even be discerned. In following the course of the stream, however, I have been carried far below the Fairy’s Bridge, to which it is time I should retrace my steps. The narrow little structure serves, at this day, merely as a point of passage to a mill, situated on the left bank of the rivulet; from whence long trains of pig- skin laded mules convey almost as constant, if not so copious a stream, of oil and wine, over the bridge, as that of water which flows beneath it. The hills that rise at the back of the mill—and which in our more level country would be called mountains—are clad to their very summits with vineyards and olive groves—the sources of this gladdening and fattening stream. There was, nevertheless, an air of solitude, and even of mystery, about the spot, that greatly excited my curiosity. The reckless muleteers devoutly crossed themselves ere they ventured to pass over the little bridge; some even prostrated themselves before a crucifix rudely carved in wood that stood overhanging it. The more timid goatherds drove their flocks far away from the holy spot; and those whom I questioned concerning it gave me to understand, that the less they said and I inquired on the subject, the better for all parties. The owner of the mill, without being quite so reserved, was equally mysterious; saying that, though in this sceptical age many persons were disposed to regard the wonderful things related of the place as mere cuentas de viejas—i. e. old women’s tales—yet that he could vouch for their truth,
  • 47. and, whilst it would be unbecoming in him (as Herodotus said before him) to disclose all he knew, this much he could say,—that it would be dangerous for most people to dwell as near the enchanted spot as he did. “But,” added he, throwing open his shirt and exposing what I learnt was a piece of a black dog’s skin, that he wore suspended from a rosary at his breast, “this is a sovereign charm against all manner of witchcraft.” I afterwards discovered that the olive-grinding rogue was a notorious smuggler, and kept his contraband goods concealed in what are supposed to be haunted caverns, under his habitation, secure from the search of superstitious Aduaneros.[99] My curiosity still further excited by the difficulty experienced in gratifying it, I applied for information touching the Fairy’s Bridge to my friend Don —— ——, who referred me to El Padre Canonigo, Don Apodo Fulano, adding laughingly, “You will be amused at the worthy father’s serious manner of relating the story; but I can assure you,—divesting it of the marvellous,—it is not todo cisco y carbon, como tesoro de duende.”[100] To the Padre I forthwith bent my steps; and the following chapter contains his account of the Puente del Duende, which I give as nearly as possible in his own words.
  • 48. CHAPTER VII. LEGEND OF THE FAIRY’S BRIDGE. “My companions said to me, ‘Do you visit her monument?’but I answered, ‘Where but in my heart should she have a tomb?’” Arabic Elegy. YOU must know, Don Carlos, commenced the worthy Padre, “con voz reposada y clara”[101]—You must know, that the bridge you have just visited has usurped the name it bears, which was given to a much more extraordinary structure—if such it may be called—that formerly occupied its place; or, I should rather say, that was situated near the present edifice; for the supernatural bridge of which I am about to speak was thrown across the ravine somewhat lower down the stream; where, as you may have observed, the cliff on the left bank falls quite perpendicularly along the river, and is at this day entirely overgrown with ivy. This bridge was formed of a single tree; a huge acebuche[102]—a tree often employed as an agent in working miracles—which, having grown for ages on the brink of the precipice, was one night marvellously felled to the earth. That it had been prostrated by supernatural means was evident; for the trunk bore no marks of the axe; and though still adhering to the stump by the bark and some slight fibres, yet it had been most curiously blackened and charred; whilst a wild vine, which (having entwined itself gracefully round its wide-spreading branches) had accompanied it in his fall, remained unscorched, and seemed to have been purposely left unhurt, to serve as a hand-rope to steady the footsteps of the venturous passenger over the tremulous bridge. The further extremity of the tree rested on a ledge that projected slightly from the opposite cliff; above which, a fissure in the rock appeared to lead into a dark cavern. But so curiously was the rustic bridge balanced, that as sure as any mortal attempted to cross by it to the opposite side of the river, so sure was he to be precipitated into the abyss below.
  • 49. It is supposed that this chink in the cliff had served to admit light and air to some spacious caverns which, in remote times, had been formed in the rocks, and from which a rude staircase had communicated with a quinta, or country house, situated in the midst of the vineyards and olive grounds that clothe the hill side. But of these, Don Carlos, no vestige now remains; indeed all traces of them were lost soon after the occurrence of the events I am about to relate. The last possessor of this villa was a wealthy Moor—Abenhabuz by name—of the tribe of the Ganzules, and one of the most distinguished Alfaquies of the proud city of Ronda. To the treachery of this Moor the capture of the Moslem stronghold by the Catholic kings[103] was mainly attributed; for the bravery of its Alcaide, the strength of its garrison, and the triple circuit of walls by which in those days its assailable points were defended, rendered it too formidable a post even for such indomitable spirits as Ferdinand and Isabella to think of attacking. But Hamet Zeli, surnamed El Zegri, the fierce governor of Ronda, dreamed not of treason, and least of all did he suppose that Abenhabuz, his bosom friend, could betray him. But what will not envy stoop to do? He was persuaded by his deceitful confidant that the Spaniards were laying close siege to Malaga, and that a most favourable opportunity thereby was presented for making a foray in their country. Sallying forth, therefore, with his brave Gomeles— the principal strength of the garrison—El Zegri crossed the mountains to the westward of the city, and fell upon the unprotected country round Arcos and Xeres de la Frontera. Ferdinand and Isabella were quickly informed of his departure from Ronda, and, breaking up their camp before Malaga without loss of time, pressed forward through the rugged and now unguarded defiles of El Burgo, to seize upon their prey. El Zegri, loaded with plunder, and breathing further vengeance, bent his steps also towards his sequestered fortress; little, however, anticipating the blow that awaited him. It was only at his bivouac in the dark cork forest under the lofty Sierra del Pinar that the thunder of the Castillian artillery burst upon his astounded ear.—He mounted his courser in all haste, and, dashing forward with mad speed, stopped not until he had gained the pass of Montejaque. You see it there, Don Carlos, (said the Padre, pointing to a deep gap in the summit of the serrated ridge that bounds the basin of Ronda
  • 50. to the west) it is still known in the country as El Puerto del Pasmo del Moro.[104]—What a sight there met his eager, searching eye! The proud city entrusted to his care, hemmed in on all sides by Christian lances!—the sumptuous mosques and stately palaces of his ancestors, crumbling to dust, under the all-destroying projectiles of the implacable enemies of his creed! —A cry of rage burst from him; but his prudence even in that trying moment did not forsake him. Checking his advancing troops, so as to keep them out of sight of the beleaguering army, he sent forward a trusty messenger, who, gaining admission to the Fortress, cheered its feeble garrison with the news of his being at hand, and of his intention to force his way into the city during the night. But Abenhabuz took care to have this information conveyed to the besiegers; and El Zegris’ bold attempt was consequently foiled. The inhabitants, seeing all hope of relief now cut off, their store of provisions nearly exhausted, and large gaps formed in the walls of their until-now unconquered city, deemed it prudent to negotiate for a capitulation; and the sagacious Ferdinand, aware that El Zegri was still in the field—that the place could yet hold out some weeks—that his own supplies might be cut off,—and that to carry the city by storm would be attended with immense loss of life,—willingly granted most favourable terms; the garrison and inhabitants were permitted to depart with all their effects; such of them as chose to remain in Spain having even lands assigned to them, and being permitted the free exercise of their religion. But whilst the wily Ferdinand hesitated not to grant these liberal terms, yet, as in duty bound, he forthwith transmitted to Rome a formal declaration of his resolve to extirpate the abominable heresy of Mohammed from his dominions, whenever a fitting opportunity should occur; thus piously reserving to himself the right of infringing the terms of capitulation, wherever his doing so should seem most conducive to the interests of our holy religion. The traitor Abenhabuz, besides the indulgences granted by the terms of the surrender, was, as the price of his treason, permitted to reside within the city, and to retain possession of his estates. But some years after, (when, by the capture of Granada, the Catholic Monarchs were relieved from all apprehension of evil consequences ensuing from carrying their long meditated plans into effect) he, as well as the other Moslems who had
  • 51. chosen to remain in Spain, was offered the alternative of Christianity or expatriation. He balanced not in the choice; but forthwith repairing to the altar of Our Lady of griefs, declared himself a convert to the true faith. In consequence of this act—with the piety and generosity which have at all times distinguished the Spanish nation above all others—the Moor was graciously allowed to keep possession of the lovely quinta and its surrounding vineyards; the rest of his vast estates being made over—for the good of his soul—as an expiatory offering to the chivalric brotherhood of Santiago. Abenhabuz retired to his country retreat, accompanied only by his daughter, the beauteous Hinzára; for his sons—true scions of an Arabic stock—chose rather to seek a home on the parched shores of Africa, than abandon the accursed dogmas of their Prophet. Hinzára was the youngest of the Moor’s children, and the sole issue of a Christian maiden who had been captured in a foray some time previous to the fall of Ronda, and who—meditating his future treason—Abenhabuz had considered it conducive to his interest to marry. At the period of his expulsion from the city, his wife had been dead some time, and his daughter had just reached the age when a maiden’s footsteps most require the guidance of a mother’s care. But Hinzára was a being of no common order. The rosebud bursting through the petals of its mossy calyx, spreading its delicious fragrance to the summer breeze, exceeds not more in loveliness every other flower of the field, than the beauty of Hinzára surpassed that of all the maidens of the neighbourhood. To you, Don Carlos, whose eyes are daily feasted on the charms of our comely Andalusians, it will suffice to say, that in the daughter of Abenhabuz were combined the regular features and soft expression of the dark-eyed Malagueña; the blooming cheek and polished brow of the fair Serrana[105] of Casarabonela; and the form and carriage of the graceful Gaditana![106] Her person, in fact, was a bouquet, of the choicest flowers culled from this our Hesperian garden; whilst her mind might be likened to a book, in which, as in the pages of our incomparable Cervantes, were to be found united the most brilliant wit, the soundest discretion, the purest sentiment, and the nicest judgment. Courted by all the principal chieftains of the day—Spaniards as well as Moriscoes—Hinzára appeared alike regardless of their adulation, and
  • 52. unmoved by their importunity. But the Moorish maiden was not insensible, and—unknown to all besides—had pledged her hand to a noble Biscayian youth, long the possessor of her guileless heart. The ancestors of Don Ramiro—for such was her lover’s appellation— though rich in deeds of renown, had left him little else than an untarnished sword, to support the glorious names of Segastibelza y Bigorre which he inherited from them. And besides his poverty, Hinzára had other reasons (which will be stated as I proceed with my tale) to fear that her father’s consent to their union would not be easily obtained. Abenhabuz was, to all appearance, fully sensible of the generosity that had been so manifestly shown to him; and though now the possessor of but the few vineyards and olive grounds that encircled his quinta, he was nevertheless generally considered a wealthy man:—a reputation for which he was as much indebted to his imagined knowledge of Alchymy, as for the hords he was supposed to have collected during a long life of rapine and plunder. This character for wealth, whilst it excited the cupidity of many, secured to him the protection of the governor of Ronda, Don Guiterre Mondejar; who, captivated by the charms of the beauteous Hinzára, hoped, together with her hand, to obtain, what he coveted yet more, the imaginary treasures of the Alchymist. The crafty Moor readily promised him the immediate possession of the one, and the inheritance of the other; but he had no intention of fulfilling his engagements. The protection of a powerful friend was needful for a time, to screen his proceedings from a too-vigilant observation; particularly, since the establishment of the Holy Inquisition by Ferdinand and Isabella of blessed memory (here the worthy Father crossed himself most devoutly) was a thorn in the side of these backsliding Christians that obliged them to be extremely circumspect; but the implacable Abenhabuz cherished hopes of wreaking vengeance on those by whom he chose to conceive he had been wronged; and the Spanish governor was one of his marked victims. In the prosecution of his horrible designs, the Moor was prepared to immolate even his own daughter to satisfy his revenge; though this was an extremity to which he hoped not to be driven. It may, however, be readily imagined that his stock of parental affection was not very great, and that he concerned himself but little in his daughter’s affairs. He enjoined her to be
  • 53. strict in the outward observance of her religious duties, the better to conceal his own delinquency; but of her actual conversion to Christianity, and her acquaintance with Don Ramiro, he was altogether ignorant. For a considerable time, Abenhabuz succeeded, under various pretences, in deferring the fulfilment of his contract with Don Guiterre; but, at length, finding his projects of vengeance not yet ripe for execution, and that the amorous Spaniard was becoming every day more urgent for the possession of Hinzára, he determined to overcome the few weak qualms of conscience that had hitherto withheld him from sacrificing his daughter, and intimated to her that she was shortly to become the wife of the abhorred Guiterre. To his surprise, however—for it was for the first time in her life—Hinzára refused obedience to his will. Commands and entreaties were alike unavailing:—to the first she opposed a calm but resolute refusal; to the latter a flood of tears. But when the infuriated father employed threats, and assailed her with invectives,—“Hold!” exclaimed the daughter of the cross. “Though, in casting off the execrable heresy of Mohammed, I cast not off my Moslem father, yet in embracing this,” and she drew from her bosom a small gold crucifix, “I obtained a Protector against all outrage; and should he at the cost of my plighted word,—my word, for the observance of which I have pledged my belief in a crucified redeemer—persist in exacting obedience to his will; amongst the Holy Sisterhood of Santa Ursula shall I seek, and readily find, a refuge from his tyranny.” The Infidel was thunderstruck—his rage unbounded. Scarcely admitting that a woman had a soul to be saved, he had thought it mattered little whether his daughter was a Mohammedan or a Christian; conceiving that, in either case, her duty to him prescribed passive obedience. But he had always imagined that Hinzára’s abjuration of Islamism, like his own, was a mere mockery, and that he should find in her a willing instrument to work his purpose of taking vengeance on his Christian rulers. Awakened now to a sense of his error,—and as he considered of his danger—he feared that she might, on the contrary, prove an insuperable bar to the execution of his plans; and he determined to lose no time in removing her. Dissimulation was, however, necessary. Smothering, therefore, his anger, he affected to be moved by her tears. He alluded no more to the marriage contract entered into with Don Guiterre; and, treating her with more than wonted kindness, lulled her into forgetfulness of his former harshness,
  • 54. whilst he matured the most hellish plot that ever was conceived by man, to render her subservient to his designs. Informing the governor of Hinzára’s determined opposition to their wishes, he imparted to him the diabolical scheme he contemplated to force her into compliance; and in the vile Spaniard he unfortunately found a too willing abettor of his infamous project. The cavern under the Moor’s habitation contained numerous chambers opening into each other, the innermost of which was known only to Abenhabuz himself; the entrance being concealed by tapestry, and closed by means of secret springs. On the plea of having some repairs executed to the quinta, Hinzára and her father retired to the subterranean apartments; Abenhabuz occupying that which communicated with the staircase, Hinzára the one from which the secret chamber opened; the intermediate chamber serving as their common refectory. One afternoon, as the sun was closing his diurnal course, an officer of the Holy Inquisition, accompanied by numerous Aquazils and masked attendants, appeared suddenly before the abode of the renegade Moor. The terrified domestics fell on their knees, repeating their Pater nosters, too much alarmed to give notice of the approach of the visiters; and the officer, followed by his satellites, proceeded straight to the entrance of the Souterrain, and demanded instant admission. “Who is he,” inquired Abenhabuz from within, “that thus unannounced requires entry? If his business be of worldly affairs, let him choose some more fitting time, nor disturb a good Christian at his evening devotions; but, if aught else, enter—the latch is now raised.” The party immediately rushed forward, but the superior stopped short at the scene before him— Abenhabuz, clothed in sackcloth, stretched prostrate on the bare floor before an image of the blessed Virgin! Beside him lay a scourge, with which he had evidently been inflicting self-punishment! “What want ye of me?” demanded the Moor, without rising from the rocky floor.—“With you we have now no further business, good Abenhabuz,” replied the officer. “We must however see your daughter—for such is our duty—though doubtless she follows the example of her pious father.”—“Hinzára,” said the Moor, “is within that second chamber,” pointing to the door—then raising his voice, he called out in Spanish
  • 55. —“Hinzára, my child, open, that these worthy Señores may bear witness to the piety of Abenhabuz’ daughter;” but Hinzára answered not. “What is this?” exclaimed the Moor—“the heat of the summer sun has surely overcome her.—Hinzára, my beloved, open quickly”—but still Hinzára replied not. “Force open the door, then,” said the officer, “but quietly—disturb not her sleep, if such be the cause of her silence. Excuse this apparent rudeness, worthy Alfaqui; our orders are imperative.” Admittance was quickly gained, and disclosed to the spectators the lovely form of Hinzára, extended on a divan, her eyes closed in profound sleep. Her right arm, passed across her gently heaving bosom, hung over the side of the couch, and on the floor beneath it lay a book, which to all appearance had fallen from it.—That book was the Koran! The exclamations of the astonished spectators, but, above all, the wailings of old Abenhabuz, soon brought the sleeper to her senses. But not to detain you, Don Carlos, with superfluous details: suffice it to say, that further search was made; the secret doorway was discovered, and exposed to view a small apartment furnished with the Mehrab,[107] denoting it to be a Mohammedan place of worship. No one of the assembled group was, or rather appeared to be, so much shocked as Abenhabuz.—“Father! Father!” exclaimed the frantic Hinzára in tones of the most piercing anguish:—but, overcome by the intensity of her emotion, she could utter no more, and fell senseless to the ground. Happy had it been for the wretched Hinzára had this insensibility to mundane ills been the perpetual sleep of death! But inscrutable, my friend, are the ways of Providence! The innocent victim of this fiendish plot woke only to the torments of the Inquisition!—Oh that an institution, ordained to effect so much good, should in this instance have been the means of inflicting such unmerited anguish! But what human works are all perfect? I must not attempt, Don Carlos, to raise the veil that covered the events which followed. The disappearance of Hinzára, whose virtues yet more than her beauty caused her to be universally beloved, excited much solicitude. But time swept on; and at length all, save one, seemed to have forgotten the existence of the ill-fated maiden. That one, however, persisted in his endeavours to trace her out; and, dangerous as was the attempt, to penetrate even the secrets of the Holy Inquisition. But all his efforts were unavailing.
  • 56. Still, however, Ramiro clung to the idea that she had not been removed from Ronda; and despising the alluring prospects of wealth and distinction, at that time held out by the discovery of a new world, he remained rooted to the spot. At length his sad presentiment was but too truly realized. A mysteriously-worded billet, left by an unknown hand, warned him of approaching calamity; shortly after, public notice was given that an execution of heretics was about to take place; and on the appointed day, headmost of the wretched criminals, and clothed in a dress of surge, representing flames and demons,—indicative of her impending fate,—was the hapless daughter of Abenhabuz. The frantic Ramiro soon distinguished her from the rest. The pile that was to immolate his lovely, innocent Hinzára was already lighted—the criminals destined for execution were about to be given over to the secular power—when, rushing to the feet of the Grand Inquisitor, the proud descendant of the bluest blood in Spain, on his bent knees, supplicated for mercy. With the eloquence of despair, he pleaded her youth, her virtues, her piety;—but, alas! he pleaded in vain!—“Let me at least,” said he at length, “make one effort to induce her to confess?—my known loyalty—my birth —my station—entitle me to this boon.” The Inquisitor was moved;—Ramiro’s entreaties were seconded by a faint murmur that ran through the crowd; and his request was granted, despite the frowns of Don Guiterre, into whose hands, as governor of the city, the condemned were about to pass. A passage was quickly opened for Ramiro through the dense multitude, and, amidst loud vivas, he flew to his Hinzára. The maiden’s countenance brightened at the approach of her long separated lover. Starting from the posture of prayer, in which she was devoutly attending to the exhortations of one of the holy brotherhood appointed to the sad office of attending her in her last moments—yet not without first raising her eyes in gratitude to the great disposer of all things—“Thanks, beloved Ramiro,” said she, “for this last, convincing proof of affection! I almost fear, however, to ask— didst thou receive my message?”—“I did,” replied her lover; “but let me implore thee, adored Hinzára, to change thy purpose—alas! beloved of my soul, hope not that thy silence will aught avail thy father. Be assured his fate is sealed—nay—I know not but that he may already have been sacrificed; for, during many weeks past, I have in vain sought to gain tidings of him.— Declare then all thou knowest, and at least save thyself, and me—who
  • 57. cannot survive thy loss—from the fate that hangs over us.”——“No, Ramiro,” replied the maiden, in slow but steady accents, “my resolve is fixed. Since there is yet a chance of saving my father, we must part—let us hope to meet again hereafter.—I trust thou hast been able to comply with my desire?”—He motioned assent.—“Then Heaven bless thee, dearest Ramiro! as thou lovest me, obey my last injunctions—return not evil for evil—there is another and a better world—risk not our chance of possessing in it the happiness denied to us here.” One moment of human weakness succeeded—it was but one—Hinzára’s head fell upon her lover’s breast—her bloodless lips met his for the first— the last time. Recovering herself quickly, “Now, beloved,” she exclaimed, “thy promise!—and thou, oh blessed Saviour, before whose holy image I now, on bended knees, offer up my last supplication!—who seest the pile already laid to torment with infamous publicity thy too weak servant!— plead, oh plead forgiveness for this act, which hastens me, by but a few short moments, into the presence of an omnipotent, all-merciful creator!” Ramiro listened to the words of the prostrate maiden with intense and agonised attention, and at the conclusion of her short but earnest prayer drew from his breast a glittering poignard—Hinzára snatched it hastily from his hand,—and the next moment fell a corpse at his feet! The horror of the spectators, at this unlooked-for termination of Ramiro’s interference—the consternation of the officials of the Holy Inquisition—the rage and invectives of the Governor—were such that, amidst the general confusion which ensued, Ramiro, snatching the poignard from the reeking body of his mistress, darted through the crowd, and effected his escape.—Don Guiterre vented his impotent rage on the lifeless body of his victim, by having it burnt, amidst the groans and indignant cries of the assembled multitude. Every attempt to trace the flight of Don Ramiro failed; but information was eventually received, that an individual answering his description had embarked at Malaga, in a vessel bound to some Italian port. The excitement caused by this tragic affair gradually subsided. Years rolled on—Abenhabuz was never again seen—and the fate of his daughter was nearly forgotten;—when one morning the Governor of Ronda was no where to be found. Diligent search was of course made, and at length his corpse was discovered in the rocky bed of the Guadiaro, immediately
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