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35. regie avevan combattuto eroicamente a Pastrengo, a Crocebianca, a
Santa Lucia ed ora assediavano strettamente Peschiera, mentre il
generale Nugent scendeva con grandi sforzi nel Veneto e costringeva
il generale Durando a ripiegare su Vicenza.
Il generale Ferrari era stato richiamato in Toscana, e da due giorni lo
aveva sostituito il De Laugier, quando il generale Bava, sotto gli
ordini del quale era il corpo dei Toscani, con ripetuti dispacci lo
avvisa che forti distaccamenti di austriaci sono entrati in Mantova e
si preparano ad attaccare all'indomani le posizioni occupate dai
nostri; che occorrendo ripieghi su Goito, dove l'aiuto suo non gli
sarebbe mancato.
La linea guardata dai Toscani si stendeva undici chilometri da Goito
per Sacca e Rivalta fino a Montanara; aveva una fronte rivolta a
Mantova di oltre 3 chilometri di lunghezza, con la sinistra a
Curtatone appoggiata al lago formato dal Mincio, e la destra a
Montanara. La posizione era debole t mal difesa, A Curtatone, invece
di coprirci con l'Osone, canale non guadabile, e con i suoi argini, si
eran formate le nostre trincee al di là del canale e del solo ponte,
che sulla via maestra lo traversava, più alto del piano di campagna,
non coperto ne difeso. Montanara aveva la destra affatto scoperta e
poteva facilmente essere attaccata e girata di fianco. Sulla linea di
battaglia tra Curtatone e Montanara, il generale De Laugier non
aveva che sei cannoni e 4600 combattenti, mentre Radetzky era
uscito da Mantova con 40,000 uomini e 60 pezzi d'artiglieria.
Alle 9 e mezzo della mattina comincia a tonare il cannone nemico, e
in breve il fuoco dei fucili si fa su tutta la linea vivissimo. Il generale
De Laugier per invitare, come egli disse, i suoi giovani soldati a
sprezzare il pericolo, esce con i suoi aiutanti al di fuori delle trincee e
percorre a cavallo, sotto il fuoco nemico, la parte della linea che dalla
strada va a sinistra fino al lago, e al suo passaggio i soldati e i
volontari, alzando i fucili, lo salutano col grido di Viva l'Italia. Di là il
Generale corre a Montanara, tutti animando colla speranza della
vittoria.
36. Anche il Battaglione Universitario, che era accampato alle Grazie, e
che il Generale aveva ordine di tenere in riserva, è portato sulla
strada di Mantova per attendere in colonna serrata l'ordine di
avanzare. Una densa nube di fumo si alza al di là del ponte e si ode
un terribile rombo; era un cassone di munizioni, che i fuochi
dell'artiglieria nemica ci aveano incendiato. Passano sulla strada i
feriti in gran numero; fra questi il tenente colonnello Chigi e il
tenente Niccolini, che si erano eroicamente battuti. «Viva l'Italia!
Vendicateci!» grida, passando, il Niccolini ai giovani universitari, dei
quali, a quel grido, non è più possibile contenere l'ardore. Il
Battaglione, formato com'era in colonna serrata, si muove senza che
nessuno glielo abbia comandato, e fu fortuna che nel breve tratto da
percorrere prima di salire il ponte, lo incontrassero l'aiutante
maggiore Milani e il capitano Caminati e lo facessero sfilare per due
e passare alla corsa sul ponte, dove fulminavano i fuochi incrociati
dell'artiglieria nemica, che ad alcuni di quei giovani furono pur
nonostante fatali. Il fuoco dei nostri fucili durò a lungo e sempre
vivace, mentre un solo cannone poteva di tanto in tanto, per
mancanza d'artiglieri e di munizioni, far sentire i suoi colpi.
Alle 4 pomeridiane, dopo sei ore e mezzo di combattimento, gli
austriaci in forti masse si avanzano sulla strada dalla parte del lago,
e il De Laugier assicuratosi della impossibilità di resistere ancora,
ordina la ritirata e la fa batter più volte, perchè molti parevan decisi
a morire sulle trincee piuttosto che voltar le spalle al nemico. Gli
austriaci, convinti di avere avuto a fronte un grosso corpo di
esercito, che avesse ripresa posizione alle Grazie, avanzano
cautamente, e intanto i nostri, discretamente ordinati, si ritirano per
Rivalta e Goito.
Nè con minor valore si eran battuti i Toscani comandati dal
colonnello Giovannetti a Montanara. Attaccati sul fianco destro da
grandi forze nemiche, più volte si erano slanciati al di là delle trincee,
ed eran riusciti a respingerle: l'artiglieria aveva fatto prodigii con i tiri
bene aggiustati dei suoi due cannoni, ma artiglieri e ufficiali erano
morti feriti sui loro pezzi. Nuove schiere nemiche ripetevano i loro
attacchi, e quando sul tardi il Giovannetti, cui non era pervenuto
37. l'ordine di ritirarsi inviatogli dal De Laugier, si accorse di avere a
fronte un esercito poderoso e ordinò la ritirata, il generale
Lichtenstein lo aveva girato di fianco e, sbarrandogli la via, lo
attaccava alle spalle. Molti di quei valorosi perirono, molti non pratici
del terreno furon circondati e rimasero prigioni.
Dal maresciallo Radetzky, nella sua relazione sulla campagna del
1848, quella battaglia è chiamata memorabile e quella giornata
gloriosa per l'esercito austriaco. E noi possiamo dire sulla
indiscutibile autorità di lui, che dieci volte più memorabile fu quella
battaglia e dieci volte più gloriosa fu quella giornata per i toscani,
che dell'esercito austriaco non eran che la decima parte.
L'eroica resistenza dei nostri aveva dato tempo alle truppe regie di
raccogliersi a Goito, dove giunto Radetzky la mattina di poi e data
battaglia, fu vinto e costretto a tornare indietro e chiudersi in
Mantova. In quel medesimo giorno capitolava Peschiera. Ma fin
d'allora il valore dell'esercito, l'eroismo del re Carlo Alberto e dei
Principi suoi figli, non bastarono a rialzare le sorti delle armi italiane.
L'esercito piemontese, non ostante che prodigii di valore avesse
compiuti, pure due mesi dopo dovea fatalmente ripassare il Ticino.
Nel 26 di giugno si era adunato per la prima volta il Parlamento
toscano, che al discorso del trono, caldo di sentimenti patriottici e
avvivato dalla fede nell'avvenire d'Italia, rispose con fragorosi,
unanimi applausi. Ma nel mese successivo, quando la fortuna aveva
voltato le spalle alle armi italiane, il governo, colpito dalla grave
sciagura, era ricaduto nelle solite lentezze e incertezze. Si attendeva
la presentazione di una legge sui volontari, perchè il timore degli
austriaci vittoriosi faceva sentire il bisogno d'uomini e subito; ma il
30 luglio un movimento repubblicano, presa a pretesto la necessità
di difendere il paese, messe tutta Firenze sottosopra, la Guardia
civica non rispose all'appello, e la truppa piegò di fronte al popolo
che invase l'aula dei Deputati. Niuna deliberazione fu presa
dall'Assemblea sopraffatta, e ne seguì la dimissione del ministero
Ridolfi. Gli succede un ministero Capponi, che ebbe una vita agitata
di soli settanta giorni; durante i quali Livorno, conturbata dai
38. sobillamenti del Guerrazzi e irritata per la espulsione del padre
Gavazzi, si levò a tumulto, e rotto il telegrafo e arrestato il
Governatore, pretendeva dettare la legge. Inviato dal Governo a
sedare quei tumulti Leonetto Cipriani, ne avvenne fra il popolo e la
truppa una lotta sanguinosa. Per il che dipartitosi il Cipriani da
Livorno, a calmare gli animi esacerbati vi fu dal Governo inviato il
professor Montanelli, e questi blandendo il popolo per farsene
strumento a salire, gli promise la istituzione di una Costituente
italiana, la quale avrebbe dovuto deliberare sopra la forma del
reggimento politico e anche sulla conservazione della dinastia di
Lorena.
Intanto i partiti estremi rossi e neri, d'accordo sempre nel
distruggere, avevano messo sottosopra anche Roma; e ucciso il
Rossi, e minacciato il Vaticano, avean costretto il Papa a fuggire.
Caduto in Toscana anche il ministero Capponi, il Montanelli e il
Guerrazzi eran riusciti ad afferrare il potere. Le due Costituenti, la
Costituente federativa dei trattati, piemontese, toscano e romano,
che doveva risedere in Roma ed esser la personificazione vivente
dell'Italia, e la Costituente legislativa sopra l'ordinamento interno di
ciascuno Stato, costituivano il programma del nuovo Ministero
democratico: concetto questo, cui prima aderì, poi respinse il
Gioberti, allora presidente del Ministero Piemontese; concetto che
più tardi doveva sollevare gli scrupoli di Leopoldo e indurlo ad
abbandonare la Toscana. Sciolta la Camera dei Deputati, o Consiglio
Generale, come allora chiamavasi, e riconvocati i Collegi elettorali, il
Governo democratico nel dubbio di non aver favorevole il giudizio
popolare, avea lasciato che in Firenze, in Pisa e in altre parti del
Granducato il giorno delle elezioni si tumultuasse, si spezzassero le
urne e fossero messi in fuga gli elettori dalla plebaglia eccitata. In sì
triste modo si chiudeva il 1848, quell'anno di tante speranze, di tante
prove, di tante sciagure.
Il risorgimento italiano, cui l'elezione di Giovanni Mastai a Pontefice
aveva dato come il suggello della giustizia divina, si era arrestato,
ma non per sempre. Se al principio del 1848 era esso una fede nella
coscienza del popolo, al cader di quell'anno fortunoso non era per
39. altro che un debole ricordo di un sogno svanito. La speranza, non
che spenta, era resa anzi più viva per l'ammaestramento che ci
veniva dagli errori commessi.
Se il 1848 aveva strappato dalle nostre mani inesperte le sorti della
patria, le vegliava un destino benevolo. Gli errori del popolo le
avevano compromesse, gli errori del principato dovevano prepararne
la grande riscossa. Se Pio IX, se Leopoldo di Lorena si involavano, e
con ragione, alla tirannia della piazza, era il fato benevolo dell'Italia,
che doveva spingerli a rifugiarsi presso il Borbone sotto le ali
tristamente tutelari dell'Aquila austriaca. Era il fato benevolo
dell'Italia, che doveva nella tenebrosa fucina di Gaeta far preparare
la violazione dei patti giurati, e la chiamata delle armi straniere sopra
i popoli ancor fedeli della Toscana. Era il fato benevolo dell'Italia, che
doveva offrire a noi medesimi, che avevamo errato, l'occasione della
riscossa. Era il fato benevolo dell'Italia, che invece di un Papa,
liberale senza saperlo, doveva darci in Vittorio Emanuele un Re
Galantuomo, e far dello Statuto Sabaudo il gran faro cui potessero
rivolgersi tutti i cuori e tutte le menti degli italiani. Era il fato
benevolo dell'Italia, che doveva con gli errori del Granduca ravvivare
il sentimento dell'unità nazionale, sopito ma non spento, nel popolo
toscano, e dare a questo la fermezza di volontà e la temperanza di
modi, che più tardi lo avrebbe fatto appellare un popolo di
diplomatici, che sotto la guida salda e robusta del Ricasoli, avrebbe
potuto render vani i patti di Villafranca, i suggerimenti amichevoli, gli
autorevoli consigli delle potenze straniere, e, spezzando la propria
corona, dare il primo e il più forte cemento all'unità della patria!
Il vaticinio del poeta toscano si avverò: furono lacerate all'Italia
Le molteplici bende
Onde gelida a lei correa la vita.
Il generoso disegno fu opera grande e fortunatamente compiuta.
Dopo lungo servaggio alzata a regno
40. l'Italia fu libera, fu indipendente, fu una. Possa la mente del popolo
non ricadere sotto il fàscino di coloro, i quali, negando persino il
sublime affetto di patria, non aborrono dal gridar viva ai nemici di lei,
di coloro che saranno sempre, come nel 1848, causa non dubbia di
grandi sciagure; possano gli errori d'allora essere a tutti di un
ammaestramento costante; e l'Italia, ricostituita in nazione, per virtù
di Re e di Popolo, possa per virtù di Popolo e di Re serbarsi grande e
potente!
42. INDICE
Pio IX e Pellegrino Rossi Pag. 5
I moti di Napoli del 1848 57
La Sicilia e la rivoluzione 113
I moti toscani del 1847 e 1848: loro cause ed
effetti 137
43. Nota del Trascrittore
Ortografia e punteggiatura originali sono state
mantenute, correggendo senza annotazione minimi errori
tipografici.
44. *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LA VITA ITALIANA
NEL RISORGIMENTO (1846-1849), PARTE 3 ***
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