Social Media and the Disciplining of Visibility

Social Media and the Disciplining of Visibility

Activist Participation and Relations of Power in Network Societies

Jakob Svensson

Address: Karlstad University, Box 882, 651 88 Karlstad, Sweden

E-mail: jakob.svensson@kau.se

Telephone Office: + 46 (0) 54 700 1893

Mobile Phone: + 46 (0) 734 434 804

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This research has been made possible by support from the Wahlgrenska Foundation and

Karlstad University (HumanIT and the Department of Media and Communication Studies)

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses relations of power in connection to social media use among middle-class activists in southern

Stockholm. The method for studying these activists is both ethno- and nethnographic, through participant observations

and interviews online as well as offline. The theoretical framework is based on late modern theories of reflexive identity

negotiation and foucualdian theories of visibility and power. The paper locates relations of power in the constant

monitoring, supervision and negotiation of both ones own and others' identity on social media platforms. This

increasing importance of being updated in network societies will be discussed as a form of network logic. Hence social

media usage has not only been about affording participation among the activists in southern Stockholm, it has also been

about disciplining activists to be updated which in turn pushes them to also participate in offline activities.

KEYWORDS

Activist Participation, Discipline, Identity, Reflexivity, Power, Social Media

KEY SENTENCE

The connectedness inherent in the design and use of social media platforms, together with processes of reflexive

connectivity among the activists, lead to instantaneous information about what is happening, which seemed to push

certain activists to respond, react and participate, also in offline events.

Social Media and the Disciplining of Visibility

Activist Participation and Relations of Power in Network Societies

1. Introduction: The Question of Participation and Power in Emerging Network Societies

One autumn evening in 2009 activists gathered to show their support of saving the local bathhouse in the

neighbourhood of Aspudden in southern Stockholm. Many participants had been mobilized because of

information posted on Twitter calling supporters of the bathhouse to assemble outside since the action group

occupying/guarding it, feared police forces were on their way to evict them. Many of the gathered activists

felt they had to participate in order to protest against the municipal plans to destroy the bathhouse and to

show support for the action group. Many had also acted directly upon text messages posted on social media

platforms. This example illustrates not only how social media platforms are used to mobilise participation,

but also how this mobilisation was based on a sense of duty to act upon information, information reaching

people because they had connected to causes and other people on social media. This paper aims at

understanding this process in general, and in particular at discussing social media paving the way for a more

equal participation, devoid of power relations. The use of social media changes both the possibilities and

practices of political participation (Coleman & Blumler, 2009; Dahlgren, 2009; Shirky 2009), but as it will

be argued here, this does not mean that the question of power has become obsolete in emerging network

societies (for a definition of network society see: van Dijk, 2006: 20).

Before addressing power in network societies, the paper begins by making some conceptual clarifications

like, to begin with, how to understand the rather loose notion of participation. It has been a common practice

among scholars to distinguish between narrow and wide definitions of participation (Bengtsson, 2008: 116).

Narrow definitions sometimes include nothing more than casting a vote every fourth year, whereas wide

definitions include all kinds of opinion expressions, from blogging to civil disobedience. Verba & Nie

(1972: 2) add another dimension by defining participation as attempts to influence public decision-makers.

But participation has also come to refer to activities with the purpose of influencing society at large and not

only decision-makers (Esaiasson & Westholm, 2006: 15). I have used these discussions to differentiate

between political participation from within representative democratic institutions (parliamentary

participation), actions from outside the Parliament but with an outspoken aim to influence public decision-

makers (activist participation), and actions from more popular culture sphere, not primarily set up for

political purposes (cultural participation, Svensson, 2011a). Following this differentiation the activities in

Aspudden is activist participation since action took place outside the town hall but with an outspoken aim to

influence the decision-makers assembled in it.

Emerging digital technologies are today claimed to democratise participation, making participation in the

form of expression of opinions and political mobilisation more accessible for a wider range of the population

(Jenkins, 2006; Bruns, 2008; Shirky, 2009). Social media, in particular, has been regarded as an instrument

for political campaigning and mobilising support (Montero, 2009). What often comes up in discussions are

online social media platforms that are not tied to traditional offline media. The word “social” here seems to

refer to the users' ability to influence content, interact and network with others. O'Reilly (2005), claims for

example that for a website to be defined as social media, the user should be able to contribute to the content

of the site. Ellison & boyd (2007) take the definition one step further by referring to social network sites as

practices in which users are able to articulate their social networks and to make them visible through

(semi)public profiles, linking these profiles to other users, the connection of whom will in turn be made

accessible. Thus, Facebook and Twitter are good examples of such social network sites.

The increasing possibilities of user participation and social networking on communication platforms online,

do not only make political participation in the form of opinion expression and demonstrations easier. It has

also been claimed that they change relations of power (Jenkins, 2006; Bruns, 2008; Shirky, 2009). Since the

production and distribution of information is becoming more accessible to everyone, we are able to

communicate directly with one another without the mediation of traditional media. Consequently, some

argue that we are witnessing the growth of a participatory culture that will change fundamentally citizenship

practices (Jenkins, 2006; Bruns, 2008; Shirky, 2009). Dystopian descriptions of an increasingly skeptical,

distrusting and inward-looking citizenry in late modern societies (Boggs, 2000; Bauman, 2001) are today

countered by accounts of a rising network society claimed to flatten out governance hierarchies and to

distribute power more evenly (Rheingold, 2002: 163). In network societies, action coalitions are claimed to

rely rather on loose, non-hierarchical and open communities of participants, often making use of social

media for communication and coordination (Bruns, 2008: 362).

But how can one say anything useful about contemporary political participation, and its intersections with

social media platforms, without lapsing into futurology or engaging in the uncritical painting of democratic

utopias? This paper tries to discuss political participation by conducting an in-depth study of the network of

activists in southern Stockholm, and with a special focus on relations of power. Why is power relevant here?

Accounts of an emerging network society have been accompanied by a considerable number of claims when

it comes to power (Jenkins, 2006; Bruns, 2008; Shirky, 2009). However there is no reason to believe that

increasing practices of social organization in networks will cause a society without power relations (Elias

1939/1998). Rather what we are witnessing is a shift from more tangible and easily observable relations of

more hierarchical power relations, to more non-transparent and complex horizontal relations of power (or

soft power, Bakir, 2010: 7). Since the network implies an emphasis on connections and connectivity between

people, relationships are multiplying (van Dijk, 2006: 24). And if we adhere to a conception of power as

processes that take place between people (Elias, 1970/1998: 115-116; Foucault, 1979/1994: 324), it becomes

interesting and relevant to investigate into power relations in the transition towards a network society in

which relations and connections between people are brought to the fore.

As shall be discussed following, even though participatory practices were tightly connected to the uses of

social media in southern Stockholm, relations of power were still at play. Social media usage seemed to

encourage or even demand a social negotiation of the activist self. Also, by following Twitter accounts,

joining Ning- and Facebook-groups, the activists received updates on the battle for the bathhouse and could,

if possible, engage. In this way, practices of online social networking and communication not only made it

easier to spread information but, at the same time it seemed to push activists to participate. Thus, this paper

will not only echo popular accounts of the mobilising potential of social media usage among like-minded

people. It will also contribute a more critical understanding of activist participation in network societies. It

will do so by theoretically departing from an understanding of our time as late modern, a sociological

framework in which contemporary forms of visibility can be connected to power and participation.

2. Theory: Visibility and Power in Digital and Late Modernity

It is common to define our time as late modern in which heightened processes of identity and

individualisation are central (Giddens, 1991; Beck, 1995; Bauman, 2001). Individualisation refers to lacking

a sense of social belonging, a process in which communities, personal relationships, social forms and

commitments are less bound by history, place and tradition. In other words, the collective and the traditional

have faded in importance in favour of the individual identity formation project (Giddens, 1991). This

emphasis of one's self, as something that can be constructed and managed, bears upon the individual to such

a degree that the self becomes a reflexive project, i.e. we are always considering ourselves from different

perspectives (ibid.: 32).

The above mentioned processes of reflexive individualisation are increasingly taking place in public. Public

display of identity was already noted by Arendt (1998/1958: 41, 49) who conceived the public realm in

ancient Greece as a place for individuality and permeated by a spirit where everybody had to distinguish

him- or herself. Today such practices have moved online. Questions such as who to message, whose posting

to comment on, or how to respond to messages and postings, are used by people as raw material in their

identity work (Rheingold, 2002: 25). Hence, social changes towards individualisation are intertwined with

the technological shift towards digitalisation. Today social media platforms have established themselves as

the main loci for mediated communication and socialisation among the young crowd in network societies, in

some cases even overhauling offline spaces in perceived importance (Medierådet, 2010). Hence, social

media platforms alter the way we live and socialise, and are shaping the way things are done, providing

access to information and providing us with new tools for arranging and taking part in all sorts of activities,

encounters as well as social and political agency (Dahlgren, 2009: 152).

The rise of social media platforms has been accompanied by a large number of claims of its impact on

political participation. They have been regarded as tools for more reflexive and identity-based participation

as well as remedies for contemporary disinterest in parliamentary politics thanks to their increasing

affordance of two-way communication, production and distribution of information. Indeed, social media

platforms do seem to afford possibilities for both reflexive identity negotiation and political mobilisation at

the same time (van Dijk, 2000: 36). The paper approaches political mobilisation and reflexive identity

negotiation as two sides of the same coin by suggesting an expressive type of rationality (Svensson, 2011b).

A focus on identity and processes of identification require the expression, maintenance and redefinition of

discourses in order to make participation meaningful and relevant.

In order to discuss participation and power in network societies, it is important to link late modern processes

of reflexive individualisation to the concepts of power and visibility. Power and visibility are implicitly

intertwined with an understanding of rationality as expressive and of participation as motivated by identity

(Svensson, 2011b). This analysis will be made explicit in this paper in order to move beyond the mere praise

of social media platforms mobilising potential for political participation. To achieve the paper turns to

Foucault. According to him, visibility and power have always been connected but in different ways across

times (Thompson, 2001/1995). In antiquity the visibility of the few by the many was connected to power.

However, in modernity being watched is connected to a subordinate position of being disciplined by the

subtle normalising power of the gaze (in schools, armies, hospitals, penal institutions et c.). In digital late

modernity we are participating in this disciplining by free will in order to reflexively negotiate and maintain

our identity and also to secure a place in the social arena. It is not at all clear whether being watched in the

context of social networking is related with exercising power or being subordinate to it. Foucault provides us

a way to approach this question. According to him, the individuals over whom power is exercised are those

from whom the information they themselves make visible is used in order to control them (Foucault,

1994/1973: 84). The central question of deciding what shall be visible and to whom becomes a balancing act

for the user since negotiating a continuous, attractive identity in the network may imply the publication of

information that could be used to control her/him. Numerous accounts of an emerging surveillance society

have underlined this controlling/surveillance mechanism of social media (Andrejevic, 2007). Hence, online

social networking requires a new form of competence in order to manage ones visibility online, and at the

same time avoid being subject for surveillance. Concepts such as online social networking skills and digital

literacy, i.e. how to understand and process meanings of various types of digital content and how to display

information on digital platforms to reaffirm self-conceptions and negotiate status within the peer-group, are

addressing such issues (Hsieh, 2012).

To assess practices of information display online, Foucault's understanding of power in the form of

disciplining offers new insights. He claims that we are in the midst of a disciplinary society (Foucault,

1994/1973: 52, 57). What is constitutive of this society is that power is exercised through disciplining,

normalizing power and the knowledge-power formations that support these discursive practices. The

disciplining of individuals started to be performed by a series of authorities and networks of institutions of

surveillance and correction (Foucault, 1994/1973: 57). Power is understood here as a type of relationship

between people, influencing others’ actions rather than acting immediately upon others (Foucault,

1994/1979: 324). Through this influence, people are disciplined to act in certain ways, which in turn

structure the field of further possible actions (Foucault 1994/1982: 343). Hence disciplining is used to refer

to practices of adjusting activities and behaviours in front of the gaze of others as well as the gaze of one's

self (the gaze of one's self illustrates very neatly what late modern reflexivity is about). These are monitoring

gazes that are increasingly made possible by social media platforms. Foucault’s discussions of power as a

means of discipline can be applied remarkably well in digital arenas. He outlines a form of power that turns

individuals into subjects, tying them to their identity by conscience and self-knowledge (Foucualt,

1994/1982: 331). In other words the late modern reflexive subject is a result of a form of power exercised

upon it. Before applying these theories of power as disciplining visibility on the activists in southern

Stockholm, the paper will next attend to the methodological considerations.

3. Method: A (n)Ethnographic Case Study in an Activist Setting

One day I got a message via Facebook suggesting I should sign an online petition against the plans to

demolish the old community-run (but city-owned) bathhouse two blocks away from where I lived. It was

also suggested that I joined the action group created for saving the bathhouse. Indeed up to that moment I

had enjoyed the bathhouse and the different activities organised therein. Hence, I signed the petition, started

to follow Twitter feeds, joined the Facebook-group and added many of the members as friends. Despite of

the protests the bathhouse was finally demolished. But what remained was a network of activists that later

formed the group SÖFÖ (Södra Förstaden, the Southern Suburb) that has continued to act mostly against

development plans in the suburbs, in order to preserve green areas and playgrounds. SÖFÖ largely consists

of loosely affiliated neighbours, many having kids in the same school or kindergarten or live close to each

other.

The action group has been followed in its crusade to save the bathhouse and their subsequent activities as

SÖFÖ both online and offline since April 2009. Most activities on social media platforms took place during

the couple of months leading up to the overtaking and demolition of the bathhouse. During October and

November 2009, the activists used a Twitter feed mostly to spread information on activities and as a means

to mobilise participation (see the references for a list of URLs). In total, 27 tweets were posted, the last on

November 26th, one day after the police had stormed into the bathhouse. Lengthier postings and comments

were posted on the Facebook-group Rädda Aspuddsbadet (Save the Aspudden bathhouse). The first few

postings on this group date back to November 2007. Activities reached their peak in December 2009 with

142 postings. A core action group of activists of around fifteen people were the most active users. During the

eviction month of November 2009, 135 postings were made by 57 different users, most of whom only made

one posting each, but with one activist making 26 postings.

Some of the bathhouse activists continued to be active through SÖFÖ. Today the board of SÖFÖ consists of

six members with three of them being very active online. The activities on the SÖFÖ social media platforms

have also been considerably less, than during the campaign to save the bathhouse. The group switched to a

Södra Förstaden Facebook-page in December 2010 (even though there are still some activities on the Save

the Aspudden bathhouse Facebook-group). In February 2012, there had only been eighteen postings, all from

the chairperson who uses a SÖFÖ profile to post information, mostly about events and rallies.

SÖFÖ activists are more involved in the Ning-community on which members have their own profiles, can

connect and message each other as well as start discussions, specialised groups, et c. In February 2012 the

community had 159 members. During 2011 thirteen individual blog postings were made, six of which

belonged to the chairperson. 28 discussion threads had been started by fifteen different users and seven

specialised groups are present within the Ning community. The most active group concerns green areas and

exploitation plans in the neighbourhood and has approximately one posting in the discussion forum per

month. The most active section of the Ning community is the event information page where approximately

four events are posted per month.

In this paper the choice to study this network of southern Stockholm activists was made for ethnographic

reasons, as a result of the author having lived and shared experiences with the group and the circumstances

they found themselves in. As a consequence, the results of this study may not be generalised to all forms of

activist participation in all types of settings. Aspudden is a suburb populated by an educated and politically

aware middle class, and when it comes to Internet usage, Sweden is ranked very high (Nordicom-Sverige,

2011). Such contextual circumstances heavily influence the result of this study. But the results will resonate

in similar settings and, not the least, they will contribute with a different perspective on discussions of

participation and power among activists in network societies.

Having been a resident in Aspudden and shared experiences with many of the activists, this study is

ethnographic. Being particularly interested in online practices of social networking and organisation I was

influenced by recent discussions of nethnography, i.e. ethnography online. In a nethnographic study we, as

researchers, are released from the physical place in order to conduct observations in a virtual context on

communities, focusing on user-generated information flows (Berg, 2011). I followed the activists on all their

different social media platforms, took field notes and screenshots once a week or more often when something

particularly interesting was observed. During the peak of the battle for the bathhouse, I collected screenshots

every day and participated in discussions on Ning, Twitter and Facebook, commented on postings, retweeted

tweets, forwarded invitations et c. How has this double role of an inhabitant and a researcher influenced the

study? I have certainly benefited from having access to people and from an understanding of the situation

and issues at hand. Still the empirical material was consciously reflected upon from a more theoretical rather

than personal point of view.

Nethnography works well in combination with a more traditional ethnographic method, especially since the

online and offline world mutually influence each other (van Dijk, 2006; Baym, 2010). This was especially

the case in Aspudden, with the activists using both social media platforms and traditional offline methods.

The online observations and interventions have therefore been complemented by continuous and numerous

offline observations and participations in meetings and rallies during 2009 and 2010. Five more in-depth

interviews with activists were also conducted during late 2010 and early 2011. The selection was made

considering experiences from both core and periphery activists, while at the same time reflecting

participants' differences regarding age and background. I interviewed a middle-aged mother and a female

artist belonging to the core of the bathhouse activist group, a Green Party politician who first joined the

group actively when it established itself as SÖFÖ, a young politically engaged student who did not live in the

neighbourhood but was active during the height of the bathhouse campaign and finally a retired media

entrepreneur belonging to the periphery. In spite of the small number, the interviews made were rich enough

- to provide depth to the study.

4. Analysis: Disciplined Practices of Updating in Southern Stockholm

By observing and talking to activists in southern Stockholm, it becomes evident that they use digital media in

general and Facebook in particular to connect to issues and people with similar opinions. For example, the

student interviewed said that he is against the growth of car use and motor traffic in the Stockholm region.

He has therefore joined several groups on Facebook against highway constructions. Whenever he logs into

his Facebook- account he will be updated on what is going on concerning these issues. Similarly the Green

Party politician confessed that he joined SÖFÖ's Ning- and Facebook- group in order to come into contact

with the group and to become informed about their various activities. From that moment on he was

connected to the cause and information concerning the issue started to flow towards him as soon as he

accessed the internet. Hence, social media platforms seem to be designed for and used by activists to connect

to issues they care for and people with similar interests and opinions. I refer to this as the connectedness of

social media.

The connectedness of social media is tightly intertwined with late modern processes of reflexivity and

identity. Observing the different profiles of SÖFÖ activists on Facebook and Ning, it becomes obvious that

much of what is going on is identity negotiation and maintenance. The groups and forums activists

participate in can all be conceived of as material for their identification processes as activists. This is also

underlined by the student who expands on the importance to join political groups and causes on social media

platforms, not only to get informed, but also to show support, to tell the group that he is with them and to

show to his friends and network connections that he supports this group and this cause. In other words, it

seemed that social media platforms afforded processes of identity negotiation among the activists through its

connectedness. This implies that choices of topics for political participation were reflexively chosen since it

is likely that the activists will make their engagement visible on social media platforms. Hence social media

were used to negotiate and make visible their identity as activists in front of selected others. This publication

of links to other users, groups and causes, freeloading on their supposed connotations to which activists

wished to tie images of themselves, is refereed to as reflexive connectivity (Donath & boyd, 2004).

The connectedness inherent in the design and use of social media platforms and their affordance of identity

negotiation through processes of reflexive connectivity is closely intertwined with practices of

responsiveness. For example, during the battle for the bathhouse, the Twitter-feed served to inform the

followers about what was happening, if for example a new political decision was made or the police had

entered the bathhouse. This information clearly pushed followers to respond and to participate in offline

demonstrations. Supporters of the bathhouse confessed that they felt compelled to come when the action

group called for their participation during the police eviction of activists who had camped inside. One young

mother phrased it as if she had no other choice than to come and show her support for the cause and the

activists camping inside. Similarly, a young student described a kind of request inherent in the information

sent out by the action group. The information implied what she described as a duty to respond. She felt she

ought to go down to the bathhouse and join the activists in order to show them and others her support. The

conclusion is, thus, that having connected on social media platforms to the cause of saving the Aspudden

bathhouse, brought with it a sense of duty for certain activists to respond to the information and requests

generated by this connectedness. In other words the connectedness inherent in the design and use of social

media platforms, and processes of reflexive connectivity among bathhouse activists did lead to instantaneous

information about what was happening on the ground. And for many activists this information seemed to

push them to respond, to react and to participate, also in offline events.

This leads to the practice of updating. When asking the student how he would proceed to change a political

decision or mobilise people regarding a case, he says that he would first of all start a Facebook-group in

order to update his network on what was going on and to see if there was any interest among his connections.

Similarly, a female artist tells me that she uses Facebook because due to her urge to update her friends and

connections about what is going on in her different projects. The importance of updating was also evident

during the battle for the bathhouse. Important documents were uploaded and thus publicised. One activist

read in a politician’s blog that the Sport and Leisure Committee would make the decision during their next

meeting to demolish the bathhouse. This information was then immediately sent out on Twitter together with

a call for an emergency meeting. At that meeting it was decided to guard the bathhouse twenty-four/seven.

From then on, the bathhouse guards started to manage the Twitter-feed in order to update their supporters

and, consequently, send information with the implicit aim of mobilising activists connected to the network.

The previous example points towards updating as a two-way practice. The practice of updating is not only

about informing the network of connected activists of what is going on. It is also about being informed on

what is happening in other networks. For example the student, interested in reducing cars and motor traffic in

the Stockholm region, follows the decision-making processes concerning these issues, especially by

subscribing to blogs and by joining Facebook-groups on this topic. When asking him what kind of

discussions are taking place in these Facebook -groups he says that there are not so many discussions as

there are updates on political decisions and committee statements. He further tells me that he would not have

known about the plans to destroy the bathhouse if it were not for social media. He maybe would have been

able to read about it in the newspaper but he would never have been able to get as much information about

the issue as he got online, information which eventually made him respond. First he attended a meeting and

later he started to follow the bathhouse activists on Twitter.

It thus seems that the use of social media platforms made the engagement of activists easier. By using social

media activists were updated on the different activities in the neighbourhood and could engage if they so

wished. Hence, by being updated, activists also made themselves engage-able. Referring to Heidegger,

Hands (2011: 25) describes this as being on standby. This expression captures well the situation among

activists in southern Stockholm. Many activists were on standby. For example, when asked about his

political engagement nowadays, the student describes it as slumbering, although he follows the debate and he

is updated concerning the issues that are of importance to him as an activist. In other words, he is on standby.

Similar statements were made in all the interviews. This suggests that by connecting and organising through

social media platforms the possibilities to involve activists increase, more so since many seem to be on

standby.

So far the story about the southern Stockholm activists uses of social media platforms resembles previous

scholars claims of the mobilisation potential of digital media (Bruns, 2008; Shirky, 2009). While not

dismissing such claims, the paper takes the argument one step further and relates the practices of updating in

southern Stockholm to the foucauldian theories of visibility and power. The implicit request for response and

action on the updates of the network, commonly understood as the mobilising potential of new media, could

also be understood by Foucault's concept of disciplining discussed in the theory section. As previously

mentioned, to connect to a cause and to follow bathhouse activists brings with it a kind of duty for connected

activists to respond to the information and requests generated by this connectedness. But as updating works

two ways, so does disciplining. Activists were not only disciplined to respond and react to the updates of

their connections, they were also disciplined to be updated in the first place. The Green Party politician

claims that if he is not constantly updated on what is happening on the SÖFÖ Ning-group, it is easy for him

to lose track of the discussion going on there. He admitted that it is sometimes difficult to add a posting to a

discussion thread, and if you have not followed the thread for a while you are left behind. Some activists in

the study described a reluctance to join an online discussion that they had not followed or maybe had not all

the information about. The reasons for this kind of behaviour were that they did not want to risk stating the

obvious or repeating things that had already been mentioned. This reasoning suggests that some activists felt

they had to be updated otherwise their information might not be accurate and they might be left behind.

We should not underestimate disciplining aspects of emerging practices of online social networking. It is

almost as if the connectedness of social media pressured the activists to be updated. When the Green Party

politician talks about the bathhouse blog as something that should be followed, he also implies that he had to

follow it in order to know what happened and to become informed about the different activities around the

bathhouse campaign. In this way, the activists are disciplined to be ready to respond, participate, connect and

update. Such disciplined practices of updating are intertwined with the demand for reflexive self-

presentations in late modernity. The artist, for example, talks about her online channels as something that has

to be used in order to update her network, get things done and earn attention for it. Self-disclosure, to update

the activist network on doings and activities, is thus equally important to gain trust, achieve and maintain

relationships with other activists in the network. This leads to an ever-increasing need for self-clarification,

and social validation, observed through acts of self-disclosure among the activists on social media. Activism,

social media, processes of reflexivity and identity are thus tied together in intriguing ways, which also

include relations of power in the form of disciplining visibility.

When relying on a foucauldian notion of disciplining it is important to also think about what is at stake. In

southern Stockholm this seemed to be the position in the network. For example, the Green Party politician

claims that he had to be continuously updated on the discussions and happenings in the network otherwise

his information might not be accurate and then he would have to renegotiate his position in the network.

Hence, when the activists log on to their computers, it is not only exchange of information that is taking

place when the activists log in to their computers, they do not only exchange information, they are also

negotiating their social place within the activist network. Similarly, the artist argued that she comments a lot

on friends’ postings on Facebook, in order to occupy the centre of attention, a centre that she then uses to

promote different projects and issues that she is involved in. Before taking part in an activity, she makes sure

that her friends know what she is doing and she also checks who else is going to participate in the activity,

adds them as friends and if they already are friends perhaps makes a comment on their Facebook-wall.

Hence, in order to keep her position in the network, she has to connect, respond and update. This highlights

the fact that through online social networking, these activists embedded themselves within the peer group

(see Livingstone, 2008). We are thus talking about identity through connectedness and updating.

Networks of like-minded people have power over our decisions because they work as a kind of filter

(Anderson, 2006: 108). Life choices seem to be multiplying and the responsibility for making the right

choices is increasingly put on the individual when modern institutions loose in relevance. In late modern

societies, every citizen can construct their own custom lifestyle and select their worldview from a large

number of choices (Manovich, 2001: 42). We are thus experiencing an ever-expanding range of elective

identities offered together with the ease with which they may be embraced or rejected. This can be liberating

(Becks, 1995) but also loaded with stress about making the right choices. When tradition and modern

institutions become less prominent we need other guiding mechanisms and it is precisely a this point that our

network connections have influence over our decisions and over us. The network has become an increasingly

important filter, through which the activists organise, produce and share information, as well as conceive the

world. Besides informing us about the variety of choices and what others before us have done with these

choices, there is also peer pressure within social media (Anderson, 2006: 174). Pictures of the likes and

dislikes of peers and like-minded people, together with aggregated past choices and behaviours make us

anticipate our future needs and wants (Hands, 2011: 128). In this way, networks have power over us and our

decisions but they also discipline us into certain behaviour. In the concluding discussion it will suggested

that this could be labeled as network logic.

5. Conclusion: Towards a Network Logic

Late modern processes of reflexivity and identity do not only signify the liberation of the individual from

social regulation of modern institutions (family, church, social movements) but also create a demand for

constructing and making visible our biographies, importing ourselves into our biographies through our own

actions (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, in Leaning, 2009: 76). Hence, the activists in southern Stockholm are

disciplined to both practices of reflexive updating and to being constantly updated. By arguing for the

concept of updating, the aim of this paper has been to relate participatory practices among activists in

southern Stockholm to late modern theories of reflexivity and foucauldian theories of power and visibility.

Practices of updating illustrate types of power relations that reveal themselves in the continuous

preoccupation of expressing and negotiating ourselves and our positions, as well as interpreting others

through the production, maintenance and sustenance of network visibility. Since updating also demands a

level of responsiveness, the mobilisation potential of new media could also be understood from a disciplining

perspective.

The activists in Aspudden were disciplined to update and be updated, and they seemed to do this willingly in

order to reflexively negotiate and maintain their activist identities and also to secure a place in the activist

network. Such disciplined practices of updating took place between activists and influenced other activists'

actions rather than acting immediately upon them. Hence in front of the gaze of others and in front of the

gaze of themselves, they were adjusting their participatory practices. These monitoring gazes were

increasingly created by the use of social media platforms. We could thus understand disciplined practices of

updating as following a kind of network logic, emerging in network societies.

The argument for network logic is based on deductive reasoning; when the overall media and communication

landscape changes, participation will be adapting to new circumstances bringing about new types of political

engagement and citizenship practices. So what is this network logic? In the case of the activists in southern

Stockholm a network logic disciplined the activists to negotiate visibility online and to maintain and extend

their activist network by continuous and reflexive updating in order to negotiate a position within the activist

network. Hence it seems that activists in late modern and networked societies need to master a new form of

sociability. The power of this network logic is manifested in the push/ urge for updating and in the constant

monitoring and negotiation of both one self’s and others' visibility.

It is with this suggestion, understand relations of power in emerging network societies as a kind of network

logic, I wish to contribute to the discussion a more critical lens in order to study and understand practices of

online social networking and to offer a complement to the popular conception of social media as affording

user empowerment. While the internet opens up new arenas of political participation, these arenas are

dependent on the network structure, its constitution and management.

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