Preschool Appropriate Practices Environment Curriculum and Development 4th Edition Beaty Solutions Manual

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9
Children’s spontaneous exploratory interactions with materials
2. The 3-M method for observing
Observing and recording children’s interactions
Making focused observation of specific child in learning centers
Determining at what level child is interacting
Recording child’s interaction level with materials on Child Interaction Form
3. Responding to individual children
Giving child support, encouragement, and direction
Making comments that reflect child’s actions

10
4. Becoming a facilitator of learning
Serving as a behavior model
Letting the environment do the teaching
Show delight in what child is accomplishing
RECOMMENDED ACTIVITIES
1. Small group presentations of end-of-chapter "Try It Yourself" activities. Class
members sign up for one of five small groups and presentation date.
a. Classroom floor plan: Make a large classroom floor plan for your program
showing learning centers arranged according to ideas presented under “Locating
and Spacing Learning Centers.” Present using overhead transparencies.
b. Observe children at mastery level of interaction: Observe three children who
seem to be at the mastery level of interaction with materials. Record on Child
Interaction Forms (Figure 2–1) giving specific details. Also record evidence for
their levels of social interactions. Present with handouts or PowerPoint.
c. Observe children at meaning level of interaction: Observe and record three
different examples of interaction at meaning level. Try to capture on paper or tape
recorder conversations as well as actions. Also record evidence for social
interactions. Present with handouts or Power- Point.
d. Response for manipulative-level children: Report how you responded (or would
respond) to three children at the manipulative level, giving details of your support
for how they were interacting and any new materials you might suggest. Present
with handouts.
e. Response for mastery-level children: Report how you responded (or would
respond) to three children at the mastery level, giving details of your support for
how they were interacting and any new materials you might suggest. Present with
handouts.
2. Field trips to observe two teachers: Observe an early childhood teacher in a self-
directed learning environment and a teacher in a traditional early childhood
classroom. How are their roles different? Refer to tasks of self- directed teachers in
this chapter. Give details of how they handled similar situations. Present using
handouts.
3. Montessori and Piaget: Research information on what Montessori and Piaget had to
say about young children’s repetitive actions. Why did they think these actions were
important in young children’s development? Report on handout giving sources, or
show film.

11
4. Children’s social interactions: Research information on social interactions of
children 3, 4, and 5. Be sure to include information from Parten, Kemple, or Corarso.
How are these social interactions another important indicator of their development?
Report on handout giving sources.
5. Levels of development: Make a chart showing the levels of development of six
children in your classroom. Describe how you were able to determine each of these
levels. Describe how you would set up activities in one or two of the learning centers
to meet the needs of these children. What would your role be in these two centers?
Present using overhead transparencies.
6. Group discussion on media and technology: Members of group should demonstrate
how they would or would not use with children, digital cameras, TVs, cell phones,
CD/cassette recorders, CD-ROMs, CDs, DVDs, whiteboards, and touch tablets, based
on NAEYC recommendations for their appropriate use.
7. View Films: Have teams preview various DVDs or CD-ROMs on observation of
children. Write up critiques. Show films in class and lead class discussion on what
ideas they liked and why.
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. How is the role of the teacher in a self-directed learning environment different from
that of a teacher in a traditional classroom? Which is better?
2. How can we meet the needs of each of the children in our classroom if they are all at
different levels of development? Give examples.
3. How can our observations of children’s interactions with materials in our classroom
help to determine their developmental levels? Give examples.
4. Why do you think both Montessori and Piaget believed that repetitive actions are
important in a young child’s development? Do you agree?
5. As a behavior model for the children in your classroom, how should you act when
children get out of control? Give examples.
MULTIMEDIA RESOURCES FOR VIEWING AND PRESENTING
Appropriate Curriculum for Young Children: The Role of the Teacher (DVD) from
NAEYC (1-800-424-2460). Shows adults’ important roles in helping young children
learn through play and child-initiated activities. 28 min.

12
Children at the Center (DVD) from Redleaf Press (1-800-423-8309). Reflective teachers
shift their thinking and practice to be more authentically child-centered by reconsidering
their environment, routine, materials, and curriculum. 24 min.
Focused Observations: How to Observe Children for Assessment and Curriculum
Planning (DVD) from Redleaf Press (1-800-423-8309). This ﬁlm offers classroom-tested
methods for observing that will help you assess children’s development and develop
curriculum that addresses children’s capabilities. 74 min.
Observation I: The Eyes Have It! (DVD) from Redleaf Press. Explores techniques in
preschool settings to document children’s growth. 27 min.
Setting the Stage (DVD) from Redleaf Press. Shows how children can be observed within
the context of their play and culture. 24 min.
Growing through Play (DVD) from Redleaf Press. Shows how Parten’s stages of play
connect to the learning styles of children at different ages. Real footage of children at
play. 30 min.
RECOMMENDED READINGS
Ahola, D. & Kovacik, A. (2007). Observing & Understanding Child Development: A
Child Study Manual (+ CD-ROM). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson/Delmar Learning.
Anderson, G. T. & Robinson, C. C. (2006). “Rethinking the dynamics of young
children’s play.” Dimensions of Early Childhood 34(1), 11–16.
Beaty, J. J. (2010). Observing Development of the Young Child. Columbus, OH: Pearson.
Carter, D. & Curtis, M. (2011). Reflecting children’s lives. St. Paul, MN: Redleaf Press.
Chatin-McNichols, J. (1992). The Montessori Controversy. Clifton Park, NY:
Thomson/Delmar Learning.
Corsaro, W. A. (2003). We’re friends, right? Inside kids’ culture. Washington, DC:
Joseph Henry Press.
Dombro, A. L., Jablon, J. R. & Stetson, C. (2011). Powerful interactions: How to connect
with children to extend their learning. Washington, DC: NAEYC.
Frost, J. L., Wortham, S.C. & Reifel, S. (2012). Play and child development.
Columbus, OH: Pearson. Kemple, K. M. (2004). Let’s be friends: Peer competence and
social inclusion in early childhood programs. New York: Teachers College Press.

13
McManis, L. D. an Gunnewig, S. B. (2012), “Finding the education in educational
technology with early learners.” Young Children 76(3), 14-23.
Parten, M. B. (1932). “Social participation among preschool children.” The Journal of
Abnormal Social Psychology 27, 243–269.
Piaget, J. (1962). Play, Dreams, and Imagination in Children. New York: Norton.
Shifflet, R., Toledo, C., and Mattoon, C. (2012). “Touch tablet surprises.” Young
Children, 76(3), 36-41.
Vygotsky, J. S. (1978). Mind in Society: The Development of Psychological Processes.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Self-Evaluation
Fill out form at end of Chapter 1.

14
CHILD INTERACTION FORM
Child Observer
Center Date
CHILD INTERACTION FORM WITH MATERIALS
Manipulation Level
Actions/Words
(Child moves materials around without using them as intended)
Mastery Level
Actions/Words
(Child uses materials as intended, over and over)
WITH OTHER CHILDREN
Solitary Play
Actions/Words
(Child plays alone with materials)
Parallel Play
Actions/Words
(Child plays next to others with same materials but not involved)
Cooperative Play
Actions/Words
(Child plays together with others with same materials)

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First
To construct one or two Good Plunging Boats each 36 feet long and 12 feet
wide Boats of this capacity would be Sufficient to contain 8 Men and Air for 8
hours. With Provisions for (paper is torn here) and transport from 25 to 30 Bombs
at a time, their Cylenders Should be Brass and of a Strength to admit of
descending 60 or 80 feet under Water in case of need And they may be
Constructed to Sail from 5 to 7 Miles per hour; here it may be well too proove that
Quick Sailing is not one of the most important considerations in this invention, if
such a boat is Pursued, She plunges under water and as She Can remain under
Water from 4 to 8 hours and Make at least one Mile Per hour She Could rise
Several miles from the Place where She Plunged to renew her air, thus the
enemies Ports could be approached, And particularly under the cover of the Night
Nor do I at Present See that any Possible Vigilence could Prevent these invisible
engines entering their Ports and Returning at Pleasure—

Second
Let there also be Some hundreds of Bombs Submarine Constructed of Which
there Are two Sorts one arranged with Clockwork in Such a manner as to Go off at
any Given Period from 4 Minuets to 4 hours, the Other with a gun Lock as before
mentioned So as to go off when it Strikes against a Vessel or when a Vessel runs
Against it. Each of these carcasses is arranged So as to float from 4 to 15 feet
under water in Proportion to the Water which the Vessels to be attacked Draws,
And in this there are two advantages, the first is that the bomb is Invisible, the
Second is that when the explosion takes place under water the Pressure of the
colume of water to be removed forces the whole action of the powder Against the
Vessel; it was the resistance of the water which caused the Sloop on which I
proved the experiment to be reduced to Atoms; for Water when Struck Quick such
as the Stroke of a cannon ball or the expansion of Powder acts like a Solid, and
hence the whole force was Spent on the Sloop or rather passed through the Sloop
in finding its Passage to the air by the perpendicular and Shortest line of
Resistance—the Same effect would no doubt be produced on a Vessel of Any
dimensions by applying a Proportionate Quantity of powder Such as 2, 3 or 4
hundred Weight,
Therefore being prepared with plunging boats and Bombs submarine let the
business of the boats be to go with cargoes of bombs and let them loos withe the
current into the harbours of Portsmouth, Plymouth, Torbey or elsewhere, those
with their graplings floating under water could not be perceived Some would hook
in the cables, bow or Stern, or touch in their Passage; many no doubt would miss
but Some would hit go off and destroy the Vessels they touched, one or more
Vessels Destroyed in a Port by such invisible agents would render it to dangerous
to Admit of any Vessel remaining. And thus the enemy may At all times be
attacked in their own Ports—and by a means at once cheap, Simple And I conceive
certain in its operation. Another mode Should be to go with cargoes of Bombs and
Anchor them in the entrance of rivers So as to cut off or Blockade the commerce 2
or 3 hundred for example Anchored in the Thames or the channels leading to the
Thames would completely destroy the commerce of that river and Reduce London
and the Cabinet of St. Jameses to any tirms; no Pilot could Steer clear of Such
hidden dangers, no one dare to raise them even if hooked by graplings as they
could not tell the moment they Might touch the Secret Spring which would cause
the explosion and destruction of everything Around them. No Vessel could Pass
without the utmost danger of running on one of them And her instant destruction,
if this measure Should ever become necessary Some Vessels Will most certainly be
destroyed and their Destruction alarm the whole commerce of the Thames, by this

means the Thames may be blockaded and the trade of London completely stoped
nor can the combined fleets of England prevent this Kind of attack—And this is
Perhaps the most Simple and certain means of convincing England that Science
can put her her in the Power of France and of compelling her to become a humble
Pleader for the liberty of the Seas She now denies to her Neighbors—I therefore
conceive that it will be good Policy to commence as Soon as Possible the
construction of the Boats and bombs if they can be finished before the arrival of
Peace their effects may be Proved during this War Should Peace be concluded
before they are finished the experiments can be continued Men can be exersised
in the use of the engines; And it is Probable in a few years England will See it her
best policy never to give france reason to exersise this invention against her—if
England cannot prevent the Blockade of the Thames by the means of plunging
boats and Bombs submarine, of what use will be her boasted navy, the free
Navigation of the Thames nourishes the immense commerce of London And the
commerce of London is the Nerves and Vitals of the Cabinet of St. Jameses—
convince England that you have the means of Stopping that Source of Riches—And
She must Submit to your terms—
Thus Citizens I have presented you with a Short account of my experiments and
Plan for using this invention Against the enemy, hoping that under your protection
it will be carried to Perfection, and Practised to promote the Liberty of the Seas—
Health and Sincere Respect
Robert Fulton
After reading the above, the commissioners desired further
information which Fulton gave in the following letter:
Complimentary day an 9
(i.e. September 20, 1801)
Robert Fulton to the Citizens Monge, La Place and Volney members of the
National Institute and Commissioners appointed by the first Consul to Promote the
invention of Submarine Navigation.
Citizens this morning I received yours of the 2d Compl As to the expence of
Plunging boat, I believe when constructed in the best manner with every
improvement which experience has Pointed out She cannot cost more than 80,000
Livers, the bombs Submarine may be estimated at 80 Livers each on An Average
independent of the Powder.
I am Sorry that I had not earlyer information of the Consuls desire to See the
Plunging boat, when I finished my experiments. She leaked Very much and being
but an imperfect engine I did not think her further useful hence I took her to

Pieces, Sold her Iron work lead and Cylenders and was necessitated to break the
greater part of her movements In taking them to Pieces, So that nothing now
remains which can give an Idea of her Combination, but even had She been
complete I do not think She could have been brought round to Paris—You will be
so good as to excuse me to the Premier Consul, when I refuse to exhibit my
drawings to a committee of Engineers for this I have two reasons, the first is not
to put it in the Power of any one to explain the Principles or movements least she
Should Pass from one to another till they enemy obtained information, the Second
is that I consider this invention as my Private Property the Perfectionment of which
will give to france incalculable advantages over her most Powerful and Active
enemy. And which invention I conceive aught to Secure to me an ample
Independence, that consequently the Government Should Stipulate certain terms
with me before I proceed to further explination: the first Consul is too Just and
you know me too well to construe this Into an Avericious disposition in me.
I have now laboured 3 years and at considerable expence to Prove my
experiments. And I find that a man who wishes to Cultivate the useful Arts cannot
make rapid Progress without Sufficient funds to put his Sucession of Ideas to
immediate Proof—And which Sufficiency I conceive this invention Should Secure to
me, You have intimated that the movements and combination of So interesting an
engine Should be confided to trusty Persons least any accident Should happen to
me, this Precaution I took Previous to my departure from Paris for my last
experiment by Placing correct Drawings of the machine and every improvement
with their descriptions In the hands of a friend So that any engineer capable of
constructing a Steam engine could make the Plunging Boat and Carcasses or
Bombs. You will therefore be so good as to beg of the first consul to permit you to
treat with me on this business, And on this Point I hope there will not be much
difficulty
Health and Sincere respect
(Signed) Robert Fulton
From the above letter it appears that Napoleon had expressed a
wish to inspect the Nautilus, which was prevented by Fulton having
destroyed her immediately after the termination of the experiments.
Had she been saved what an intensely interesting exhibit she would
make today!
Fulton’s haste in dismantling her is quite on a par with his refusal
to exhibit his drawings on the ground that they were his private
property. Apparently he expected the French government to adopt
his ideas on his own statement of facts and unverified interpretation

of his experiments. In his impetuosity and lack of judgment he could
not see that he was defeating his own purposes.
The Brest experiments not only repeated the success shown at
Havre, but gave evidence of improvements as was recognized by the
authorities. Their attitude is perhaps shown by the Préfet Maritime at
Brest who after witnessing the tests was forced to approve the
Nautilus and all of Fulton’s claims, but added, “This manner of
making war against an enemy carries the adverse criticism that the
person using the device and sinking with it would be lost. Certainly
that is not a death for military men.” How little did the estimable and
high-minded préfet foresee the ruthless methods of warfare to be
employed in another century.
Delpeuch asks what were the reasons that prevented use being
made of the Nautilus or at least from trying it, and in answering his
own question says that it is a mystery that has been impossible to
clear away. There was no mystery. All innovations, and perhaps
particularly so in connection with ships, have been forced on the
world against the opposition of those to be directly benefited. It was
so with Fulton’s submarine, and later with his steamboat. The
change from side wheels to propellers, the use of metal for hulls, the
introduction of watertight bulkheads and the elimination of sails
were all adopted only after long delay and strong antagonism, due
to the same official and unreasoning opposition.
Realization of defeat came slowly to Fulton, and was all the more
bitter because it came so. He returned to Paris from Brest elated by
his success in demonstrating the value of the improvements to his
previous design. He expected to be notified immediately that his
offer had been accepted. As the days passed without word from
Bonaparte, certainty of victory first gave way to doubt, then doubt to
hope, and finally hope was changed to despair. In his impatience he
wrote a personal letter to Bonaparte. This letter dated 19 Fructidor
an IX (16 Sept., 1801) urging and begging favorable action is still
preserved in the Archives Nationales at Paris.
Bonaparte made no reply.

He had made up his mind to travel the road that led to St. Helena.
Although he gave Fulton no answer, it is reported that he spoke of
Fulton as being a charlatan and a swindler, intent only on extorting
money.
There is one piece of evidence showing that Bonaparte
subsequently regretted his action and realized the value that Fulton
and his inventions might have been to him. Desbrière in his book
entitled “1793–1805, Projets et Tentatives de Débarquement aux Iles
Britanniques,” quotes a letter written on July 21st to M. de
Champagny, at that time Counsellor of State in the Marine
department:[4]
I have just read the proposition of Citizen Fulton that you have sent to me much
too late to permit it to change the face of the world. However I desire that you will
immediately refer its examination to a commission composed of members chosen
from the different classes of the Institute. It is there that the wisdom of Europe
should seek judges to solve the problem in question. As soon as the report is
made it will be transmitted to you and you will send it to me. Be sure that this will
not take more than a week.
Desbrière states that the year when this letter was written is
commonly put down as 1804. But he points out that in July of that
year Fulton was in England and Champagny in Austria. The year was
probably 1803, because in July, 1803, Fulton was exhibiting a steam-
propelled boat on the Seine, concerning which innovation an official
of the Navy department would undoubtedly have informed the First
Consul.
During the agonizing period of waiting for an answer to his
personal letter to Bonaparte, from which he had the right to expect
some acknowledgment at least in view of the high standing of his
introducers, Fulton still hoped. But when he heard that Bonaparte
had characterized him as a swindler, he knew that all was ended,
and that the door to further progress in France had been shut and
finally barred. This was something much more to Fulton than a mere
refusal of an inventor’s offer of an incomplete device. Such a refusal

he could have endured with courage and some equanimity. He had
gone through similar painful experiences with his canal schemes and
his various excavating machines. Now he had to suffer that
disappointment and in addition the still harder blow of having his
altruistic offer of service and his views on political philosophy
rejected with slanderous contempt to which he was powerless to
reply. His writings show that his heart was as much set on his
conception of liberty and freedom as on his mechanical contrivances.
After his defeat, one that Fulton recognized as final so far as
France was concerned, he laid aside permanently his long cherished
plans for constructing small canals, and temporarily his consideration
of submarine warfare, to devote his attention to the development of
a boat propelled by a steam engine. His only subsequent move to
promote a system of canals coupled with his scheme to overcome
differences in elevations by inclined planes was in a letter to Albert
Gallatin, dated Washington, Dec. 8, 1807. Gallatin was then
Secretary of the Treasury of the United States and was about to
issue in pursuance of a resolution of the Senate a report upon
“Public Roads and Canals.” Fulton in his long letter, that Gallatin
made a part of his report, urged the construction of canals in
preference to highways. Engrossed, however, in his steamboat to
which, following the rejection of the Nautilus, he had thrown his
impetuous energy, Fulton made no effort personally to carry his
canal plans into execution either in France or the United States.
In 1801, Robert R. Livingston had arrived in France as American
Minister to the French Government. He and Fulton met at the critical
period in the latter’s career. The statesman, whose mind was
sympathetic to the consideration of mechanical applications, soon
became interested in his countryman’s projects. Stimulated by
Livingston’s personal encouragement and supported by his financial
aid, Fulton pushed his studies of a practical steam engine for
navigation and entered into correspondence with Messrs. Boulton
and Watt, then the most prominent builders of engines in England.
The junior member of this firm was the famous James Watt (1736–
1819), the discoverer of the principle that power could be produced

from the elastic energy of steam, and the inventor of the steam
condensing engine. Livingston as an individual with his own limited
resources was about to accomplish in a few years a complete
revolution of vessel propulsion that Napoleon with the almost
unlimited resources of France could have done in much less time,
certainly in time to offset England’s superiority on the high seas.
Livingston with greater vision seized the opportunity that Napoleon
rejected. But with this we are not concerned.
While Fulton was working under Livingston’s direction, the British
Government was not unmindful of what he had done in the matter
of submarine experiments. They had a secret service at work in
enemy lands as other governments have done before and since. In
England there were some men in authority who appreciated the
possibilities lying dormant in the scheme of under-water attack.
In the British naval archives there has recently been found the
following letter with its enclosure, recording the information
possessed by the government and sent confidentially to the naval
commanders that they might be on their guard against attack, if,
perchance, any of Fulton’s boats should have been made secretly
and unknown to the British navy. The British authorities did not
deceive themselves, nor were they oblivious of the latent merits and
actual accomplishments of Fulton’s design.
SECRET
CIRCULAR
Adml. Lord Keith
Sheerness.
Admiral Montagu /20th/
Portsmouth.
Rear Adml. Montagu
Downs.
Honbl. Adml. Cornwallis /20th/
at Sea.
Adml. Sir Jno. Colpoys, K. B. /20th/
Plymouth.

Admiralty Office,
19th June, 1803.
My Lord,
My Lords Commissioners of the Admty. having been informed that a plan has
been concerted by Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, under the influence
of the First Consul of the French Republic, for destroying the Maritime Force of this
Country; I am commanded by their Lordships to send you herewith the substance
of the information they have received relative thereto, that you may be apprised
thereof, in order to your taking such measures as may appear to you necessary for
frustrating any attempt on the part of the Enemy, connected therewith.
I have the Honour to be,
etc.
(Signed) Evan Nepean
(ENCLOSURE)
Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, has constructed a Vessel in which he
has gone down to the bottom of the Water, and has remained thereunder for the
space of seven Hours, at one time—that he has navigated the said Vessel, under
water, at the rate of two Miles and an half per Hour; that the said sub-marine
Vessel is uncommonly managable, and that the whole plan to be effected by
means thereof, may be easily executed, and without much risk; That the Ships and
Vessels in the port of London are liable to be destroyed with ease, and that the
Channel of the River Thames may be ruined; and that it has been proved that only
twentyfive pounds of weight of Gunpowder was sufficient to have dashed a Vessel
to pieces off Brest, tho’ externally applied.
But Fulton contributed directly to the information possessed by the
British Government of what he had been doing and what he had in
mind. He himself states that he wrote to his old friend the Earl of
Stanhope giving him “general ideas of my plans and experiments.”
Stanhope became so much interested, or “alarmed,” as Fulton puts
it, that he made a public speech on the matter in the House of
Lords. The speech by the Earl and the confidential information
secured by the Admiralty led the British authorities to open
communication with Fulton and finally, though without great
difficulty, to induce him to go to England. They saw that it would be
better to have the ingenious American a friend on their side rather

than attached to the enemy’s cause. But let Fulton tell this story in
his own words as given in the manuscript that he left with Consul
Lyman to be delivered to Mr. Barlow in the event of his being lost on
the voyage home. This paper will be subsequently called the
“Descriptions” as named by Fulton.

Chapter V
THE “DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS”
Motives for inventing submarine Navigation and attack,
Statement of the causes which brought me to England, reflections on
the prospect of emolument held out to me by Lord Hawkesbury, and
again under the Contract with Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville,
Statement of the Sums received and disbursed by me.
Robert Fulton
Motive for inventing Submarine Navigation and attack.
Having contemplated the Federal government of the united States;
the Vast country comprised in them which gives room for 120
Millions of inhabitents; Seeing the rapid increase of their population
and consequently of their industry and commerce; A people without
colonies and who did not desire to have any; Without Enemies on
their frontiers, and having nothing to contend for but a rational
intercourse with foreign nations by sea; which intercourse would be
interrupted on every war which might take place between England
and France or between European nations; and cause Vexatious feuds
and parties in America, which might lead to marine and army
establishments, to alliences offensive and defensive with European
states, thereby direct the ambition of individuals to Military fame and
the people to warlike pursuits; and all their complication of evils;
which might finally divide the states, and destroy a system which
should progress as near as man is capable, to the perfection of
civilization.

MANUSCRIPT PAGES
WITH FULTON’S
SIGNATURE
I was to prevent the possibility of all such consequences; by
destroying the principles which lead to them; that induced me at
first to contemplate a plan which might destroy all Military marines
and give liberty to the seas; But I did not hope to neutralize military
marines by a confederation of maritime states; Henry the Fourt of
France, and the Abbey St. Pierre with all their influence endavoured
in vain to preserve peace in Europe by a confederation of States and
a congress [of st] to decide on grievances;
I therefore looked to the arts for effecient means; and after some
months study found that only two things were wanting: First to
navigate under water, which I soon discovered was within the limits
of physics, Second to find an easy mode of destroying a ship; which
after a little time I discovered might be done by the explosion of
some pounds of powder under her bottom; Being convinced of the
practicability of two such engines, I commenced drawings on their
combinations; and calculations on their power and effects; which
occupied me near nine months. I then began my experiments first
on a small and then on a large scale; and in two years was so

wellsatisfied with my success and that everything which I had
contemplated might be performed; that I wrote to the Earl of
Stanhope and gave him general Ideas of my plan and experiments;
His Lordships mathematical mind soon opened to him the
practicability and ultimate consequences of such a System; he felt
alarmed and as we all know spoke of it in the house of Lords; which
excited much public curiosity And Some ridicule; on the justice of
which Gentlemen will now have the opportunity of judging; however
still anxious on a subject which his talents gave him a facility to
understand; he took the trouble about the year 1803 to form a
committe of Gentlemen to consider the principles and powers of my
inventions, and get all possible information on the progress I had
made, which committee I believe made a report to the then Minister
Lord Sydmouth; whose attention was awakened to it; about this
time May 1803 there was an english Gentleman in London who had
known me for some years in Paris; Dr. Grigory became acquainted
with him; had many conversations with him on my plan and its
consequences if carried into effect; the Dr. Communicated what he
had learned to Lord Sydmouth and it was agreed to send the
Gentleman to Paris to induce me to come to London; when he
communicated his mission to me, he said the British Government
wished to us my submarine Vessel against the French fleets; I
replied that in this there must be some mistake that it was neither
the interest nor policy of the British government to Introduce such a
Vessel into practice; he Said on consideration that might be true; but
Ministers wished to be fully acquainted with the properties of my
inventions; and wished me out of France and in England; that would
I go over and explain to them my engines I should be rewarded in
proportion to their Value; I asked if he had any written proof that
such was their intention; he said no, that it was too dangerous to
carry letters on such a subject; but as a proof of their liberality and
the prospect which I had of being treated in like manner; they had
given him 800 £ to pay his expences and mine in bringing me over;
Knowing the Gentleman to be a man of Integrity; I believed such
might be the wish of Ministers, Yet I would not move without some
plan and written proof of their intention. I therefore desired him to

return with the following proposals and if Ministers agreed to them I
would come over,
First, For leaving France and the pursuits which at present occupy
me, and for going to England I [demand] require the sum of Ten
thousand Pounds;
Second, On my arrival in London Government shall within three
weeks, mane a committe to examin the following principles of
submarine Navigation and attack;

First Principle
That a Submarine Vessel 35 feet long, 10 feet wide, an 8 feet
deep, capable of containing 6 persons, shall have the property of
sailing like an ordinary fishing Boat;

Second
That her capacity including her machinery shall be sufficient to
hold provisions for Six persons to continue at Sea for twenty days;

Third
That Six persons can enter such a vessel & descend in her under
water at pleasure,

Fourth
That the Six men can continue under water three hours without
renewing the air,
MANUSCRIPT PAGE OF
“DRAWINGS &
DESCRIPTIONS”

Fifth
That to renew the air, it is not necessary the Vessel should appear
above water; but approaching the Surface two tubes project,
through one of which the mephitic air is discharged, through the
other fresh air is drawn into the Vessel, which operation can be
performed in 3 or 4 minuets, to continue again three hours under
water; in this manner a crew can conseal themselves under water
during the day, on renewing the air 4 times, hence might lie many
days in the Neighbourhood of an enemy unperceived,

Sixth
That the crew can raise her to the surface at pleasure hoist sail
and proceed on their [Voage] Voyage; as before descending;

Seventh
That where the water is not more than Sixty fathoms deep, and
the current not more than four miles an hour, she can cast anchor
and continue under water at any depth from one to fifty feet; that
she will there remain as stationary as Vessels usually are while
anchored on the surface;

Eighth
That in open Sea where bottom is not saught, she can plunge with
safety and continue Under water while the air is respirable; but in
this case she must drift with the tide like a vessel which cannot
anchor and has no wind,

Ninth
That in Still water and while under water, she can move forwards,
or backwards, to the right or left, mount or descend at pleasure;

Tenth
That She is capable of carrying 30 Submarine bombs each
containing 100 pounds of powder
The preciding properties are all which are necessary, to a plunging
Vessel, such a vessel cannot be taken in consequence of the ease
with which she can hide under water during the day, she can make
her approaches [in the night] in the night and must be considered as
a masked [battery] Magazine which can lie secure in the
neighbourhood of an Enemy watch an opportunity to deposit her
cargo of Bombs and retire unperceived.
Should the committee find the properties here specified within the
laws of physics, and by the ordinary course of improvement
reducable to simple practice, the investigation will there finish; but
should it so happen that I cannot make the committee feel these
truths without Occular demonstration, I reserve to myself the power
of building a submarine Vessel, for which the Government shall allow
a sum not exceeding ten thousand pounds; to be paid progressively
as I may think proper to call for it to proceed with the work,

Of the Submarine Bombs,
That a copper case containing from one hundred to three hundred
pounds of powder, coming into contact with the bottom of a Ship of
any size and explosion there taking place will completely destroy
her; that the machinery attached to such Bomb is so contrived [to]
as to cause explosion when the bomb strikes the Vessel, or when the
Vessel strikes the bomb; or at any time desired from 4 minuets to 13
hours or, 8 days; If the Committee are not to be convinced of this
without experiment and will appropriate any kind of Vessel I will
blow her up with a submarine bomb to give demonstration;
When the properties of the Submarine Vessel and Bombs are
demonstrated and admitted by the committe, a new succession of
Ideas will of course result, it will be seen that England may draw
advantages from these inventions, or they may be turned to the
total destruction of the British marine; in either Case it is of
importance to the British Government to have the entire command
of Such engines to do with them as they may think proper;
But as these inventions are the produce of my labours for some
years, I now consider them as rich gems drawn from the mines of
science and which I and my friends have a right to convert to our
own advantage and which I now offer for sale to the British
Government; For putting the Government in full possession of all the
combinations and movements of the submarine Vessel; so that any
Engineer of good talents can construct one, and navigate her; also
for explaining the combinations of the submarine bomb, and the
modes of attack which time and experience will multiply and
perfection; I [demand] require the sum of one hundred thousand
pounds Sterling—;
When the Gentleman departed with these proposals it was agreed
that I should go to Holland and wait his return, I did so, and staid at
Amsterdam three months; contrairy winds prevented his arrival; I

Abandoned the negotiation and returned to Paris where he arrived in
a few weeks with the following letter from Lord Hawkesbury
Hawkesbury—
Sir:
Your proposals have been considered with that attention which the merit of the
invention deserves, you must well know that it would be contrairy to Established
rules to grant such sums as you require, before your invention authenticated by
actuel experiment in presence of persons appointed by this Government, in order
that a fair opportunity may be granted of appreciating its merit and adiquacy to
the end proposed; The responsibility attached to his Majesty’s Ministers in their
official capacity renders it impossible for them to advance the sums which you
have required; in the form pointed out by you; without exciting such public
attention as must be equally unpleasant to you and His Majestys Ministers; if
however you have sufficient confidence in His Majestys Government to offer them
your invention, you may rely on being treated with the utmost liberality and
Generosity. Though this Government and you, have every reason to be satisfied
with the zeal and activity with which your friend has conducted the business, Yet a
negotiation personally conducted would smoothe many difficulties, and every
facility and protection you can desire shall be granted you,
And should you be disposed to accept Active employment from the British
government you may rely on the most liberal treatment, proportioned to your
efficient Service;—
This letter was brought in cipher; I Shortly after left Paris and
arrived in London on the 28 of April 1804, On My Arrival Lord
Sydmouth and Hawkesbury, were out of office and Mr. Pitt was
minister To him I proposed the terms before mentioned; But Mr. Pitt
and Lord Melville instead of arranging with me on the terms of my
proposals; prefered making an attack on the Enemy with part of my
engines; and as a fair prospect of emolument, at least equal if not
superior to that which I had expected; I was to recieve 200£ a
month during the time Government detained me on this business;
and half the Value of all vessels of an Enemy which might be
destroyed by my engines in 14 years; His Majestys Dockyard and
arsenals were to furnish every necessary means to render my plan,

efficient; useful to the Nation and Consequently productive to me;
and on these principles a contract was entered into which is inserted
in the body of the arbitration Bond,
Here read the Bond and contract;
On drawing up this contract I foresaw that Ministers might
discover the bad policy of introducing the whole of my engines into
practice; and therefore would not organize it nor exersise men to it
so as to render it productive to me; and this has proved to be the
fact; Government may be said to have abandoned this plan And it
will be seen during the investigations that their true policy is to
abandon it; if so, from whence are my profits to arise, what is my
interest in it with this Governmt for 14 years, where is my
emolument equivalent to the sum of 100 thousand pounds
mentioned in the proposals? sent to Lord Hawkesbury.
Now Gentlemen I foresee before you enter into an examination of
my engines and their final consequences; that you must as true
friends to your country advise ministers [to] never to use them, but
to conseal them if possible from the world; it will then become a
consideration whether 40 thousand pounds is a reasonable
equivalent to me and my friends for abandoning engines of such
importance to this government to do with as they may think proper,
—and for ever giving up the prospect of gain which was held out to
me on coming to this country; or which the contract presented; had
my plans been organized and carried into effect on System; But your
powers are confined within the limits of the arbitration bonds;
whatever may be your opinion you cannot exceed the sum of 40
thousand pounds. But from your report as men of science and calm
delibiration; Ministers will be able to Judge of the reasonable, hopes
of the proprietors of these inventions and not only of justice towards
them, but of the real interest of the nation; in now finally Setteling
with me for the parties concerned;

PLATE THE FIRST
PLATE THE SECOND
No Man can in Justice Say that we have not a right to make every
possible profit of these inventions; And we have a right to accept
Mony, or to abandon mony for fame—or raise our demands in
proportion as time and new Idas develop the importance of these
discoveries; But I have the pleasure to say that the gentlemen with
whom I act, have never troubled me with one ungenerous or illiberal
wish to raise their demands, they conceived these inventions worth
at least the Value of one first rate man of war or 100 thousand
pounds; and they have never deviated from this first proposal—on

my part I Saw that government could not grant any sum with
propriety, unless there was reasonable security given, that the
proprietors would never communicate the engines to any nation or
persons to the injury of the British marine; and there Is but one
mode of giving such security That is to bind these proprietors by
their own interest to keep the secret, I therefore Voluntarily offered
that should I be entitled to the 40 thousand pounds; to receive one
moiety in cash, and an annuity equal to the full value of the other
moiety; which annuity is to be forfeited Should I be the means of
Introducing My inventions into practice against the British marine;
perhaps this is the Strongest proof a man can give of his own sense
of Justice and it Should be a convincing proof of my confidence in
my own power over the fate of my inventions, and the good Opinion
I have of the integrity of my friends; but whatever may be done in
this business in capital or annuity; the annuity must depend on my
life as their names cannot appear, having so far stated facts
gentlemen will deliberately consider the engines the modes of using
them their ultimate consequences, the Interest of the Nation, and a
reasonable compensation to the proprietors;
The first consideration will probably be the accounts, of which the
following is a statement,

Of the Accounts,
The sums of money received and expended by me are as follows
1804 July 19 of Mr. Hammond 200
1804 [April] August 11th of Do 1500
£ 1700
Article the Second of the contract states that 7000 £ shall be
allowed for Mechanical preperations, this was for the first
experiment; but after the attempt off Boulogne on the Second of
October 1804 where Lord Melville was present; he entertained such
hopes from the engines, that he and Mr. Pitt, then at Walmer castle,
ordered more Locks and large copper coffers to be made; and for
this purpose a further sum of 3000 £ was about the month of
November or December 1804 placed to my order in the house of
Missrs Davison and Co. At this time Ministers were so well satisfied
with the prospect of success from my engines, and feeling the right
which I had to a remuniration, for neglecting other pursuits and
coming to this country, and for the communication of my engines to
them that they granted me for my own use the Sum of Ten
thousand pounds; it will be seen by a letter from Mr. Davison to Mr.
Hammond, that this sum was also granted me to relieve me of some
pecuniary embarrassments and was considered by them as a reward
for past services; not to be refunded should nothing more be done
or required, but to make part of any future sum which might be
awarded to me.

Again on the 9th of October 1805 about the time Sir Sidney Smith
took the command off Boulogne; Lord Castlereagh thought it right to
have more locks, Bombs, Boats, and preperations made; and for this
purpose Also to pay old accounts I received of Sir Sidney Smith 4045£
Of Mr. Hammond first Sum 1700
Of Do Second Sum 7000
Of Do third Sum 3000
For my private Use 10000
25745£
By an error in Mr. Cutlers accounts he has refunded 1,000 £ to the
treasurer of the navy, which leaves 24745 £ to be accounted for, of
this sum it will be seen by the bills and receipts which were
submitted to the commissioners of the Navy and
£ S P
passed by them that 11353.. 3.. 2 has been
expended for
government uses And 13391.. 16.. 10 to my own use
First a remuniration 10,000
Second my salary from the 20th of July 1804 to the 20th of
August 1806 or 25 months at 200 £ a month
5,000
£ 15,000

PLATE THE THIRD
PLATE THE FOURTH
As my right to the Salary cannot as I conceive be questioned for I
have continued in this Country to get the decision of ministers; and
Should the 10 thousand pounds remuniration be admitted
Government will owe me on this Account 1,608.. 3.. 2, such are the
sums received by me and the Gross of their distribution the accounts
will explain the details.
Robert Fulton

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