![T
CHAPTER IV.
ANCIENT FLORIDA.
BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D.
HE credit of being the first to explore our Atlantic coast has not
yet been positively awarded by critical historians. Ramusio
preserves the report of a person whom he does not name,
which asserts that Sebastian Cabot claimed for his father and
himself, in the summer of 1497, to have run down the whole coast,
from Cape Breton to the latitude of Cuba; but the most recent and
experienced writer on Cabot treats the claim as unfounded.[792]
The somewhat sceptical scholars of our day have shown little
inclination to adopt the theory of Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen,
that Americus Vespucius on his first voyage reached Honduras in
1497, and during the ensuing year ran along the northern shore of
the Gulf of Mexico, doubled the Florida cape, and then sailed
northward along our Atlantic coast to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where
he built a vessel and sailed to Cadiz.[793]
Although Columbus made his first landfall on one of the Bahamas,
and Cuba was soon after occupied, no definite knowledge seems to
have been obtained of the great mainland so near them. There is
nothing in narrative or map to betray any suspicion of its existence
prior to the year 1502, when a map executed in Lisbon at the order of
Cantino, an Italian merchant, for Hercules d’Este, shows a mainland](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-28-320.jpg)
![north of Cuba, terminating near that island in a peninsula resembling
Florida. The tract of land thus shown has names of capes and rivers,
but they can be referred to no known exploration. To some this has
seemed to be but a confused idea of Cuba as mainland;[794] by
others it is regarded as a vague idea of Yucatan. But Harrisse in his
Corte-Real, where he reproduces the map, maintains that “between
the end of 1500 and the summer of 1502 navigators, whose name
and nationality are unknown, but whom we presume to be Spaniards,
discovered, explored, and named the part of the shore of the United
States which from the vicinity of Pensacola Bay runs along the Gulf of
Mexico to the Cape of Florida, and, turning it, runs northward along
the Atlantic coast to about the mouth of the Chesapeake or
Hudson.”[795]
But leaving these three claims in the realm of conjecture and
doubt, we come to a period of more certain knowledge.
The Lucayos of the Bahamas seem to have talked of a great land
of Bimini not far from them. The Spaniards repeated the story; and in
the edition of Peter Martyr’s Decades published in 1511 is a map on
which a large island appears, named “Illa de Beimeni, parte.”[796]
Discovery had taken a more southerly route; no known Spanish
vessel had passed through the Bahama channel or skirted the coast.
But some ideas must have prevailed, picked up from natives of the
islands, or adventurous pilots who had ventured farther than their
instructions authorized. Stories of an island north of Hispaniola, with a
fountain whose waters conferred perpetual youth, had reached Peter
Martyr in Spain, for in the same edition of his Decades he alludes to
the legends.
John Ponce de Leon, who had accompanied Columbus on his
second voyage, and had since played his part bravely amid the
greatest vicissitudes, resolved to explore and conquer Bimini. He had
friends at Court, and seems to have been a personal favorite of the
King, who expressed a wish for his advancement.[797] The patent he
solicited was based on that originally issued to Columbus; but the
King laughingly said, that it was one thing to grant boundless power
when nothing was expected to come of it, and very different to do so](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-29-320.jpg)
![when success was almost certain. Yet on the 23d of February, 1512, a
royal grant empowered John Ponce de Leon “to proceed to discover
and settle the Island of Bimini.”[798] The patent was subject to the
condition that the island had not been already discovered. He was
required to make the exploration within three years, liberty being
granted to him to touch at any island or mainland not subject to the
King of Portugal. If he succeeded in his expedition he was to be
governor of Bimini for life, with the title of adelantado.[799]
The veteran immediately purchased a vessel, in order to go to
Spain and make preparations for the conquest of Bimini. But the
authorities in Porto Rico seized his vessel; and the King, finding his
services necessary in controlling the Indians, sent orders to the
Council of the Indies to defer the Bimini expedition, and gave Ponce
de Leon command of the fort in Porto Rico.[800]
Thus delayed in the royal service, Ponce de Leon was unable to
obtain vessels or supplies till the following year. He at last set sail
from the port of San German in Porto Rico in March, 1513,[801] with
three caravels, taking as pilot Anton de Alaminos, a native of Palos
who had as a boy accompanied Columbus, and who was long to
associate his own name with explorations of the Gulf of Mexico. They
first steered northeast by north, and soon made the Caicos, Yaguna,
Amaguayo, and Manigua. After refitting at Guanahani, Ponce de Leon
bore northwest; and on Easter Sunday (March 27) discovered the
mainland, along which he ran till the 2d of April, when he anchored in
30° 8’ and landed. On the 8th he took possession in the name of the
King of Spain, and named the country—which the Lucayos called
Cancio—Florida, from Pascua Florida, the Spanish name for Easter
Sunday.
The vessels then turned southward, following the coast till the
20th, when Ponce landed near Abayoa, a cluster of Indian huts. On
attempting to sail again, he met such violent currents that his vessels
could make no headway, and were forced to anchor, except one of
the caravels, which was driven out of sight. On landing at this point
Ponce found the Indians so hostile that he was obliged to repel their
attacks by force. He named a river Rio de la Cruz; and, doubling Cape](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-30-320.jpg)
![Corrientes on the 8th of May, sailed on till he reached a chain of
islands, to which he gave the name of the Martyrs. On one of these
he obtained wood and water, and careened a caravel. The Indians
were very thievish, endeavoring to steal the anchors or cut the
cables, so as to seize the ships. He next discovered and named the
Tortugas. After doubling the cape, he ran up the western shore of
Florida to a bay, in 27° 30’, which for centuries afterward bore the
name of Juan Ponce. There are indications that before he turned back
he may have followed the coast till it trended westward. After
discovering Bahama he is said to have despatched one caravel from
Guanima under John Perez de Ortubia, with Anton de Alaminos, to
search for Bimini, while he himself returned to Porto Rico, which he
reached September 21. He was soon followed by Ortubia, who, it is
said, had been successful in his search for Bimini.
Although Ponce de Leon had thus explored the Florida coast, and
added greatly to the knowledge of the Bahama group, his discoveries
are not noted in the editions of Ptolemy which appeared in the next
decade, and which retained the names of the Cantino map. The
Ribeiro map (1529) gives the Martyrs and Tortugas, and on the
mainland Canico,—apparently Cancio, the Lucayan name of Florida. In
the so-called Leonardo da Vinci’s Mappemonde, Florida appears as an
island in a vast ocean that rolls on to Japan.[802]
Elated with his success, John Ponce de Leon soon after sailed to
Spain; and, obtaining an audience of the King,—it is said through the
influence of his old master, Pero Nuñez de Guzman, Grand
Comendador of Calatrava,—gave the monarch a description of the
attractive land which he had discovered. He solicited a new patent for
its conquest and settlement; and on the 27th of September, 1514, the
King empowered him to go and settle “the Island of Brimini and the
Island Florida” which he had discovered under the royal orders. He
was to effect this in three years from the delivery of the asiento; but
as he had been employed in His Majesty’s service, it was extended so
that this term was to date from the day he set sail for his new
province. After reducing the Caribs, he was empowered to take of the
vessels and men employed in that service whatever he chose in order
to conquer and settle Florida. The natives were to be summoned to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-31-320.jpg)
![submit to the Catholic Faith and the authority of Spain, and they were
not to be attacked or captured if they submitted. Provision was made
as to the revenues of the new province, and orders were sent to the
viceroy, Don Diego Columbus, to carry out the royal wishes.[803]
The Carib war was not, however, terminated as promptly as the
King and his officers desired. Time passed, and adventurers in
unauthorized expeditions to Florida rendered the Indians hostile.[804]
It was not till 1521 that Ponce de Leon was able to give serious
thought to a new expedition. His early hopes seem to have faded,
and with them the energy and impulsiveness of his youth. He had
settled his daughters in marriage, and, free from domestic cares,
offered himself simply to continue to serve the King as he had done
for years. Writing to Charles V. from Porto Rico on the 10th of
February, 1521, he says:—
“Among my services I discovered, at my own cost and charge, the Island
Florida and others in its district, which are not mentioned as being small
and useless; and now I return to that island, if it please God’s will, to settle
it, being enabled to carry a number of people with which I shall be able to
do so, that the name of Christ may be praised there, and Your Majesty
served with the fruit that land produces. And I also intend to explore the
coast of said island further, and see whether it is an island, or whether it
connects with the land where Diego Velasquez is, or any other; and I shall
endeavor to learn all I can. I shall set out to pursue my voyage hence in
five or six days.”[805]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-32-320.jpg)
![PONCE DE LEON.
Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, edition of 1728.
As he wrote to the Cardinal of Tortosa, he had expended all his
substance in the King’s service; and if he asked favors now it was
“not to treasure up or to pass this miserable life, but to serve His
Majesty with them and his person and all he had, and settle the land
that he had discovered.”[806]
He went prepared to settle, carrying clergymen for the colonists,
friars to found Indian missions, and horses, cattle, sheep, and swine.
Where precisely he made the Florida coast we do not know; but it is
stated that on attempting to erect dwellings for his colonists he was](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-33-320.jpg)
![attacked by the natives, who showed great hostility. Ponce himself,
while leading his men against his assailants, received so dangerous
an arrow wound, that, after losing many of his settlers by sickness
and at the hands of the Indians, he abandoned the attempt to plant a
colony in Florida, which had so long been the object of his hopes; and
taking all on board his vessels, he sailed to Cuba. There he lingered in
pain, and died of his wound.[807]
John Ponce de Leon closed his long and gallant career without
solving the problem whether Florida was an island or part of the
northern continent. Meanwhile others, following in the path he had
opened, were contributing to a more definite knowledge. Thus Diego
Miruelo, a pilot, sailed from Cuba in 1516 on a trading cruise; and
running up the western shore of the Floridian peninsula, discovered a
bay which long bore his name on Spanish maps, and was apparently
Pensacola. Here he found the Indians friendly, and exchanged his
store of glass and steel trinkets for silver and gold. Then, satisfied
with his cruise, and without making any attempt to explore the coast,
he returned to Cuba.[808]
The next year Francis Hernandez de Cordova[809] sent from Cuba
on the 8th of February two ships and a brigantine, carrying one
hundred and ten men, with a less humane motive than Miruelo’s; for
Oviedo assures us that his object was to capture on the Lucayos, or
Bahama Islands, a cargo of Indians to sell as slaves. His object was
defeated by storms; and the vessels, driven from their course,
reached Yucatan, near Cape Catoche, which he named. The Indians
here were as hostile as the elements; and Hernandez, after several
sharp engagements with the natives, in which almost every man was
wounded, was sailing back, when storms again drove his vessels from
their course. Unable to make the Island of Cuba, Alaminos, the pilot
of the expedition, ran into a bay on the Florida coast, where he had
been with Ponce de Leon on his first expedition. While a party which
had landed were procuring water, they were attacked with the utmost
fury by the Indians, who, swarming down in crowds, assailed those
still in the boats. In this engagement twenty-two of the Indians were
killed, six of the Spaniards in the landing party were wounded,—](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-34-320.jpg)
![including Bernal Diaz, who records the event in his History,—and four
of those in the boats, among the number Anton de Alaminos, the
pilot. The only man in the expedition who had come away from
Yucatan unwounded, a soldier named Berrio, was acting as sentry on
shore, and fell into the hands of the Indians. The commander himself,
Hernandez de Cordova, reached Cuba only to die of his wounds.
This ill-starred expedition led to two other projects of settlement
and conquest. Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, the friend and host
of Hernandez, obtained a grant, which was referred to by Ponce de
Leon in his final letter to the King, and which resulted in the conquest
of Mexico;[810] and Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, persuaded
by Alaminos to enter upon an exploration of the mainland, obtained
permission in due form from the priors of the Order of St. Jerome,
then governors of the Indies, and in 1519 despatched four caravels,
well equipped, with a good number of men, and directed by good
pilots, to discover some strait in the mainland,—then the great object
of search.
Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the commander of the expedition,
reached the coast within the limits of the grant of Ponce de Leon, and
endeavored to sail eastward so as to pass beyond and continue the
exploration. Unable, from headwinds, to turn the Cape of Florida, he
sailed westward as far as the River Pánuco, which owes its name to
him. Here he encountered Cortés and his forces, who claimed the
country by actual possession.
The voyage lasted eight or nine months, and possession was duly
taken for the King at various points on the coast. Sailing eastward
again, Garay’s lieutenant discovered a river of very great volume,
evidently the Mississippi.[811] Here he found a considerable Indian
town, and remained forty days trading with the natives and careening
his vessels. He ran up the river, and found it so thickly inhabited that
in a space of six leagues he counted no fewer than forty Indian
hamlets on the two banks.
According to their report, the land abounded in gold, as the
natives wore gold ornaments in their noses and ears and on other
parts of the body. The adventurers told, too, of tribes of giants and of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-35-320.jpg)
![pigmies; but declared the natives to have been friendly, and well
disposed to receive the Christian Faith.
Wild as these statements of Pineda’s followers were, the voyage
settled conclusively the geography of the northern shore of the Gulf,
as it proved that there was no strait there by which ships could reach
Asia. Florida was no longer to be regarded as an island, but part of a
vast continent. The province discovered for Garay received the name
of Amichel.
Garay applied for a patent authorizing him to conquer and settle
the new territory, and one was issued at Burgos in 1521. By its tenor
Christopher de Tapia, who had been appointed governor of the
territory discovered by Velasquez, was commissioned to fix limits
between Amichel and the discoveries of Velasquez on the west and
those of Ponce de Leon on the east. On the map given in Navarrete,
[812] Amichel extends apparently from Cape Roxo to Pensacola Bay.
After sending his report and application to the King, and without
awaiting any further authority, Garay seems to have deemed it
prudent to secure a footing in the territory; and in 1520 sent four
caravels under Diego de Camargo to occupy some post near Pánuco.
The expedition was ill managed. One of the vessels ran into a
settlement established by Cortés and made a formal demand of
Cortés himself for a line of demarcation, claiming the country for
Garay. Cortés seized some of the men who landed, and learned all
Camargo’s plans. That commander, with the rest of his force,
attempted to begin a settlement at Pánuco; but the territory afforded
no food, and the party were soon in such straits that, unable to wait
for two vessels which Garay was sending to their aid, Camargo
despatched a caravel to Vera Cruz to beg for supplies.[813]
In 1523 Garay equipped a powerful fleet and force to conquer and
settle Amichel. He sailed from Jamaica at the end of June with the
famous John de Grijalva, discoverer of Yucatan, as his lieutenant. His
force comprised thirteen vessels, bearing one hundred and thirty-six
cavalry and eight hundred and forty infantry, with a supply of field-
pieces. He reached Rio de las Palmas on the 25th of July, and
prepared to begin a settlement; but his troops, alarmed at the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-36-320.jpg)
![point reached was, according to the estimate of the explorers, in
latitude 33° 30′.[814]
Boats put off from the caravels and landed some twenty men on
the shore; and while the ships endeavored to enter the river, these
men were surrounded by Indians, whose good-will they gained by
presents.[815]
Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country
in the name of Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of
the King, as Quexos did also in the name of his employers on Sunday,
June 30, 1521. Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark the
Spanish occupancy.[816]
Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations
with the Indians of any new land he might discover,[817] Gordillo
joined With Quexos in seizing some seventy of the natives, with
whom they sailed away, without any attempt to make an exploration
of the coast.
On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned
his captain’s act; and the matter was brought before a commission,
presided over by Diego Columbus, for the consideration of some
important affairs. The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered
that they should be restored to their native land at the earliest
possible moment. Meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of
Ayllon and Matienzo.
The latter made no attempt to pursue the discovery; but Ayllon,
adhering to his original purpose, proceeded to Spain with Francisco,—
one of the Indians, who told of a giant king and many provinces,[818]
—and on the 12th of June, 1523, obtained a royal cédula.[819] Under
this he was to send out vessels in 1524, to run eight hundred leagues
along the coast, or till he reached lands already discovered; and if he
discovered any strait leading to the west, he was to explore it. No one
was to settle within the limits explored by him the first year, or within
two hundred leagues beyond the extreme points reached by him
north and south; the occupancy of the territory was to be effected
within four years; and as the conversion of the natives was one of the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-38-320.jpg)
![main objects, their enslavement was forbidden, and Ayllon was
required to take out religious men of some Order to instruct them in
the doctrines of Christianity. He obtained a second cédula to demand
from Matienzo the Indians in his hands in order to restore them to
their native country.[820]
On his return to the West Indies, Ayllon was called on the King’s
service to Porto Rico; and finding it impossible to pursue his
discovery, the time for carrying out the asiento was, by a cédula of
March 23, 1524, extended to the year 1525.[821]
To secure his rights under the asiento, he despatched two caravels
under Pedro de Quexos to the newly discovered land early in 1525.
They regained the good-will of the natives and explored the coast for
two hundred and fifty leagues, setting up stone crosses with the
name of Charles V. and the date of the act of taking possession. They
returned to Santo Domingo in July, 1525, bringing one or two Indians
from each province, who might be trained to act as interpreters.[822]
Meanwhile Matienzo began legal proceedings to vacate the asiento
granted by the King to Ayllon, on the ground that it was obtained
surreptitiously, and in fraud of his own rights as joint discoverer. His
witnesses failed to show that his caravel had any license to make a
voyage of exploration, or that he took any steps to follow up the
discovery made; but the suit embarrassed Ayllon, who was fitting out
four vessels to sail in 1526, in order to colonize the territory granted
to him. The armada from Spain was greatly delayed; and as he
expected by it a store of artillery and muskets, as well as other
requisites, he was at great loss. At last, however, he sailed from
Puerto de la Plata with three large vessels,—a caravel, a breton, and
a brigantine,—early in June, 1526.[823] As missionaries he took the
famous Dominican, Antonio de Montesinos, the first to denounce
Indian slavery, with Father Antonio de Cervantes and Brother Pedro
de Estrada, of the same Order. The ships carried six hundred persons
of both sexes, including clergymen and physicians, besides one
hundred horses.
They reached the coast, not at the San Juan Bautista, but at
another river, at 33° 40´, says Navarrete, to which they gave the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-39-320.jpg)
![name of Jordan.[824] Their first misfortune was the loss of the
brigantine; but Ayllon immediately set to work to replace it, and built
a small vessel such as was called a gavarra,—the first instance of
ship-building on our coast. Francisco, his Indian guide, deserted him;
and parties sent to explore the interior brought back such unfavorable
accounts that Ayllon resolved to seek a more fertile district. That he
sailed northward there can be little doubt; his original asiento
required him to run eight hundred leagues along the coast, and he,
as well as Gomez, was to seek a strait or estuary leading to the Spice
Islands. The Chesapeake was a body of water which it would be
imperative on him to explore, as possibly the passage sought. The
soil of the country bordering on the bay, superior to that of the sandy
region south of it, would seem better suited for purposes of a
settlement. He at last reached Guandape, and began the settlement
of San Miguel, where the English in the next century founded
Jamestown.[825]
Here he found only a few scattered Indian dwellings of the
communal system, long buildings, formed of pine posts at the side,
and covered with branches, capable of holding, in their length of
more than a hundred feet, a vast number of families. Ayllon selected
the most favorable spot on the bank, though most of the land was
low and swampy. Then the Spaniards began to erect houses for their
shelter, the negro slaves—first introduced here—doing the heaviest
portion of the toil. Before the colonists were housed, winter came on.
Men perished of cold on the caravel “Catalina,” and on one of the
other vessels a man’s legs were frozen so that the flesh fell off.
Sickness broke out among the colonists, and many died. Ayllon
himself had sunk under the pestilential fevers, and expired on St.
Luke’s Day, Oct. 18, 1526.
He made his nephew, John Ramirez, then in Porto Rico, his
successor as head of the colony, committing the temporary
administration to Francis Gomez. Troubles soon began. Gines Doncel
and Pedro de Bazan, at the head of some malcontents, seized and
confined Gomez and the alcaldes, and began a career of tyranny. The
Indians were provoked to hostility, and killed several of the settlers;](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-40-320.jpg)
![the negroes, cruelly oppressed, fired the house of Doncel. Then two
settlers, Oliveros and Monasterio, demanded the release of the lawful
authorities. Swords were drawn; Bazan was wounded and taken,
Doncel fled, but was discovered near his blazing house. Gomez and
his subordinates, restored to power, tried and convicted Bazan, who
was put to death.
Such were the stormy beginnings of Spanish rule in Virginia. It is
not to be wondered at that with one consent the colonists soon
resolved to abandon San Miguel de Guandape. The body of Ayllon
was placed on board a tender, and they set sail; but it was not
destined to reach a port and receive the obsequies due his rank. The
little craft foundered; and of the five hundred who sailed from Santo
Domingo only one hundred and fifty returned to that island.
Contemporaneous with the explorations made by and under Ayllon
was an expedition in a single vessel sent out by the Spanish
Government in 1524 under Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese navigator
who had sailed under Magallanes, but had returned in a somewhat
mutinous manner. He took part in a congress of Spanish and
Portuguese pilots held at Badajoz to consider the probability of finding
a strait or channel north of Florida by which vessels might reach the
Moluccas. To test the question practically, Charles V. ordered Gomez
to sail to the coast of Bacallaos, or Newfoundland and Labrador, and
examine the coast carefully, in order to ascertain whether any such
channel existed. Gomez fitted out a caravel at Corunna, in northern
Spain, apparently in the autumn of 1524, and sailed across. After
examining the Labrador coast, he turned southward and leisurely
explored the whole coast from Cape Race to Florida, from which he
steered to Santiago de Cuba, and thence to Corunna, entering that
port after ten months’ absence. He failed to discover the desired
channel, and no account in detail of his voyage is known; but the
map of Ribeiro,[826] drawn up in 1529, records his discoveries, and on
its coast-line gives names which were undoubtedly bestowed by him,
confirming the statement that he sailed southerly. From this map and
the descriptions of the coast in Spanish writers soon after, in which](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-41-320.jpg)
![descriptions mention is made of his discoveries, we can see that he
noted and named in his own fashion what we now know as
Massachusetts Bay, Cape Cod, Narragansett Bay, the Connecticut,
Hudson, and Delaware rivers.
This voyage completed the exploration of our coast from the Rio
Grande to the Bay of Fundy; yet Sebastián Cabot in 1536 declared
that it was still uncertain whether a single continent stretched from
the Mississippi to Newfoundland.[827]
The success of Cortés filled the Spanish mind with visions of
empires in the north rivalling that of Mexico, which but awaited the
courage of valiant men to conquer.
Panfilo de Narvaez, after being defeated by Cortés, whom he was
sent to supersede,[828] solicited of Charles V. a patent under which he
might conquer and colonize the country on the Gulf of Mexico, from
Rio de Palmas to Florida. A grant was made, under which he was
required to found two or more towns and erect two fortresses. He
received the title of adelantado, and was empowered to enslave all
Indians who, after being summoned in due form, would not submit to
the Spanish King and the Christian Faith. In an official document he
styles himself Governor of Florida, Rio de Palmas, and Espiritu Santo,
—the Mississippi.[829]
Narvaez collected an armament suited to the project, and sailed
from San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, in a fleet of five ships
carrying six hundred persons, with mechanics and laborers, as well as
secular priests, and five Franciscan friars, the superior being Father
Juan Xuarez. On the coast of Cuba his fleet was caught by a
hurricane, and one vessel perished. After refitting and acquiring other
vessels, Narvaez sailed from Cuba in March with four vessels and a
brigantine, taking four hundred men and eighty horses, his pilot being
Diego Miruelo, of a family which had acquired experience on that
coast.
The destination was the Rio de Palmas; but his pilot proved
incompetent, and his fleet moved slowly along the southern coast of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-42-320.jpg)
![Cuba, doubled Cape San Antonio, and was standing in for Havana
when it was driven by a storm on the Florida coast at a bay which he
called Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot
identifies with Apalache Bay.[830] Here Narvaez landed a part of his
force (April 15), sending his brigantine to look for a port or the way to
Pánuco,—much vaunted by the pilots,—and if unsuccessful to return
to Cuba for a vessel that had remained there. He was so misled by his
pilots that though he was near or on the Florida peninsula, he
supposed himself not far from the rivers Pánuco and Palmas. Under
this impression he landed most of his men, and directed his vessels,
with about one hundred souls remaining on them, to follow the coast
while he marched inland. No steps were taken to insure their meeting
at the harbor proposed as a rendezvous, or to enable the brigantine
and the other ship to follow the party on land. On the 19th of April
Narvaez struck inland in a northward or northeasterly direction; and
having learned a little of the country, moved on with three hundred
men, forty of them mounted. On the 15th of the following month they
reached a river with a strong current, which they crossed some
distance from the sea. Cabeza de Vaca, sent at his own urgent
request to find a harbor, returned with no encouraging tidings; and
the expedition plodded on till, on the 25th of June, they reached
Apalache,—an Indian town of which they had heard magnificent
accounts. It proved to be a mere hamlet of forty wretched cabins.
The sufferings of Narvaez’ men were great; the country was
poverty-stricken; there was no wealthy province to conquer, no fertile
lands for settlement. Aute (a harbor) was said to be nine days’ march
to the southward; and to this, after nearly a month spent at
Apalache, the disheartened Spaniards turned their course, following
the Magdalena River. On the 31st of July they reached the coast at a
bay which Narvaez styled Bahia de Cavallos; and seeing no signs of
his vessels, he set to work to build boats in which to escape from the
country. The horses were killed for food; and making forges, the
Spaniards wrought their stirrups, spurs, and other iron articles into
saws, axes, and nails. Ropes were made of the manes and tails of the
horses and such fibres as they could find; their shirts were used for
sailcloth. By the 20th of September five boats, each twenty-two cubits](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-43-320.jpg)
![long, were completed, and two days afterward the survivors
embarked, forty-eight or nine being crowded into each frail structure.
Not one of the whole number had any knowledge of navigation or of
the coast.
Running between Santa Rosa Island and the mainland, they
coasted along for thirty days, landing where possible to obtain food or
water, but generally finding the natives fierce and hostile. On the 31st
of October they came to a broad river pouring into the Gulf such a
volume of water that it freshened the brine so that they were able to
drink it; but the current was too much for their clumsy craft. The boat
commanded by Narvaez was lost, and never heard of; that containing
Father Xuarez and the other friars was driven ashore bottom upward;
the three remaining boats were thrown on the coast of western
Louisiana or eastern Texas. The crews barely escaped with life, and
found themselves at the mercy of cruel and treacherous savages, who
lived on or near Malhado Island, and drew a precarious living from
shellfish and minor animals, prickly-pears and the like. They were
consequently not as far west as the bison range, which reached the
coast certainly at Matagorda Bay.[831] Here several of the wretched
Spaniards fell victims to the cruelty of the Indians or to disease and
starvation, till Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of the
expedition, escaping from six years’ captivity among the Mariames,
reached the Avavares, farther inland, with two companions, Castillo
and Dorantes, and a negro slave. After spending eight months with
them, he penetrated to the Arbadaos, where the mesquite is first
found, near the Rio Grande; and skirting the San Saba Mountains,
came to the bison plains and the hunter nations; then keeping
westward through tribes that lived in houses of earth and knew the
use of cotton and mined the turquoise, he finally came upon some
Spanish explorers on the River Petatlan; and thus on the 1st of April,
1536, with hearts full of joy and gratitude, the four men entered the
town of San Miguel in Sinaloa.
The vessels of Narvaez, not finding the alleged port of the pilots,
returned to the harbor where they had landed him, and were there
joined by the two vessels from Cuba; but though they remained
nearly a year, cruising along the coast of the Gulf, they never](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-44-320.jpg)
![reached Cuba safely, and Soto was received with all honor. More
prudent than Narvaez, Soto twice despatched Juan de Añasco, in a
caravel with two pinnaces, to seek a suitable harbor for the fleet,
before trusting all the vessels on the coast.[832]
Encouraged by the reports of this reconnoitring, Soto, leaving his
wife in Cuba, sailed from Havana in May, 1539, and made a bay on
the Florida coast ten leagues west of the Bay of Juan Ponce. To this
he gave the name of Espiritu Santo, because he reached it on the
Feast of Pentecost, which fell that year on the 25th of May.[833] On
the 30th he began to land his army near a town ruled by a chief
named Uçita. Soto’s whole force was composed of five hundred and
seventy men, and two hundred and twenty-three horses, in five ships,
two caravels, and two pinnaces. He took formal possession of the
country in the name of the King of Spain on the 3d of June, and
prepared to explore and subject the wealthy realms which he
supposed to lie before him. Though the chief at his landing-place was
friendly, he found that all the surrounding tribes were so hostile that
they began to attack those who welcomed him.
Ortiz, a Spaniard belonging to Narvaez’ expedition, who in his long
years of captivity had become as naked and as savage as were the
Indians, soon joined Soto.[834] He was joyfully received; though his
knowledge of the country was limited, his services were of vital
necessity, for the Indians secured by Añasco, and on whom Soto
relied as guides and interpreters, deserted at the first opportunity.
Soto had been trained in a bad school; he had no respect for the
lives or rights of the Indians. As Oviedo, a man of experience among
the conquistadores, says: “This governor was very fond of this sport
of killing Indians.”[835]
The plan of his march showed his disregard of the rights of the
natives. At each place he demanded of the cacique, or head chief,
corn for his men and horses, and Indians of both sexes to carry his
baggage and do the menial work in his camp. After obtaining these
supplies, he compelled the chief to accompany his army till he
reached another tribe whose chief he could treat in the same way;
but though the first chief was then released, few of the people of the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-46-320.jpg)
![tribe which he ruled, and who had been carried off by Soto, were so
fortunate as ever to be allowed to return to their homes.
On the 15th of July Soto, sending back his largest ships to Cuba,
moved to the northeast to make his toilsome way amid the lakes and
streams and everglades of Florida. Before long his soldiers began to
suffer from hunger, and were glad to eat water-cresses, shoots of
Indian corn, and palmetto, in order to sustain life; for native villages
were few and scattered, and afforded little corn for the plunderers.
The natives were met only as foe-men, harassing his march. At
Caliquen the Indians, to rescue their chief, whom Soto was carrying
to the next town, made a furious onslaught on the Spaniards; but
were driven to the swamps, and nearly all killed or taken. Their
dauntless spirit was, however, unbroken. The survivors, though
chained as slaves, rose on their masters; and seizing any weapon
within their reach, fought desperately, one of them endeavoring to
throttle Soto himself. Two hundred survived this gallant attempt, only
to be slaughtered by the Indian allies of the Spanish commander.
Soto fought his way westward step by step so slowly that at the end
of three months, Oct. 30, 1539, he had only reached Agile,—a town
in the province of Apalache. Añasco, sent out from this point to
explore, discovered the port where Narvaez had embarked,—the
remains of his forges and the bones of his horses attesting the fact.
Soto despatched him to Tampa Bay. Añasco with a party marched the
distance in ten days; and sending two caravels to Cuba, brought to
Soto in the remaining vessels the detachment left at his landing-
place. Before he reached his commander the Indians had burned the
town of Anaica Apalache, of which Soto had taken possession.[836]
A good port, that of Pensacola, had been discovered to the
westward; but Soto, crediting an Indian tale of the rich realm of
Yupaha in the northeast, left his winter quarters March 3, 1540, and
advanced in that direction through tribes showing greater civilization.
A month later he reached the Altamaha, receiving from the more
friendly natives corn and game. This was not sufficient to save the
Spaniards from much suffering, and they treated the Indians with
their wonted cruelty.[837]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-47-320.jpg)
![At last Soto, after a march of four hundred and thirty leagues,
much of it through uninhabited land, reached the province ruled by
the chieftainess of Cofitachiqui. On the 1st of May she went forth to
meet the Spanish explorer in a palanquin or litter; and crossing the
river in a canopied canoe, she approached Soto, and after presenting
him the gifts of shawls and skins brought by her retinue, she took off
her necklace of pearls and placed it around the neck of Soto. Yet her
courtesy and generosity did not save her from soon being led about
on foot as a prisoner. The country around her chief town, which Jones
identifies with Silver Bluff, on the Savannah, below Augusta,[838]
tempted the followers of Soto, who wished to settle there, as from it
Cuba could be readily reached. But the commander would attempt no
settlement till he had discovered some rich kingdom that would rival
Peru; and chagrined at his failure, refused even to send tidings of his
operations to Cuba. At Silver Bluff he came upon traces of an earlier
Spanish march. A dirk and a rosary were brought to him, which were
supposed, on good grounds, to have come from the expedition of
Ayllon.
Poring over the cosmography of Alonzo de Chaves, Soto and the
officers of his expedition concluded that a river, crossed on the 26th
of May, was the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi. A seven days’ march,
still in the chieftainess’s realm, brought them to Chelaque, the
country of the Cherokees, poor in maize; then, over mountain ridges,
a northerly march brought them to Xualla, two hundred and fifty
leagues from Silver Bluff. At the close of May they were in Guaxule,
where the chieftainess regained her freedom. It was a town of three
hundred houses, near the mountains, in a well-watered and pleasant
land, probably at the site of Coosawattie Old Town. The chief gave
Soto maize, and also three hundred dogs for the maintenance of his
men.
Marching onward, Soto next came to Canasagua, in all probability
on a river even now called the Connasauga, flowing through an
attractive land of mulberries, persimmons, and walnuts. Here they
found stores of bear oil and walnut oil and honey. Marching down this
stream and the Oostanaula, into which it flows, to Chiaha, on an
island opposite the mouth of the Etowa, in the district of the pearl-](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-48-320.jpg)
![bearing mussel-streams, Soto was received in amity; and the cacique
had some of the shellfish taken and pearls extracted in the presence
of his guest. The Spaniards encamped under the trees near the town,
leaving the inhabitants in quiet possession of their homes. Here, on
the spot apparently now occupied by Rome, they rested for a month.
A detachment sent to discover a reputed gold-producing province
returned with no tidings to encourage the adventurers; and on the
28th of June Soto, with his men and steeds refreshed, resumed his
march, having obtained men to bear his baggage, though his demand
of thirty women as slaves was refused.[839]
Chisca, to which he sent two men to explore for gold, proved to
be in a rugged mountain land; and the buffalo robe which they
brought back was more curious than encouraging. Soto therefore left
the territory of the Cherokees, and took the direction of Coça,
probably on the Coosa river. The cacique of that place, warned
doubtless by the rumors which must have spread through all the land
of the danger of thwarting the fierce strangers, furnished supplies at
several points on the route to his town, and as Soto approached it,
came out on a litter attired in a fur robe and plumed headpiece to
make a full surrender. The Spaniards occupied the town and took
possession of all the Indian stores of corn and beans, the neighboring
woods adding persimmons and grapes. This town was one hundred
and ninety leagues west of Xualla, and lay on the east bank of the
Coosa, between the mouths of the Talladega and Tallasehatchee, as
Pickett, the historian of Alabama, determines. Soto held the chief of
Coça virtually as a prisoner; but when he demanded porters to bear
the baggage of his men, most of the Indians fled. The Spanish
commander then seized every Indian he could find, and put him in
irons.
After remaining at Coça for twenty-five days, Soto marched to
Ullibahali, a strongly palisaded town, situated, as we may conjecture,
on Hatchet Creek. This place submitted, giving men as porters and
women as slaves. Leaving this town on the 2d of September, he
marched to Tallise, in a land teeming with corn, whose people proved](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-49-320.jpg)
![equally docile.[840] This submission was perhaps only to gain time,
and draw the invaders into a disadvantageous position.
Actahachi, the gigantic chief of Tastaluza, sixty leagues south of
Coça, which was Soto’s next station, received him with a pomp such
as the Spaniards had not yet witnessed. The cacique was seated on
cushions on a raised platform, with his chiefs in a circle around him;
an umbrella of buckskin, stained red and white, was held over him.
The curveting steeds and the armor of the Spaniards raised no look of
curiosity on his stern countenance, and he calmly awaited Soto’s
approach. Not till he found himself detained as a prisoner would he
promise to furnish the Spaniards with porters and supplies of
provisions at Mauila[841] to enable Soto to continue his march. He
then sent orders to his vassal, the chief of Mauila, to have them in
readiness.
As the Spaniards, accompanied by Actahachi, descended the
Alabama, passing by the strong town of Piache, the cacique of Mauila
came to meet them with friendly greetings, attended by a number of
his subjects playing upon their native musical instruments, and
proffering fur robes and service; but the demeanor of the people was
so haughty that Luis de Moscoso urged Soto not to enter the town.
The adelantado persisted; and riding in with seven or eight of his
guard and four horsemen, sat down with the cacique and the chief of
Tastaluza, whom, according to custom, he had brought to this place.
The latter asked leave to return to his own town; when Soto refused,
he rose, pretending a wish to confer with some chiefs, and entered a
house where some armed Indians were concealed. He refused to
come out when summoned; and a chief who was ordered to carry a
message to the cacique, but refused, was cut down by Gallego with a
sword. Then the Indians, pouring out from the houses, sent volleys of
arrows at Soto and his party. Soto ran toward his men, but fell two or
three times; and though he reached his main force, five of his men
were killed, and he himself, as well as all the rest, was severely
wounded. The chained Indian porters, who bore the baggage and
treasures of Soto’s force, had set down their loads just outside the
palisade. When the party of Soto had been driven out, the men of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-50-320.jpg)
![Mauila sent all these into the town, took off their fetters, and gave
them weapons. Some of the military equipments of the Spaniards fell
into the hands of the Indians, and several of Soto’s followers, who
had like him entered the town, among them a friar and an
ecclesiastic, remained as prisoners.
The Indians, sending off their caciques, and apparently their
women, prepared to defend the town; but Soto, arranging his military
array into four detachments, surrounded it, and made an assault on
the gates, where the natives gathered to withstand them. By feigning
flight Soto drew them out; and by a sudden charge routed them, and
gaining an entrance for his men, set fire to the houses. This was not
effected without loss, as the Spaniards were several times repulsed
by the Indians. When they at last fought their way into the town, the
Indians endeavored to escape. Finding that impossible, as the gates
were held, the men of Mauila fought desperately, and died by the
sword, or plunged into the blazing houses to perish there.
The battle of Mauila was one of the bloodiest ever fought on our
soil between white and red men in the earlier days. The Adelantado
had twenty of his men killed, and one hundred and fifty wounded; of
his horses twelve were killed and seventy wounded. The Indian loss
was estimated by the Portuguese chronicler of the expedition at
twenty-five hundred, and by Rangel at three thousand. At nightfall
Biedma tells us that only three Indians remained alive, two of whom
were killed fighting; the last hung himself from a tree in the palisade
with his bowstring.[842] The Gentleman of Elvas states Soto’s whole
loss up to his leaving Mauila to have been one hundred and two by
disease, accident, and Indian fighting. Divine worship had been
apparently offered in the camp regularly up to this time; but in the
flames of Mauila perished all the chalices and vestments of the clergy,
as well as the bread-irons and their store of wheat-flour and wine, so
that Mass ceased from this time.[843]
Soto here ascertained that Francisco Maldonado was with vessels
at the port of Ichuse (or Ochuse) only six days’ march from him,
awaiting his orders. He was too proud to return to Cuba with his force
reduced in numbers, without their baggage, or any trophy from the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-51-320.jpg)
![When Soto at last took up his march on the 25th of April, the
sturdy Alibamo, or Alimamu, or Limamu, barred his way with a
palisade manned by the painted warriors of the tribe. Soto carried it
at the cost of the lives of seven or eight of his men, and twenty-five
or six wounded; only to find that the Indians had made the palisade
not to protect any stores, but simply to cope with the invaders.[844]
At Quizquiz, or Quizqui, near the banks of the Mississippi, Soto
surprised the place and captured all the women; but released them to
obtain canoes to cross the river. As the Indians failed to keep their
promise, Soto encamped in a plain and spent nearly a month building
four large boats, each capable of carrying sixty or seventy men and
five or six horses. The opposite shore was held by hostile Indians;
and bands of finely formed warriors constantly came down in canoes,
as if ready to engage them, but always drawing off.
The Spaniards finally crossed the river at the lowest Chickasaw
Bluff, all wondering at the mighty turbid stream, with its fish, strange
to their eyes, and the trees, uprooted on the banks far above, that
came floating down.[845] Soto marched northward to Little Prairie in
quest of Pacaha and Chisca, provinces reported to abound in gold.
After planting a cross on St. John’s Day[846] at Casqui, where the
bisons’ heads above the entrances to the huts reminded them of
Spain, he entered Pacaha June 29, as Oviedo says. These towns were
the best they had seen since they left Cofitachiqui. Pacaha furnished
them with a booty which they prized highly,—a fine store of skins of
animals, and native blankets woven probably of bark. These enabled
the men to make clothing, of which many had long been in sore
want. The people gradually returned, and the cacique received Soto
in friendly guise, giving him his two sisters as wives.
While the army rested here nearly a month, expeditions were sent
in various directions. One, marching eight days to the northwest
through a land of swamps and ponds, reached the prairies, the land
of Caluça, where Indians lived in portable houses of mats, with
frames so light that a man could easily carry them.[847]
Despairing of finding his long-sought El Dorado in that direction,
Soto marched south and then southwest, in all a hundred and ten](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-53-320.jpg)
![leagues, to Quiguate, a town on a branch of the Mississippi. It was
the largest they had yet seen. The Indians abandoned it; but one half
the houses were sufficient to shelter the whole of Soto’s force.
On the first of September the expedition reached Coligua,—a
populous town in a valley among the mountains, near which vast
herds of bison roamed. Then crossing the river again,[848] Soto’s
jaded and decreasing force marched onward. Cayas, with its salt river
and fertile maize-lands, was reached; and then the Spaniards came to
Tulla, where the Indians attacked them, fighting from their housetops
to the last. The cacique at last yielded, and came weeping with great
sobs to make his submission.
Marching southeast, Soto reached Quipana; and crossing the
mountains eastward, wintered in the province of Viranque, or
Autiamque, or Utianque, on a branch of the Mississippi, apparently
the Washita.[849] The sufferings of the Spaniards during a long and
severe winter were terrible, and Ortiz, their interpreter, succumbed to
his hardships and died. Even the proud spirit of Soto yielded to his
disappointments and toil. Two hundred and fifty of his splendid force
had left their bones to whiten along the path which he had followed.
He determined at last to push to the shores of the Gulf, and there
build two brigantines, in order to send to Cuba and to New Spain for
aid.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-54-320.jpg)
![three horses, and a herd of swine. His body, kept for some days in a
house, was interred in the town; but as fears were entertained that
the Indians might dig up the corpse, it was taken, wrapped in
blankets loaded with sand, and sunk in the Mississippi.[850]
AUTOGRAPH OF SOTO.
Muscoço’s first plan was to march westward to Mexico. But after
advancing to the province of Xacatin, the survivors of the expedition
lost all hope; and returning to the Mississippi, wintered on its banks.
There building two large boats, they embarked in them and in
canoes. Hostile Indians pursued them, and twelve men were
drowned, their canoes being run down by the enemy’s periaguas. The
survivors reached the Gulf and coasted along to Pánuco.[851]
The expedition of Soto added very little to the knowledge of the
continent, as no steps were taken to note the topography of the
country or the language of the various tribes. Diego Maldonado and
Gomez Arias, seeking Soto, explored the coast from the vicinity of the
Mississippi nearly to Newfoundland; but their reports are unknown.
Notwithstanding the disastrous result of Soto’s expedition, and the
conclusive proof it afforded that the country bordering on the Gulf of
Mexico contained no rich kingdom and afforded little inducement for
settlements, other commanders were ready to undertake the
conquest of Florida. Among these was Don Antonio de Mendoza, the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-56-320.jpg)
![ANTONIO DE MENDOZA,
Viceroy of New Spain.
viceroy of New Spain, who sought, by offers of rank and honors, to
enlist some of the survivors of Soto’s march in a new campaign. In a
more mercantile spirit, Julian de Samano and Pedro de Ahumada
applied to the Spanish monarch for a patent, promising to make a
good use of the privileges granted them, and to treat the Indians
well. They hoped to buy furs and pearls, and carry on a trade in them
till mines of gold and silver were found. The Court, however, refused
to permit the grant.[852]
Yet as a matter of policy it became
necessary for Spain to occupy Florida.
This the Court felt; and when Cartier
was preparing for his voyage to the
northern part of the continent,[853]
Spanish spies followed his movements
and reported all to their Government.
In Spain it was decided that Cartier’s occupation of the frozen land,
for which he was equipping his vessels, could not in any way militate
against the interests of the Catholic monarch; but it was decided that
any settlement attempted in Florida must on some pretext be crushed
out.[854] Florida from its position afforded a basis for assailing the
fleets which bore from Vera Cruz the treasures of the Indies; and the
hurricanes of the tropics had already strewn the Florida coast with the
fragments of Spanish wrecks. In 1545 a vessel laden with silver and
precious commodities perished on that coast, and two hundred
persons reached land, only to fall by the hands of the Indians.[855]
The next Spanish attempt to occupy Florida was not unmixed with
romance; and its tragic close invests it with peculiar interest. The
Dominicans, led by Father Antonio de Montesinos and Las Casas,—
who had by this time become Bishop of Chiapa,—were active in
condemning the cruelties of their countrymen to the natives of the
New World; and the atrocities perpetrated by Soto in his disastrous
march gave new themes for their indignant denunciations.[856]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-57-320.jpg)
![nearly exhausted, water could not be had, and the ship’s people were
clamoring to return to Mexico. The missionaries, all except Father
Cancer, desired to abandon the projected settlement, but he still
believed that by presents and kindness to the Indians he could safely
remain. His companions in vain endeavored to dissuade him. On
Tuesday, June 25, he was pulled in a boat near the shore. He leaped
into the water and waded towards the land. Though urged to return,
he persevered. Kneeling for a few minutes on the beach, he advanced
till he met the Indians. The sailors in the boat saw one Indian pull off
his hat, and another strike him down with a club. One cry escaped his
lips. A crowd of Indians streamed down to the shore and with arrows
drove off the boat. Lingering for awhile, the vessel sailed back to Vera
Cruz, after five lives had thus rashly been sacrificed.[857]
On the arrival of the tidings of this tragic close of Cancer’s mission
a congress was convened by Maximilian, King of Bohemia, then
regent in Spain; and the advocates of the peace policy in regard to
the Indians lost much of the influence which they had obtained in the
royal councils.[858]
The wreck of the fleet, with rich cargoes of silver, gold, and other
precious commodities, on the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico in
1553, when several hundred persons perished, and the sufferings of
the surviving passengers, among whom were several Dominicans, in
their attempt to reach the settlements; and the wreck of Farfan’s fleet
on the Atlantic coast near Santa Elena in December, 1554,—showed
the necessity of having posts on that dangerous coast of Florida, in
order to save life and treasure.[859]
The Council of the Indies advised Philip II. to confide the conquest
and settlement of Florida to Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New
Spain, who was anxious to undertake the task. The Catholic monarch
had previously rejected the projects of Zurita and Samano; but the
high character of Velasco induced him to confide the task to the
viceroy of Mexico. The step was a gain for the humanitarian party;
and the King, on giving his approval, directed that Dominican friars
should be selected to accompany the colonists, in order to minister to
them and convert the Indians. Don Luis de Velasco had directed the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-59-320.jpg)
![government in Mexico since November, 1550, with remarkable
prudence and ability. The natives found in him such an earnest,
capable, and unwavering protector that he is styled in history the
Father of the Indians.
The plans adopted by this excellent governor for the occupation of
Florida were in full harmony with the Dominican views. In the
treatment of the Indians he anticipated the just and equitable
methods which give Calvert, Williams, and Penn so enviable a place in
American annals.[860]
The occupation was not to be one of conquest, and all intercourse
with the Indians was to be on the basis of natural equity. His first step
was prompted by his characteristic prudence.[861] In September,
1558, he despatched Guido de Labazares, with three vessels and a
sufficient force, to explore the whole Florida coast, and select the
best port he found for the projected settlement. Labazares, on his
return after an investigation of several months, reported in favor of
Pensacola Bay, which he named Felipina; and he describes its
entrance between a long island and a point of land. The country was
well wooded, game and fish abounded, and the Indian fields showed
that Indian corn and vegetables could be raised successfully.[862] On
the return of Labazares in December, preparations were made for the
expedition, which was placed under the command of Don Tristan de
Luna y Arellano. The force consisted of fifteen hundred soldiers and
settlers, under six captains of cavalry and six of infantry, some of
whom had been at Coça, and were consequently well acquainted with
the country where it was intended to form the settlement. The
Dominicans selected were Fathers Pedro de Feria, as vicar-provincial
of Florida, Dominic of the Annunciation, Dominic de Salazar, John
Maçuelas, Dominic of Saint Dominic, and a lay brother. The object
being to settle, provisions for a whole year were prepared, and
ammunition to meet all their wants.
The colonists, thus well fitted for their undertaking, sailed from
Vera Cruz on the 11th of June, 1559; and by the first of the following
month were off the bay in Florida to which Miruelo had given his
name. Although Labazares had recommended Pensacola Bay, Tristan](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-60-320.jpg)
![de Luna seems to have been induced by his pilots to give the
preference to the Bay of Ichuse; and he sailed west in search of it,
but passed it, and entered Pensacola Bay. Finding that he had gone
too far, Luna sailed back ten leagues east to Ichuse, which must have
been Santa Rosa Bay. Here he anchored his fleet, and despatched the
factor Luis Daza, with a galleon, to Vera Cruz to announce his safe
arrival. He fitted two other vessels to proceed to Spain, awaiting the
return of two exploring parties; he then prepared to land his colonists
and stores.[863] Meanwhile he sent a detachment of one hundred
men under captains Alvaro Nyeto and Gonzalo Sanchez, accompanied
by one of the missionaries, to explore the country and ascertain the
disposition of the Indians. The exploring parties returned after three
weeks, having found only one hamlet, in the midst of an uninhabited
country.[864] Before Luna had unloaded his vessels, they were struck,
during the night of September 19,[865] by a terrible hurricane, which
lasted twenty-four hours, destroying five ships, a galleon and a bark,
and carrying one caravel and its cargo into a grove some distance on
land. Many of the people perished, and most of the stores intended
for the maintenance of the colony were ruined or lost.
The river, entering the Bay of Ichuse, proved to be very difficult of
navigation, and it watered a sparsely-peopled country. Another
detachment,[866] sent apparently to the northwest, after a forty days’
march through uncultivated country, reached a large river, apparently
the Escambia, and followed its banks to Nanipacna, a deserted town
of eighty houses. Explorations in various directions found no other
signs of Indian occupation. The natives at last returned and became
friendly.
Finding his original site unfavorable, Tristan de Luna, after
exhausting the relief-supplies sent him, and being himself prostrated
by a fever in which he became delirious, left Juan de Jaramillo at the
port with fifty men and negro slaves, and proceeded[867] with the rest
of his company, nearly a thousand souls, to Nanipacna, some by land,
and some ascending the river in their lighter craft. To this town he
gave the name of Santa Cruz. The stores of Indian corn, beans, and
other vegetables left by the Indians were soon consumed by the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-61-320.jpg)
![Spaniards, who were forced to live on acorns or any herbs they could
gather.
The Viceroy, on hearing of their sufferings, sent two vessels to
their relief in November, promising more ample aid in the spring. The
provisions they obtained saved them from starvation during the
winter, but in the spring their condition became as desperate as ever.
No attempt seems to have been made to cultivate the Indian fields, or
to raise anything for their own support.[868]
In hope of obtaining provisions from Coça, Jaramillo sent his
sergeant-major with six captains and two hundred soldiers,
accompanied by Father Dominic de Salazar and Dominic of the
Annunciation, to that province. On the march the men were forced to
eat straps, harnesses, and the leather coverings of their shields; some
died of starvation, while others were poisoned by herbs which they
ate. A chestnut wood proved a godsend, and a fifty days’ march
brought them to Olibahali (Hatchet Creek), where the friendly natives
ministered to their wants.[869]
About the beginning of July they reached Coça, on the Coosa
River, then a town of thirty houses, near which were seven other
towns of the same tribe. Entering into friendly intercourse with these
Indians, the Spaniards obtained food for themselves and their jaded
horses. After resting here for three months, the Spaniards, to gain the
good-will of the Coosas, agreed to aid them in a campaign against
the Napochies,—a nation near the Ochechiton,[870] the Espiritu Santo,
or Mississippi. These were in all probability the Natchez. The Coosas
and their Spanish allies defeated this tribe, and compelled them to
pay tribute, as of old, to the Coosas. Their town, saved with difficulty
from the flames, gave the Spaniards a supply of corn. On their return
to Coça, the sergeant-major sent to report to Tristan de Luna; but his
messengers found no Spaniard at Nanipacna, save one hanging from
a tree. Tristan de Luna, supposing his men lost, had gone down to
Ochuse Bay, leaving directions on a tree, and a buried letter.[871]
Father Feria and some others had sailed for Havana, and all were
eager to leave the country.[872] Tristan de Luna was reluctant to
abandon the projected settlement, and wished to proceed to Coça](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/2668-250308183246-6c6acc9b/85/Qualitative-Data-Analysis-A-Methods-Sourcebook-Third-Edition-62-320.jpg)
Qualitative Data Analysis: A Methods Sourcebook Third Edition
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- 8. First and Second Edition Copyright © 1994 by Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman Third Edition Copyright © 2014 SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Miles, Matthew B. Qualitative data analysis: a methods sourcebook / Matthew B. Miles, A. Michael Huberman, Johnny Saldaña, Arizona State University. — Third edition. pages. cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4522-5787-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Social sciences—Research. 2. Education—Research. I. Huberman, A. M. II. Saldaña, Johnny. III. Title. H62.M437 2014 001.4′2—dc23 2013002036 This book is printed on acid-free paper. 13 14 15 16 17 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
- 9. FOR INFORMATION: SAGE Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 E-mail: order@sagepub.com SAGE Publications Ltd. 1 Oliver’s Yard 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 India SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd. 3 Church Street #10-04 Samsung Hub Singapore 049483 Acquisitions Editor: Helen Salmon Editorial Assistant: Kaitlin Perry Assistant Editor: Kalie Koscielak Production Editor: Laura Barrett Copy Editor: QuADS Prepress (P) Ltd. Typesetter: C&M Digitals (P) Ltd. Proofreader: Theresa Kay Indexer: Will Ragsdale Cover Designer: Janet Kiesel Marketing Manager: Nicole Elliott Permissions Editor: Adele Hutchinson
- 10. Brief Table of Contents List of Displays Preface to the Third Edition by Johnny Saldaña Acknowledgments From the Second Edition by Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman About the Authors Part One – The Substantive Start Chapter 1 - Introduction Chapter 2 - Research Design and Management Chapter 3 - Ethical Issues in Analysis Chapter 4 - Fundamentals of Qualitative Data Analysis Part Two – Displaying the Data Chapter 5 - Designing Matrix and Network Displays Chapter 6 - Methods of Exploring Chapter 7 - Methods of Describing Chapter 8 - Methods of Ordering Chapter 9 - Methods of Explaining Chapter 10 - Methods of Predicting Part Three – Making Good Sense Chapter 11 - Drawing and Verifying Conclusions Chapter 12 - Writing About Qualitative Research Chapter 13 - Closure Appendix – An Annotated Bibliography of Qualitative Research Resources References Author Index Subject Index
- 11. Contents List of Displays Preface to the Third Edition by Johnny Saldaña Acknowledgments From the Second Edition by Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman About the Authors Part One – The Substantive Start Chapter 1 - Introduction The Purpose of This Book The Nature of This Book Audiences Approach Our Orientation Genres of Qualitative Research An Approach to Qualitative Data Analysis Analytic Methods: Some Common Features The Nature of Qualitative Data General Nature Strengths of Qualitative Data Our View of Qualitative Data Analysis Data Condensation Data Display Drawing and Verifying Conclusions Suggestions for Readers Students and Other Novice Researchers Experienced Researchers Teachers of Qualitative Research Methods Courses Closure and Transition Chapter 2 - Research Design and Management Introduction Tight Versus Loose Designs: Some Trade-Offs Building a Conceptual Framework Description and Rationale Examples Advice Formulating Research Questions Description and Rationale Example Advice Defining the Case Description and Rationale Examples Advice
- 12. Sampling: Bounding the Collection of Data Description and Rationale Key Features of Qualitative Sampling General Sampling Strategies Within-Case Sampling Multiple-Case Sampling Example Advice Instrumentation Description and Rationale Example Advice Linking Qualitative and Quantitative Data Approaches to Mixed-Methods Designs Management Issues Bearing on Analysis Computer and Software Use Data Management Staffing and Time Planning Closure and Transition Note Chapter 3 - Ethical Issues in Analysis Introduction Agreements With Study Participants Ethical Issues Worthiness of the Project Competence Informed Consent Benefits, Costs, and Reciprocity Harm and Risk Honesty and Trust Privacy, Confidentiality, and Anonymity Intervention and Advocacy Research Integrity and Quality Ownership of Data and Conclusions Use and Misuse of Results Conflicts, Dilemmas, and Trade-Offs Closure and Transition Chapter 4 - Fundamentals of Qualitative Data Analysis Introduction Data Processing and Preparation First-Cycle Codes and Coding Description Applications First-Cycle Coding Examples Creating Codes Revising Codes Structure and Unity in Code Lists
- 13. Definitions of Codes Levels of Coding Detail Second Cycle Coding: Pattern Codes Description Applications Examples From Codes to Patterns Coding Advice Jottings Analytic Memoing Description and Rationale Examples On Visual Data Memoing Advice Assertions and Propositions Within-Case and Cross-Case Analysis Purposes of Cross-Case Analysis A Key Distinction: Variables Versus Cases Strategies for Cross-Case Analysis Closure and Transition Part Two – Displaying the Data Chapter 5 - Designing Matrix and Network Displays Introduction Display Format Options Matrices Networks Timing of Display Design Formatting the Matrix Template Entering Matrix and Network Data Making Inferences and Drawing Conclusions From Matrices and Networks The Methods Profiles Closure and Transition Chapter 6 - Methods of Exploring Introduction Exploring Fieldwork in Progress Data Accounting Log Contact Summary Form Case Analysis Meeting Interim Case Summary Partially Ordered Meta-Matrix Explanatory Effects Matrix Exploring Variables Checklist Matrix Content-Analytic Summary Table Contrast Table Two-Variable Case-Ordered Matrix
- 14. Exploring Reports in Progress Pre-structured Case Sequential Analyses Closure and Transition Chapter 7 - Methods of Describing Introduction Describing Participants Role-Ordered Matrix Context Chart Describing Variability Construct Table Conceptually Clustered Matrix Folk Taxonomy Describing Action Vignettes Poetic Display Cognitive Maps Closure and Transition Chapter 8 - Methods of Ordering Introduction Ordering by Time Event-Listing Matrix Growth Gradient Time-Ordered Matrix Ordering Processes Decision Modeling Event-State Network Composite Sequence Analysis Ordering by Cases Case-Ordered Descriptive Meta-Matrix Closure and Transition Chapter 9 - Methods of Explaining Introduction Explaining Interrelationship Variable-by-Variable Matrix Explaining Change Effects Matrix Case Dynamics Matrix Explaining Causation Causal Chains Causal Network: Within-Case Analysis Causal Network: Cross-Case Analysis Closure and Transition Chapter 10 - Methods of Predicting Introduction
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- 16. Methods of Predicting Making and Testing Predictions Prediction-Outcome-Consequences Matrix Causal-Prediction Models Closure and Transition Part Three – Making Good Sense Chapter 11 - Drawing and Verifying Conclusions Introduction Tactics for Generating Meaning 1. Noting Patterns, Themes 2. Seeing Plausibility 3. Clustering 4. Making Metaphors 5. Counting 6. Making Contrasts/Comparisons 7. Partitioning Variables 8. Subsuming Particulars Into the General 9. Factoring 10. Noting the Relations Between Variables 11. Finding Intervening Variables 12. Building a Logical Chain of Evidence 13. Making Conceptual/Theoretical Coherence Tactics for Testing or Confirming Findings 1. Checking for Representativeness 2. Checking for Researcher Effects 3. Triangulating 4. Weighting the Evidence 5. Checking the Meaning of Outliers 6. Using Extreme Cases 7. Following Up Surprises 8. Looking for Negative Evidence 9. Making If-Then Tests 10. Ruling Out Spurious Relations 11. Replicating a Finding 12. Checking Out Rival Explanations 13. Getting Feedback From Participants Standards for the Quality of Conclusions Objectivity/Confirmability Reliability/Dependability/Auditability Internal Validity/Credibility/Authenticity External Validity/Transferability/Fittingness Utilization/Application/Action Orientation Analytic Documentation The Problem Illustration Closure and Transition Chapter 12 - Writing About Qualitative Research
- 17. Introduction Audiences and Effects The Reader and the Writer Types of Effects Voices, Genres, and Stances Writing Example Formats and Structures Traditional Presentation Modes Progressive Presentation Modes On Theses and Dissertations Closure and Transition Chapter 13 - Closure Qualitative Analysis at a Glance Reflections Final Advice Appendix – An Annotated Bibliography of Qualitative Research Resources References Author Index Subject Index
- 18. List of Displays Display 1.1 Components of Data Analysis: Interactive Model Display 2.1 A First-Draft Conceptual Framework for a Case Study Teacher and the Influences on Her Practice Display 2.2 Major Influences on a Language Arts Teacher’s Practice Display 2.3 Conceptual Framework for a Multicase “School Improvement” Field Study, Initial Version Display 2.4 General and Specific Research Questions Relating to the Adoption Decision (School Improvement Study) Display 2.5 The Case as the Unit of Analysis Display 2.6 Prior Instrumentation: Key Decision Factors Display 2.7 Excerpts From Interview Guide, School Improvement Study Display 2.8 Illustrative Designs Linking Qualitative and Quantitative Data Display 2.9 Uses of Computer Software in Qualitative Studies Display 2.10 An Excel Spread Sheet With Qualitative and Quantitative Data Display 2.11 An NVivo 10 Screen Shot of a Coded Digital Video Interview Display 2.12 A Model of Lifelong Confidence From High School Speech and Theatre Display 2.13 What to Store, Retrieve From, and Retain Display 3.1 Questions for Agreement With Study Participants Display 4.1 Illustration of a Start List of Codes Display 4.2 Definitions of Selected Codes From Display 4.1 (Excerpts) Display 4.3 Smoking Cessation Patterns at Months 1 and 6 Display 4.4 A Model of Smoking Cessation Loss Transformation Display 4.5 Interview Transcript With Jottings Display 5.1 Effects Matrix: Assistance Location and Types (Masepa Case) Display 5.2 A Network Model of “Lifelong Impact” From High School Speech Participation Display 5.3 A QDA Miner 4 3-D Map of a Codes Network Display 6.1 Data Accounting Log Display 6.2 Contact Summary Form: Illustration (Excerpts)
- 19. Display 6.3 Contact Summary Form: Illustration With Coded Themes (Excerpt) Display 6.4 Case Analysis Meeting Form Display 6.5 Case Analysis Form: Exhibit With Data Display 6.6 Summary-Aided Approach to Analysis Display 6.7 Interim Case Summary Outline: Illustration Display 6.8 Data Accounting Sheet: Abstract Example Display 6.9 Case-Level Display for Partially Ordered Meta-Matrix (Format) Display 6.10 Case-Level Display for Partially Ordered Meta-Matrix: Users’ Second Year of Implementation at Lido Display 6.11 Partially Ordered Meta-Matrix: User Feelings/Concerns and Other Variables (Format) Display 6.12 Partially Ordered Meta-Matrix: User Feelings/Concerns and Other Variables (Lido Data) Display 6.13 Time-Ordered Meta-Matrix (Format) Display 6.14 Summary Table: Individual and Institutional Concerns During Later Implementation Display 6.15 Explanatory Effects Matrix: Ongoing Assistance Display 6.16 Checklist Matrix: Conditions Supporting Preparedness at Smithson School, Banestown Case Display 6.17 Checklist Matrix on Preparedness (Alternative Format 1) Display 6.18 Checklist Matrix on Preparedness (Alternative Format 2) Display 6.19 Checklist Matrix on Preparedness (Alternative Format 3) Display 6.20 Content-Analytic Summary Table: The Content of Organization Changes Display 6.21 Contrast Table: Exemplary Cases Showing Different Degrees of User Change Display 6.22 Two-Variable Case-Ordered Matrix: Relationships Between User Practice Stabilization and Local Continuation Display 6.23 Pre-structured Case Outline: Abbreviated Version Display 6.24 Traditional Analysis Sequence Compared With Pre-structured Case Display 7.1 Role-Ordered Matrix: First Reactions to the Innovation Display 7.2 Context Chart for Tindale East High School and District Display 7.3 Lifelong Impact: Variability of Influence Display 7.4 Conceptually Clustered Matrix: Motives and Attitudes (Format) Display 7.5 Conceptually Clustered Matrix: Motives and Attitudes of Users, Nonusers, and
- 20. Administrators at Masepa Display 7.6 A Folk Taxonomy of the Ways Children Oppress Each Other Display 7.7 A Cognitive Map of One Person’s Housecleaning Process Display 8.1 Event Listing, Banestown Case Display 8.2 Event History of a Case Study Display 8.3 Growth Gradient for ECRI Innovation, Masepa Case Display 8.4 Time-Ordered Matrix: Changes in the CARED Innovation (a Work Experience Program) Display 8.5 Summary Table for Verifying and Interpreting Time-Ordered Matrix: Changes in the CARED Innovation Display 8.6 One Person’s Decision Model for Saving Money Display 8.7 Event–State Network, Banestown Case (Excerpt) Display 8.8 Composite Sequence Analysis: Career Trajectory Data for 11 Cases (Huberman, 1989) Display 8.9 Case-Ordered Meta-Matrix: Format for Student Impact Data Display 8.10 Case-Ordered Descriptive Meta-Matrix (Excerpt): Program Objectives and Student Impact (Direct, Meta-Level, and Side Effects) Display 8.11 Case-Ordered Effects Matrix Template Display 9.1 Variable-by-Variable Matrix: Coping Strategies and Problems, by Case Display 9.2 Summary Table: Typical Consequences of Coping, by Case Display 9.3 Effects Matrix: Organizational Changes After Implementation of the ECRI Program Display 9.4 Case Dynamics Matrix: The IPA Innovation as a Force for Organizational Change in the District and Its Schools Display 9.5 Causal Chain: Illustration Display 9.6 Causal Chain: Illustration Display 9.7 Causal Fragment: Mastery of a New Educational Practice Display 9.8 Excerpt From a Causal Network: Perry-Parkdale School Display 9.9 Excerpt From an Event–State Network: Perry-Parkdale School Display 9.10 List of Antecedent, Mediating, and Outcome Variables: School Improvement Study Display 9.11 Causal Network for Perry-Parkdale CARED Program Display 9.12 Narrative for Causal Network: Perry-Parkdale CARED Program
- 21. Display 9.13 Subnetwork: Variable Streams Leading to High Job Mobility, Perry-Parkdale Case Display 9.14 Subnetwork for Job Mobility, Calston Case Display 9.15 Subnetwork for Job Mobility, Banestown Case Display 9.16 Subnetwork for Job Mobility, Plummet Case Display 10.1 Prediction Feedback Form Display 10.2 Factors Supporting “Institutionalization” Prediction Display 10.3 Factors Working Against “Institutionalization” Prediction Display 10.4 Filled-Out Response Form From Case Informant for “Institutionalization” Prediction Display 10.5 Predictor-Outcome-Consequences Matrix: Antecedents and Consequences of Assistance Display 10.6 Causal-Prediction Model Tracing User Practice Changes Display 10.7 Predictor-Outcome Matrix: Predictors of Magnitude of User Practice Change Display 11.1 Reasons Given for Adoption by Users Display 11.2 Two-Variable Relationship Display 11.3 Two-Variable Relationship With Intervening Variables Display 11.4 Example of a Chain of Evidence Supporting an Observed Outcome Display 11.5 Possible Explanation of a Spurious Relationship Display 11.6 Display for Testing Explanations in Display 11.5 Display 11.7 Qualitative Analysis Documentation Form Display 11.8 Code List for Analysis Operations Display 13.1 Overview of Qualitative Data Analysis Processes
- 22. T Preface to the Third Edition Johnny Saldaña his new edition of Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman’s classic 1994 text, Qualitative Data Analysis: An Expanded Sourcebook, updates and streamlines the late authors’ unique work for a new generation of qualitative researchers as well as for the dedicated followers of their methods over the past three decades. I have been honored to join them, in spirit, as the third author of this revised text. To this day, qualitative data analysis seems to remain a somewhat mysterious and elusive process for newcomers to the field. This is due in part to the wide variety of genres, methodologies, and methods available to researchers, making it sometimes difficult to choose the “best” ones for the particular study in hand. In addition, qualitative research has a solid foundation of analytic traditions but no current standardization of practice—there is no official qualitative executive board out there mandating exactly how analysis must be conducted. Ours is “designer research,” customized to the particular goals and needs of the enterprise and interpreted through each researcher’s unique analytic lens and filter. Books on research methods can no longer require; they can only recommend. This book offers its readers practical guidance in recommended methods for assembling and analyzing primarily text-based data. Qualitative Data Analysis: A Methods Sourcebook is designed for researchers in virtually all fields and disciplines that honor what their human participants have to say, treasure the products and artifacts they create, and respect the complexity of social action as it happens all around us. It is intended for students in graduate degree programs who are learning how to investigate the human condition through qualitative research coursework and for established scholars and practitioners continuing their professional development by reading the literature on current methods. A Note on This Revision For this third edition, SAGE Publications charged me to maintain the general spirit and integrity of the core contents of Miles and Huberman’s (1994) authoritative work, while making their text more accessible and relevant to contemporary researchers. I have added information on the newer computing technology and software available today, and reorganized and streamlined the original authors’ classic methods. Readers familiar with the previous edition will notice that in this edition I have re-envisioned the primary display chapters, not organizing them by within-case and cross-case divisions but by Miles and Huberman’s five primary purposes of display: to explore, describe, order, explain, and predict. I have reduced the number of displays from the second edition and, when possible, reformatted them using mainstream software. SAGE Publications’ art production staff have redrawn many of the original figures. I have also added selected coverage of additional genres of qualitative inquiry, such as narrative inquiry, autoethnography, mixed methods, and arts-based research, that have emerged prominently over the past 20 years. I have smoothed down the second edition’s semiquantitative edges to align and harmonize the original authors’ approach with that of current qualitative inquirers. And I have brought my own analytic signature to the text, respecting some of the original authors’ traditions while adapting others into a newer, evolving research culture. Overall, I have scaled back the impressive, if sometimes overwhelming, size of Miles and Huberman’s original work to present and re-present their insightful analytic methods in a more focused and useful manner. In certain problematic sections of the second edition, I struggled with deciding whether to delete, maintain, or revise the text. Since my charge as third coauthor was to adapt Miles and Huberman’s work, not to write my own book on qualitative data analysis, I have respected the original authors’ contributions to the field by maintaining the conceptual approaches and most of the analytic methods
- 23. of their book. Nevertheless, I have, without guilt, mercilessly deleted most of its early references, second-source displays, duplicate and overextended discussions, and some more convoluted sections. I have brought my own working knowledge of the book’s second edition into my revision efforts because, as a student, I was enrolled in two courses where Miles and Huberman’s text was required reading. This revision is based on what I wish the book had offered me as a novice to qualitative research and what I believe today’s graduate students need from a textbook on qualitative data analysis. My reorganizing decisions are based on pedagogical knowledge of how most university graduate students learn and on how I personally prefer to teach: progressing in a highly organized, systematic way, one building block at a time, toward a spiraled, cumulative synthesis—a process I’m almost certain Miles and Huberman would have appreciated and found compatible with their own approach. I also brought my knowledge of Miles and Huberman’s book to my work as author of SAGE Publications’ The Coding Manual for Qualitative Researchers (Saldaña, 2013), in which I included a few of their coding and analysis methods. And I incorporated some of The Coding Manual’s content into this book, further integrating the three coauthors’ work. In addition, I supplemented a few of the original authors’ display methods and discussions with examples from my own research projects and incorporated The Coding Manual’s method profile structure (Description, Applications, Example, Analysis, Notes) into this revision. Finally, as the third coauthor of this edition, I have been in the position, both privileged and awkward, of “speaking” for the late Miles and Huberman. When I am in agreement with their original premises and assertions, I deliberately use “we” in writing, as I do when making some informed assumptions that my own opinions would be similar to theirs. Occasionally, when our opinions seem to diverge, subtly or greatly, I specify whose belief is being discussed. Acknowledgments I am honored that Helen Salmon, acquisitions editor of SAGE Publications’ College Division, commissioned me to adapt Miles and Huberman’s text for its third edition. Her editorial assistant Kaitlin Perry was a tremendous resource for manuscript and display preparation. I also thank Laura Barrett, Kalie Koscielak, Judith Newlin, Nicole Elliott, and Janet Kiesel of SAGE Publications for their production work on this book. Betty Miles offered me not only her support but also her keen eye and editorial prowess for this revision. My initial contact with SAGE began with their London office editor, Patrick Brindle, who encouraged me to develop The Coding Manual for Qualitative Researchers, and for his welcoming invitation I am truly grateful. My own qualitative research methods professors at Arizona State University significantly influenced my growth as a scholar and writer. I am indebted to Tom Barone, Mary Lee Smith, Amira De la Garza, and Sarah J. Tracy for their life-changing impact on my academic career. Coleman A. Jennings from The University of Texas at Austin served as my graduate school artistic mentor; Lin Wright from Arizona State University started me as an assistant professor on my research trajectory; and Mitch Allen, Joe Norris, Laura A. McCammon, Matt Omasta, and Angie Hines are my research colleagues and loyal supporters. I also extend thanks to my long-distance mentors, Harry F. Wolcott, Norman K. Denzin, and Yvonna S. Lincoln, for their insightful writings, wisdom, and guidance. In the second edition of Qualitative Data Analysis, Miles and Huberman thanked a large number of individuals and organizations. Their contributions continue to enrich this revised edition of the book, and they have my gratitude as well. For this particular edition, I also thank Oxford University Press for their permission to reprint selected excerpts from my text Fundamentals of Qualitative Research (Saldaña, 2011b); Teachers College Record and Taylor & Francis for article excerpt permissions; and Normand Péladeau of Provalis Research/QDA Miner and Katie Desmond of QSR International/NVivo for their permission to use qualitative data analysis software screenshots. My final thanks go to Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman themselves. To my knowledge,
- 24. My final thanks go to Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman themselves. To my knowledge, I never met them or heard them speak at professional conferences, but their data-analytic methods, which I learned intimately in my qualitative research courses, have been part of my work ever since. I always strive to meet their rigorous standards, and I frequently quote their now classic advice to “think display.” I owe much of my career trajectory to the legacy of scholars before me whose methods books and articles helped shape my own ways of working as a qualitative researcher and data analyst. Miles and Huberman are two of those esteemed scholars, and I am honored to be connected with them in this new way. I hope that this third edition of their book pays proper tribute and homage to their significant level of scholarship. Publisher’s Acknowledgments SAGE Publications and Johnny Saldaña are grateful for feedback on the draft manuscript of the third edition from the following reviewers: James H. Banning of Colorado State University–Fort Collins, Carolyn M. Garcia of the University of Minnesota, Madelyn Iris of Northwestern University, Mary Madden of The University of Maine–Orono, Sharon M. Ravitch of the University of Pennsylvania, Patricia Somers of The University of Texas–Austin, and Mildred E. Warner of Cornell University.
- 25. T Acknowledgments From the Second Edition Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman he first edition of this book grew out of our (Miles and Huberman’s) experience in two linked research projects. One, beginning in 1978, was the field study component of the Study of Dissemination Efforts Supporting School Improvement (Department of Education Contract 300- 78-0527), led by David P. Crandall of The Network, Inc. We are indebted to him for his steady encouragement and support, and that of Ann Bezdek Weinheimer, project officer from the Office of Planning, Budgeting and Evaluation. In the field study itself, Beverly Loy Taylor and Jo Ann Goldberg were strong colleagues; their fieldwork and case study analysis, along with ours, led to V olume 4 of the DESSI final report, People, Policies, and Practices: Examining the Chain of School Improvement, later published as Innovation Up Close (Huberman & Miles, 1984). The second project, “The Realities of School Improvement Programs: Analysis of Qualitative Data” (NIE grant G-81-001-8), gave us the opportunity to develop our methodological ideas further and to write the first edition of this book. Rolf Lehming, of the Program on Dissemination and Improvement of Practice, was our project officer; we valued his sustained interest and advice. The ideas in the first edition—and indeed in this one—do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the Department of Education. But we remain grateful for its sponsorship of these studies. In the past 10 years, many people have contributed to our understanding of qualitative data analysis and to the development of the second edition. We have experimented in the company of colleagues with studies that expanded, tested, and refined the methods described in the first edition. We are indebted to Ann Lieberman, Ellen Saxl, Myrna Cooper, Vernay Mitchell, and Sharon Piety- Jacobs, who joined Miles in a study (1983–1985) of school “change agents”; to the late Eleanor Farrar, Karen Seashore Louis, Sheila Rosenblum, and Tony Cipollone, in a study with Miles (1985– 1989) of urban high school reform; to Per Dalin, Adriaan Verspoor, Ray Chesterfield, Hallvard Kuløy, Tekle Ayano, Mumtaz Jahan, and Carlos Rojas, whom we assisted in a World Bank study (1988–1992) of educational reform in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Colombia; to Marie-Madeleine Grounauer and Gianreto Pini, Huberman’s associates in a teachers’ life cycle study (1982–1986); and to Monica Gather-Thurler and Erwin Beck, associates in Huberman’s study of research use (1984–1988). As always, the process of teaching from the book taught us a great deal. There are too many participants to list, but we were fortunate to have led an extended series of seminars at the universities of Nijmegen and Utrecht (strong thanks to Rein van der Vegt) and at many other universities as well: Geneva, Zürich, Paris, Dijon, Leuven, Göteborg, Montreal, Toronto, Queen’s, Utah, Monash, Melbourne, and Adelaide. During 1990–1991, we sent an informal survey to a wide range of people engaged in qualitative research, asking for collegial advice and examples of their work. Our warm thanks to the 126 researchers who responded; they provided a wide range of ideas, papers, advice, and cautions that were immensely helpful. Many of these colleagues are quoted or cited in this book. Grants supporting the extensive retrieval and synthesis work for this edition came to us from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, where Peter Gerber provided thoughtful support, and from SAGE Publications. Sara Miller McCune and David McCune of SAGE took a keen interest in the project. We are grateful for the active, intelligent guidance that our editor, Mitch Allen, provided throughout the work. We owe a very special debt to Carolyn Riehl. Her ability to locate and extract interesting ideas— both substantive and methodological—from a wide range of qualitative studies is remarkable. She was a strong third colleague during our extended period of retrieval and ordering. Drafts of this edition were reviewed by many people: Our warm thanks for the thoughtful advice
- 26. Visit https://ebookmass.com today to explore a vast collection of ebooks across various genres, available in popular formats like PDF, EPUB, and MOBI, fully compatible with all devices. Enjoy a seamless reading experience and effortlessly download high- quality materials in just a few simple steps. Plus, don’t miss out on exciting offers that let you access a wealth of knowledge at the best prices!
- 27. Other documents randomly have different content
- 28. T CHAPTER IV. ANCIENT FLORIDA. BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D. HE credit of being the first to explore our Atlantic coast has not yet been positively awarded by critical historians. Ramusio preserves the report of a person whom he does not name, which asserts that Sebastian Cabot claimed for his father and himself, in the summer of 1497, to have run down the whole coast, from Cape Breton to the latitude of Cuba; but the most recent and experienced writer on Cabot treats the claim as unfounded.[792] The somewhat sceptical scholars of our day have shown little inclination to adopt the theory of Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen, that Americus Vespucius on his first voyage reached Honduras in 1497, and during the ensuing year ran along the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico, doubled the Florida cape, and then sailed northward along our Atlantic coast to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he built a vessel and sailed to Cadiz.[793] Although Columbus made his first landfall on one of the Bahamas, and Cuba was soon after occupied, no definite knowledge seems to have been obtained of the great mainland so near them. There is nothing in narrative or map to betray any suspicion of its existence prior to the year 1502, when a map executed in Lisbon at the order of Cantino, an Italian merchant, for Hercules d’Este, shows a mainland
- 29. north of Cuba, terminating near that island in a peninsula resembling Florida. The tract of land thus shown has names of capes and rivers, but they can be referred to no known exploration. To some this has seemed to be but a confused idea of Cuba as mainland;[794] by others it is regarded as a vague idea of Yucatan. But Harrisse in his Corte-Real, where he reproduces the map, maintains that “between the end of 1500 and the summer of 1502 navigators, whose name and nationality are unknown, but whom we presume to be Spaniards, discovered, explored, and named the part of the shore of the United States which from the vicinity of Pensacola Bay runs along the Gulf of Mexico to the Cape of Florida, and, turning it, runs northward along the Atlantic coast to about the mouth of the Chesapeake or Hudson.”[795] But leaving these three claims in the realm of conjecture and doubt, we come to a period of more certain knowledge. The Lucayos of the Bahamas seem to have talked of a great land of Bimini not far from them. The Spaniards repeated the story; and in the edition of Peter Martyr’s Decades published in 1511 is a map on which a large island appears, named “Illa de Beimeni, parte.”[796] Discovery had taken a more southerly route; no known Spanish vessel had passed through the Bahama channel or skirted the coast. But some ideas must have prevailed, picked up from natives of the islands, or adventurous pilots who had ventured farther than their instructions authorized. Stories of an island north of Hispaniola, with a fountain whose waters conferred perpetual youth, had reached Peter Martyr in Spain, for in the same edition of his Decades he alludes to the legends. John Ponce de Leon, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, and had since played his part bravely amid the greatest vicissitudes, resolved to explore and conquer Bimini. He had friends at Court, and seems to have been a personal favorite of the King, who expressed a wish for his advancement.[797] The patent he solicited was based on that originally issued to Columbus; but the King laughingly said, that it was one thing to grant boundless power when nothing was expected to come of it, and very different to do so
- 30. when success was almost certain. Yet on the 23d of February, 1512, a royal grant empowered John Ponce de Leon “to proceed to discover and settle the Island of Bimini.”[798] The patent was subject to the condition that the island had not been already discovered. He was required to make the exploration within three years, liberty being granted to him to touch at any island or mainland not subject to the King of Portugal. If he succeeded in his expedition he was to be governor of Bimini for life, with the title of adelantado.[799] The veteran immediately purchased a vessel, in order to go to Spain and make preparations for the conquest of Bimini. But the authorities in Porto Rico seized his vessel; and the King, finding his services necessary in controlling the Indians, sent orders to the Council of the Indies to defer the Bimini expedition, and gave Ponce de Leon command of the fort in Porto Rico.[800] Thus delayed in the royal service, Ponce de Leon was unable to obtain vessels or supplies till the following year. He at last set sail from the port of San German in Porto Rico in March, 1513,[801] with three caravels, taking as pilot Anton de Alaminos, a native of Palos who had as a boy accompanied Columbus, and who was long to associate his own name with explorations of the Gulf of Mexico. They first steered northeast by north, and soon made the Caicos, Yaguna, Amaguayo, and Manigua. After refitting at Guanahani, Ponce de Leon bore northwest; and on Easter Sunday (March 27) discovered the mainland, along which he ran till the 2d of April, when he anchored in 30° 8’ and landed. On the 8th he took possession in the name of the King of Spain, and named the country—which the Lucayos called Cancio—Florida, from Pascua Florida, the Spanish name for Easter Sunday. The vessels then turned southward, following the coast till the 20th, when Ponce landed near Abayoa, a cluster of Indian huts. On attempting to sail again, he met such violent currents that his vessels could make no headway, and were forced to anchor, except one of the caravels, which was driven out of sight. On landing at this point Ponce found the Indians so hostile that he was obliged to repel their attacks by force. He named a river Rio de la Cruz; and, doubling Cape
- 31. Corrientes on the 8th of May, sailed on till he reached a chain of islands, to which he gave the name of the Martyrs. On one of these he obtained wood and water, and careened a caravel. The Indians were very thievish, endeavoring to steal the anchors or cut the cables, so as to seize the ships. He next discovered and named the Tortugas. After doubling the cape, he ran up the western shore of Florida to a bay, in 27° 30’, which for centuries afterward bore the name of Juan Ponce. There are indications that before he turned back he may have followed the coast till it trended westward. After discovering Bahama he is said to have despatched one caravel from Guanima under John Perez de Ortubia, with Anton de Alaminos, to search for Bimini, while he himself returned to Porto Rico, which he reached September 21. He was soon followed by Ortubia, who, it is said, had been successful in his search for Bimini. Although Ponce de Leon had thus explored the Florida coast, and added greatly to the knowledge of the Bahama group, his discoveries are not noted in the editions of Ptolemy which appeared in the next decade, and which retained the names of the Cantino map. The Ribeiro map (1529) gives the Martyrs and Tortugas, and on the mainland Canico,—apparently Cancio, the Lucayan name of Florida. In the so-called Leonardo da Vinci’s Mappemonde, Florida appears as an island in a vast ocean that rolls on to Japan.[802] Elated with his success, John Ponce de Leon soon after sailed to Spain; and, obtaining an audience of the King,—it is said through the influence of his old master, Pero Nuñez de Guzman, Grand Comendador of Calatrava,—gave the monarch a description of the attractive land which he had discovered. He solicited a new patent for its conquest and settlement; and on the 27th of September, 1514, the King empowered him to go and settle “the Island of Brimini and the Island Florida” which he had discovered under the royal orders. He was to effect this in three years from the delivery of the asiento; but as he had been employed in His Majesty’s service, it was extended so that this term was to date from the day he set sail for his new province. After reducing the Caribs, he was empowered to take of the vessels and men employed in that service whatever he chose in order to conquer and settle Florida. The natives were to be summoned to
- 32. submit to the Catholic Faith and the authority of Spain, and they were not to be attacked or captured if they submitted. Provision was made as to the revenues of the new province, and orders were sent to the viceroy, Don Diego Columbus, to carry out the royal wishes.[803] The Carib war was not, however, terminated as promptly as the King and his officers desired. Time passed, and adventurers in unauthorized expeditions to Florida rendered the Indians hostile.[804] It was not till 1521 that Ponce de Leon was able to give serious thought to a new expedition. His early hopes seem to have faded, and with them the energy and impulsiveness of his youth. He had settled his daughters in marriage, and, free from domestic cares, offered himself simply to continue to serve the King as he had done for years. Writing to Charles V. from Porto Rico on the 10th of February, 1521, he says:— “Among my services I discovered, at my own cost and charge, the Island Florida and others in its district, which are not mentioned as being small and useless; and now I return to that island, if it please God’s will, to settle it, being enabled to carry a number of people with which I shall be able to do so, that the name of Christ may be praised there, and Your Majesty served with the fruit that land produces. And I also intend to explore the coast of said island further, and see whether it is an island, or whether it connects with the land where Diego Velasquez is, or any other; and I shall endeavor to learn all I can. I shall set out to pursue my voyage hence in five or six days.”[805]
- 33. PONCE DE LEON. Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, edition of 1728. As he wrote to the Cardinal of Tortosa, he had expended all his substance in the King’s service; and if he asked favors now it was “not to treasure up or to pass this miserable life, but to serve His Majesty with them and his person and all he had, and settle the land that he had discovered.”[806] He went prepared to settle, carrying clergymen for the colonists, friars to found Indian missions, and horses, cattle, sheep, and swine. Where precisely he made the Florida coast we do not know; but it is stated that on attempting to erect dwellings for his colonists he was
- 34. attacked by the natives, who showed great hostility. Ponce himself, while leading his men against his assailants, received so dangerous an arrow wound, that, after losing many of his settlers by sickness and at the hands of the Indians, he abandoned the attempt to plant a colony in Florida, which had so long been the object of his hopes; and taking all on board his vessels, he sailed to Cuba. There he lingered in pain, and died of his wound.[807] John Ponce de Leon closed his long and gallant career without solving the problem whether Florida was an island or part of the northern continent. Meanwhile others, following in the path he had opened, were contributing to a more definite knowledge. Thus Diego Miruelo, a pilot, sailed from Cuba in 1516 on a trading cruise; and running up the western shore of the Floridian peninsula, discovered a bay which long bore his name on Spanish maps, and was apparently Pensacola. Here he found the Indians friendly, and exchanged his store of glass and steel trinkets for silver and gold. Then, satisfied with his cruise, and without making any attempt to explore the coast, he returned to Cuba.[808] The next year Francis Hernandez de Cordova[809] sent from Cuba on the 8th of February two ships and a brigantine, carrying one hundred and ten men, with a less humane motive than Miruelo’s; for Oviedo assures us that his object was to capture on the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands, a cargo of Indians to sell as slaves. His object was defeated by storms; and the vessels, driven from their course, reached Yucatan, near Cape Catoche, which he named. The Indians here were as hostile as the elements; and Hernandez, after several sharp engagements with the natives, in which almost every man was wounded, was sailing back, when storms again drove his vessels from their course. Unable to make the Island of Cuba, Alaminos, the pilot of the expedition, ran into a bay on the Florida coast, where he had been with Ponce de Leon on his first expedition. While a party which had landed were procuring water, they were attacked with the utmost fury by the Indians, who, swarming down in crowds, assailed those still in the boats. In this engagement twenty-two of the Indians were killed, six of the Spaniards in the landing party were wounded,—
- 35. including Bernal Diaz, who records the event in his History,—and four of those in the boats, among the number Anton de Alaminos, the pilot. The only man in the expedition who had come away from Yucatan unwounded, a soldier named Berrio, was acting as sentry on shore, and fell into the hands of the Indians. The commander himself, Hernandez de Cordova, reached Cuba only to die of his wounds. This ill-starred expedition led to two other projects of settlement and conquest. Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, the friend and host of Hernandez, obtained a grant, which was referred to by Ponce de Leon in his final letter to the King, and which resulted in the conquest of Mexico;[810] and Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, persuaded by Alaminos to enter upon an exploration of the mainland, obtained permission in due form from the priors of the Order of St. Jerome, then governors of the Indies, and in 1519 despatched four caravels, well equipped, with a good number of men, and directed by good pilots, to discover some strait in the mainland,—then the great object of search. Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the commander of the expedition, reached the coast within the limits of the grant of Ponce de Leon, and endeavored to sail eastward so as to pass beyond and continue the exploration. Unable, from headwinds, to turn the Cape of Florida, he sailed westward as far as the River Pánuco, which owes its name to him. Here he encountered Cortés and his forces, who claimed the country by actual possession. The voyage lasted eight or nine months, and possession was duly taken for the King at various points on the coast. Sailing eastward again, Garay’s lieutenant discovered a river of very great volume, evidently the Mississippi.[811] Here he found a considerable Indian town, and remained forty days trading with the natives and careening his vessels. He ran up the river, and found it so thickly inhabited that in a space of six leagues he counted no fewer than forty Indian hamlets on the two banks. According to their report, the land abounded in gold, as the natives wore gold ornaments in their noses and ears and on other parts of the body. The adventurers told, too, of tribes of giants and of
- 36. pigmies; but declared the natives to have been friendly, and well disposed to receive the Christian Faith. Wild as these statements of Pineda’s followers were, the voyage settled conclusively the geography of the northern shore of the Gulf, as it proved that there was no strait there by which ships could reach Asia. Florida was no longer to be regarded as an island, but part of a vast continent. The province discovered for Garay received the name of Amichel. Garay applied for a patent authorizing him to conquer and settle the new territory, and one was issued at Burgos in 1521. By its tenor Christopher de Tapia, who had been appointed governor of the territory discovered by Velasquez, was commissioned to fix limits between Amichel and the discoveries of Velasquez on the west and those of Ponce de Leon on the east. On the map given in Navarrete, [812] Amichel extends apparently from Cape Roxo to Pensacola Bay. After sending his report and application to the King, and without awaiting any further authority, Garay seems to have deemed it prudent to secure a footing in the territory; and in 1520 sent four caravels under Diego de Camargo to occupy some post near Pánuco. The expedition was ill managed. One of the vessels ran into a settlement established by Cortés and made a formal demand of Cortés himself for a line of demarcation, claiming the country for Garay. Cortés seized some of the men who landed, and learned all Camargo’s plans. That commander, with the rest of his force, attempted to begin a settlement at Pánuco; but the territory afforded no food, and the party were soon in such straits that, unable to wait for two vessels which Garay was sending to their aid, Camargo despatched a caravel to Vera Cruz to beg for supplies.[813] In 1523 Garay equipped a powerful fleet and force to conquer and settle Amichel. He sailed from Jamaica at the end of June with the famous John de Grijalva, discoverer of Yucatan, as his lieutenant. His force comprised thirteen vessels, bearing one hundred and thirty-six cavalry and eight hundred and forty infantry, with a supply of field- pieces. He reached Rio de las Palmas on the 25th of July, and prepared to begin a settlement; but his troops, alarmed at the
- 37. unpromising nature of the country, insisted on proceeding southward. Garay yielded, and sailed to Pánuco, where he learned that Cortés had already founded the town of San Esteban del Puerto. Four of his vessels were lost on the coast, and one in the port. He himself, with the rest of his force, surrendered to Cortés. He died in Mexico, while still planning a settlement at Rio de las Palmas; but with his death the province of Amichel passed out of existence. Thus the discoveries of Ponce de Leon and of Garay, with those of Miruelos, made known, by ten years’ effort, the coast-line from the Rio Grande to the St. John’s in Florida. The next explorations were intended to ascertain the nature of our Atlantic coast north of the St. John’s. In 1520 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, one of the auditors of the Island of St. Domingo, though possessed of wealth, honors, and domestic felicity, aspired to the glory of discovering some new land, and making it the seat of a prosperous colony. Having secured the necessary license, he despatched a caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo, with directions to sail northward through the Bahamas, and thence strike the shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his exploration, and near the Island of Lucayoneque, one of the Lucayuelos, descried another caravel. His pilot, Alonzo Fernandez Sotil, proceeded toward it in a boat, and soon recognized it as a caravel commanded by a kinsman of his, Pedro de Quexos, fitted out in part, though not avowedly, by Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, an auditor associated with Ayllon in the judiciary. This caravel was returning from an unsuccessful cruise among the Bahamas for Caribs,—the object of the expedition being to capture Indians in order to sell them as slaves. On ascertaining the object of Gordillo’s voyage, Quexos proposed that they should continue the exploration together. After a sail of eight or nine days, in which they ran little more than a hundred leagues, they reached the coast of the continent at the mouth of a considerable river, to which they gave the name of St. John the Baptist, from the fact that they touched the coast on the day set apart to honor the Precursor of Christ. The year was 1521, and the
- 38. point reached was, according to the estimate of the explorers, in latitude 33° 30′.[814] Boats put off from the caravels and landed some twenty men on the shore; and while the ships endeavored to enter the river, these men were surrounded by Indians, whose good-will they gained by presents.[815] Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country in the name of Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the King, as Quexos did also in the name of his employers on Sunday, June 30, 1521. Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark the Spanish occupancy.[816] Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians of any new land he might discover,[817] Gordillo joined With Quexos in seizing some seventy of the natives, with whom they sailed away, without any attempt to make an exploration of the coast. On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned his captain’s act; and the matter was brought before a commission, presided over by Diego Columbus, for the consideration of some important affairs. The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered that they should be restored to their native land at the earliest possible moment. Meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and Matienzo. The latter made no attempt to pursue the discovery; but Ayllon, adhering to his original purpose, proceeded to Spain with Francisco,— one of the Indians, who told of a giant king and many provinces,[818] —and on the 12th of June, 1523, obtained a royal cédula.[819] Under this he was to send out vessels in 1524, to run eight hundred leagues along the coast, or till he reached lands already discovered; and if he discovered any strait leading to the west, he was to explore it. No one was to settle within the limits explored by him the first year, or within two hundred leagues beyond the extreme points reached by him north and south; the occupancy of the territory was to be effected within four years; and as the conversion of the natives was one of the
- 39. main objects, their enslavement was forbidden, and Ayllon was required to take out religious men of some Order to instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity. He obtained a second cédula to demand from Matienzo the Indians in his hands in order to restore them to their native country.[820] On his return to the West Indies, Ayllon was called on the King’s service to Porto Rico; and finding it impossible to pursue his discovery, the time for carrying out the asiento was, by a cédula of March 23, 1524, extended to the year 1525.[821] To secure his rights under the asiento, he despatched two caravels under Pedro de Quexos to the newly discovered land early in 1525. They regained the good-will of the natives and explored the coast for two hundred and fifty leagues, setting up stone crosses with the name of Charles V. and the date of the act of taking possession. They returned to Santo Domingo in July, 1525, bringing one or two Indians from each province, who might be trained to act as interpreters.[822] Meanwhile Matienzo began legal proceedings to vacate the asiento granted by the King to Ayllon, on the ground that it was obtained surreptitiously, and in fraud of his own rights as joint discoverer. His witnesses failed to show that his caravel had any license to make a voyage of exploration, or that he took any steps to follow up the discovery made; but the suit embarrassed Ayllon, who was fitting out four vessels to sail in 1526, in order to colonize the territory granted to him. The armada from Spain was greatly delayed; and as he expected by it a store of artillery and muskets, as well as other requisites, he was at great loss. At last, however, he sailed from Puerto de la Plata with three large vessels,—a caravel, a breton, and a brigantine,—early in June, 1526.[823] As missionaries he took the famous Dominican, Antonio de Montesinos, the first to denounce Indian slavery, with Father Antonio de Cervantes and Brother Pedro de Estrada, of the same Order. The ships carried six hundred persons of both sexes, including clergymen and physicians, besides one hundred horses. They reached the coast, not at the San Juan Bautista, but at another river, at 33° 40´, says Navarrete, to which they gave the
- 40. name of Jordan.[824] Their first misfortune was the loss of the brigantine; but Ayllon immediately set to work to replace it, and built a small vessel such as was called a gavarra,—the first instance of ship-building on our coast. Francisco, his Indian guide, deserted him; and parties sent to explore the interior brought back such unfavorable accounts that Ayllon resolved to seek a more fertile district. That he sailed northward there can be little doubt; his original asiento required him to run eight hundred leagues along the coast, and he, as well as Gomez, was to seek a strait or estuary leading to the Spice Islands. The Chesapeake was a body of water which it would be imperative on him to explore, as possibly the passage sought. The soil of the country bordering on the bay, superior to that of the sandy region south of it, would seem better suited for purposes of a settlement. He at last reached Guandape, and began the settlement of San Miguel, where the English in the next century founded Jamestown.[825] Here he found only a few scattered Indian dwellings of the communal system, long buildings, formed of pine posts at the side, and covered with branches, capable of holding, in their length of more than a hundred feet, a vast number of families. Ayllon selected the most favorable spot on the bank, though most of the land was low and swampy. Then the Spaniards began to erect houses for their shelter, the negro slaves—first introduced here—doing the heaviest portion of the toil. Before the colonists were housed, winter came on. Men perished of cold on the caravel “Catalina,” and on one of the other vessels a man’s legs were frozen so that the flesh fell off. Sickness broke out among the colonists, and many died. Ayllon himself had sunk under the pestilential fevers, and expired on St. Luke’s Day, Oct. 18, 1526. He made his nephew, John Ramirez, then in Porto Rico, his successor as head of the colony, committing the temporary administration to Francis Gomez. Troubles soon began. Gines Doncel and Pedro de Bazan, at the head of some malcontents, seized and confined Gomez and the alcaldes, and began a career of tyranny. The Indians were provoked to hostility, and killed several of the settlers;
- 41. the negroes, cruelly oppressed, fired the house of Doncel. Then two settlers, Oliveros and Monasterio, demanded the release of the lawful authorities. Swords were drawn; Bazan was wounded and taken, Doncel fled, but was discovered near his blazing house. Gomez and his subordinates, restored to power, tried and convicted Bazan, who was put to death. Such were the stormy beginnings of Spanish rule in Virginia. It is not to be wondered at that with one consent the colonists soon resolved to abandon San Miguel de Guandape. The body of Ayllon was placed on board a tender, and they set sail; but it was not destined to reach a port and receive the obsequies due his rank. The little craft foundered; and of the five hundred who sailed from Santo Domingo only one hundred and fifty returned to that island. Contemporaneous with the explorations made by and under Ayllon was an expedition in a single vessel sent out by the Spanish Government in 1524 under Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese navigator who had sailed under Magallanes, but had returned in a somewhat mutinous manner. He took part in a congress of Spanish and Portuguese pilots held at Badajoz to consider the probability of finding a strait or channel north of Florida by which vessels might reach the Moluccas. To test the question practically, Charles V. ordered Gomez to sail to the coast of Bacallaos, or Newfoundland and Labrador, and examine the coast carefully, in order to ascertain whether any such channel existed. Gomez fitted out a caravel at Corunna, in northern Spain, apparently in the autumn of 1524, and sailed across. After examining the Labrador coast, he turned southward and leisurely explored the whole coast from Cape Race to Florida, from which he steered to Santiago de Cuba, and thence to Corunna, entering that port after ten months’ absence. He failed to discover the desired channel, and no account in detail of his voyage is known; but the map of Ribeiro,[826] drawn up in 1529, records his discoveries, and on its coast-line gives names which were undoubtedly bestowed by him, confirming the statement that he sailed southerly. From this map and the descriptions of the coast in Spanish writers soon after, in which
- 42. descriptions mention is made of his discoveries, we can see that he noted and named in his own fashion what we now know as Massachusetts Bay, Cape Cod, Narragansett Bay, the Connecticut, Hudson, and Delaware rivers. This voyage completed the exploration of our coast from the Rio Grande to the Bay of Fundy; yet Sebastián Cabot in 1536 declared that it was still uncertain whether a single continent stretched from the Mississippi to Newfoundland.[827] The success of Cortés filled the Spanish mind with visions of empires in the north rivalling that of Mexico, which but awaited the courage of valiant men to conquer. Panfilo de Narvaez, after being defeated by Cortés, whom he was sent to supersede,[828] solicited of Charles V. a patent under which he might conquer and colonize the country on the Gulf of Mexico, from Rio de Palmas to Florida. A grant was made, under which he was required to found two or more towns and erect two fortresses. He received the title of adelantado, and was empowered to enslave all Indians who, after being summoned in due form, would not submit to the Spanish King and the Christian Faith. In an official document he styles himself Governor of Florida, Rio de Palmas, and Espiritu Santo, —the Mississippi.[829] Narvaez collected an armament suited to the project, and sailed from San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, in a fleet of five ships carrying six hundred persons, with mechanics and laborers, as well as secular priests, and five Franciscan friars, the superior being Father Juan Xuarez. On the coast of Cuba his fleet was caught by a hurricane, and one vessel perished. After refitting and acquiring other vessels, Narvaez sailed from Cuba in March with four vessels and a brigantine, taking four hundred men and eighty horses, his pilot being Diego Miruelo, of a family which had acquired experience on that coast. The destination was the Rio de Palmas; but his pilot proved incompetent, and his fleet moved slowly along the southern coast of
- 43. Cuba, doubled Cape San Antonio, and was standing in for Havana when it was driven by a storm on the Florida coast at a bay which he called Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot identifies with Apalache Bay.[830] Here Narvaez landed a part of his force (April 15), sending his brigantine to look for a port or the way to Pánuco,—much vaunted by the pilots,—and if unsuccessful to return to Cuba for a vessel that had remained there. He was so misled by his pilots that though he was near or on the Florida peninsula, he supposed himself not far from the rivers Pánuco and Palmas. Under this impression he landed most of his men, and directed his vessels, with about one hundred souls remaining on them, to follow the coast while he marched inland. No steps were taken to insure their meeting at the harbor proposed as a rendezvous, or to enable the brigantine and the other ship to follow the party on land. On the 19th of April Narvaez struck inland in a northward or northeasterly direction; and having learned a little of the country, moved on with three hundred men, forty of them mounted. On the 15th of the following month they reached a river with a strong current, which they crossed some distance from the sea. Cabeza de Vaca, sent at his own urgent request to find a harbor, returned with no encouraging tidings; and the expedition plodded on till, on the 25th of June, they reached Apalache,—an Indian town of which they had heard magnificent accounts. It proved to be a mere hamlet of forty wretched cabins. The sufferings of Narvaez’ men were great; the country was poverty-stricken; there was no wealthy province to conquer, no fertile lands for settlement. Aute (a harbor) was said to be nine days’ march to the southward; and to this, after nearly a month spent at Apalache, the disheartened Spaniards turned their course, following the Magdalena River. On the 31st of July they reached the coast at a bay which Narvaez styled Bahia de Cavallos; and seeing no signs of his vessels, he set to work to build boats in which to escape from the country. The horses were killed for food; and making forges, the Spaniards wrought their stirrups, spurs, and other iron articles into saws, axes, and nails. Ropes were made of the manes and tails of the horses and such fibres as they could find; their shirts were used for sailcloth. By the 20th of September five boats, each twenty-two cubits
- 44. long, were completed, and two days afterward the survivors embarked, forty-eight or nine being crowded into each frail structure. Not one of the whole number had any knowledge of navigation or of the coast. Running between Santa Rosa Island and the mainland, they coasted along for thirty days, landing where possible to obtain food or water, but generally finding the natives fierce and hostile. On the 31st of October they came to a broad river pouring into the Gulf such a volume of water that it freshened the brine so that they were able to drink it; but the current was too much for their clumsy craft. The boat commanded by Narvaez was lost, and never heard of; that containing Father Xuarez and the other friars was driven ashore bottom upward; the three remaining boats were thrown on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas. The crews barely escaped with life, and found themselves at the mercy of cruel and treacherous savages, who lived on or near Malhado Island, and drew a precarious living from shellfish and minor animals, prickly-pears and the like. They were consequently not as far west as the bison range, which reached the coast certainly at Matagorda Bay.[831] Here several of the wretched Spaniards fell victims to the cruelty of the Indians or to disease and starvation, till Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of the expedition, escaping from six years’ captivity among the Mariames, reached the Avavares, farther inland, with two companions, Castillo and Dorantes, and a negro slave. After spending eight months with them, he penetrated to the Arbadaos, where the mesquite is first found, near the Rio Grande; and skirting the San Saba Mountains, came to the bison plains and the hunter nations; then keeping westward through tribes that lived in houses of earth and knew the use of cotton and mined the turquoise, he finally came upon some Spanish explorers on the River Petatlan; and thus on the 1st of April, 1536, with hearts full of joy and gratitude, the four men entered the town of San Miguel in Sinaloa. The vessels of Narvaez, not finding the alleged port of the pilots, returned to the harbor where they had landed him, and were there joined by the two vessels from Cuba; but though they remained nearly a year, cruising along the coast of the Gulf, they never
- 45. encountered the slightest trace of the unfortunate Narvaez or his wretched followers. They added nothing apparently to the knowledge of the coast already acquired; for no report is extant, and no map alludes to any discovery by them. Thus ended an expedition undertaken with rashness and ignorance, and memorable only from the almost marvellous adventures of Cabeza de Vaca and his comrades, and the expeditions by land which were prompted by his narrative. The wealth of Mexico and Peru had inflamed the imagination of Spanish adventurers; and though no tidings had been received of Narvaez, others were ready to risk all they had, and life itself, in the hope of finding some wealthy province in the heart of the northern continent. The next to try his fortune was one who had played his part in the conquest of Peru. Hernando de Soto, the son of an esquire of Xerez de Badajoz, was eager to rival Cortés and Pizarro. In 1537 he solicited a grant of the province from Rio de las Palmas to Florida, as ceded to Narvaez, as well as of the province discovered by Ayllon; and the King at Valladolid, on the 20th of April, issued a concession to him, appointing him to the government of the Island of Cuba, and requiring him in person to conquer and occupy Florida within a year, erect fortresses, and carry over at least five hundred men as settlers to hold the country. The division of the gold, pearls, and other valuables of the conquered caciques was regulated, and provision made for the maintenance of the Christian religion and of an hospital in the territory. The air of mystery assumed by Cabeza de Vaca as to the countries that he had seen, served to inflame the imagination of men in Spain; and Soto found many ready to give their persons and their means to his expedition. Nobles of Castile in rich slashed silk dresses mingled with old warriors in well-tried coats of mail. He sailed from San Lucar in April, 1538, amid the fanfaron of trumpets and the roar of cannon, with six hundred as high-born and well-trained men as ever went forth from Spain to win fame and fortune in the New World. They
- 46. reached Cuba safely, and Soto was received with all honor. More prudent than Narvaez, Soto twice despatched Juan de Añasco, in a caravel with two pinnaces, to seek a suitable harbor for the fleet, before trusting all the vessels on the coast.[832] Encouraged by the reports of this reconnoitring, Soto, leaving his wife in Cuba, sailed from Havana in May, 1539, and made a bay on the Florida coast ten leagues west of the Bay of Juan Ponce. To this he gave the name of Espiritu Santo, because he reached it on the Feast of Pentecost, which fell that year on the 25th of May.[833] On the 30th he began to land his army near a town ruled by a chief named Uçita. Soto’s whole force was composed of five hundred and seventy men, and two hundred and twenty-three horses, in five ships, two caravels, and two pinnaces. He took formal possession of the country in the name of the King of Spain on the 3d of June, and prepared to explore and subject the wealthy realms which he supposed to lie before him. Though the chief at his landing-place was friendly, he found that all the surrounding tribes were so hostile that they began to attack those who welcomed him. Ortiz, a Spaniard belonging to Narvaez’ expedition, who in his long years of captivity had become as naked and as savage as were the Indians, soon joined Soto.[834] He was joyfully received; though his knowledge of the country was limited, his services were of vital necessity, for the Indians secured by Añasco, and on whom Soto relied as guides and interpreters, deserted at the first opportunity. Soto had been trained in a bad school; he had no respect for the lives or rights of the Indians. As Oviedo, a man of experience among the conquistadores, says: “This governor was very fond of this sport of killing Indians.”[835] The plan of his march showed his disregard of the rights of the natives. At each place he demanded of the cacique, or head chief, corn for his men and horses, and Indians of both sexes to carry his baggage and do the menial work in his camp. After obtaining these supplies, he compelled the chief to accompany his army till he reached another tribe whose chief he could treat in the same way; but though the first chief was then released, few of the people of the
- 47. tribe which he ruled, and who had been carried off by Soto, were so fortunate as ever to be allowed to return to their homes. On the 15th of July Soto, sending back his largest ships to Cuba, moved to the northeast to make his toilsome way amid the lakes and streams and everglades of Florida. Before long his soldiers began to suffer from hunger, and were glad to eat water-cresses, shoots of Indian corn, and palmetto, in order to sustain life; for native villages were few and scattered, and afforded little corn for the plunderers. The natives were met only as foe-men, harassing his march. At Caliquen the Indians, to rescue their chief, whom Soto was carrying to the next town, made a furious onslaught on the Spaniards; but were driven to the swamps, and nearly all killed or taken. Their dauntless spirit was, however, unbroken. The survivors, though chained as slaves, rose on their masters; and seizing any weapon within their reach, fought desperately, one of them endeavoring to throttle Soto himself. Two hundred survived this gallant attempt, only to be slaughtered by the Indian allies of the Spanish commander. Soto fought his way westward step by step so slowly that at the end of three months, Oct. 30, 1539, he had only reached Agile,—a town in the province of Apalache. Añasco, sent out from this point to explore, discovered the port where Narvaez had embarked,—the remains of his forges and the bones of his horses attesting the fact. Soto despatched him to Tampa Bay. Añasco with a party marched the distance in ten days; and sending two caravels to Cuba, brought to Soto in the remaining vessels the detachment left at his landing- place. Before he reached his commander the Indians had burned the town of Anaica Apalache, of which Soto had taken possession.[836] A good port, that of Pensacola, had been discovered to the westward; but Soto, crediting an Indian tale of the rich realm of Yupaha in the northeast, left his winter quarters March 3, 1540, and advanced in that direction through tribes showing greater civilization. A month later he reached the Altamaha, receiving from the more friendly natives corn and game. This was not sufficient to save the Spaniards from much suffering, and they treated the Indians with their wonted cruelty.[837]
- 48. At last Soto, after a march of four hundred and thirty leagues, much of it through uninhabited land, reached the province ruled by the chieftainess of Cofitachiqui. On the 1st of May she went forth to meet the Spanish explorer in a palanquin or litter; and crossing the river in a canopied canoe, she approached Soto, and after presenting him the gifts of shawls and skins brought by her retinue, she took off her necklace of pearls and placed it around the neck of Soto. Yet her courtesy and generosity did not save her from soon being led about on foot as a prisoner. The country around her chief town, which Jones identifies with Silver Bluff, on the Savannah, below Augusta,[838] tempted the followers of Soto, who wished to settle there, as from it Cuba could be readily reached. But the commander would attempt no settlement till he had discovered some rich kingdom that would rival Peru; and chagrined at his failure, refused even to send tidings of his operations to Cuba. At Silver Bluff he came upon traces of an earlier Spanish march. A dirk and a rosary were brought to him, which were supposed, on good grounds, to have come from the expedition of Ayllon. Poring over the cosmography of Alonzo de Chaves, Soto and the officers of his expedition concluded that a river, crossed on the 26th of May, was the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi. A seven days’ march, still in the chieftainess’s realm, brought them to Chelaque, the country of the Cherokees, poor in maize; then, over mountain ridges, a northerly march brought them to Xualla, two hundred and fifty leagues from Silver Bluff. At the close of May they were in Guaxule, where the chieftainess regained her freedom. It was a town of three hundred houses, near the mountains, in a well-watered and pleasant land, probably at the site of Coosawattie Old Town. The chief gave Soto maize, and also three hundred dogs for the maintenance of his men. Marching onward, Soto next came to Canasagua, in all probability on a river even now called the Connasauga, flowing through an attractive land of mulberries, persimmons, and walnuts. Here they found stores of bear oil and walnut oil and honey. Marching down this stream and the Oostanaula, into which it flows, to Chiaha, on an island opposite the mouth of the Etowa, in the district of the pearl-
- 49. bearing mussel-streams, Soto was received in amity; and the cacique had some of the shellfish taken and pearls extracted in the presence of his guest. The Spaniards encamped under the trees near the town, leaving the inhabitants in quiet possession of their homes. Here, on the spot apparently now occupied by Rome, they rested for a month. A detachment sent to discover a reputed gold-producing province returned with no tidings to encourage the adventurers; and on the 28th of June Soto, with his men and steeds refreshed, resumed his march, having obtained men to bear his baggage, though his demand of thirty women as slaves was refused.[839] Chisca, to which he sent two men to explore for gold, proved to be in a rugged mountain land; and the buffalo robe which they brought back was more curious than encouraging. Soto therefore left the territory of the Cherokees, and took the direction of Coça, probably on the Coosa river. The cacique of that place, warned doubtless by the rumors which must have spread through all the land of the danger of thwarting the fierce strangers, furnished supplies at several points on the route to his town, and as Soto approached it, came out on a litter attired in a fur robe and plumed headpiece to make a full surrender. The Spaniards occupied the town and took possession of all the Indian stores of corn and beans, the neighboring woods adding persimmons and grapes. This town was one hundred and ninety leagues west of Xualla, and lay on the east bank of the Coosa, between the mouths of the Talladega and Tallasehatchee, as Pickett, the historian of Alabama, determines. Soto held the chief of Coça virtually as a prisoner; but when he demanded porters to bear the baggage of his men, most of the Indians fled. The Spanish commander then seized every Indian he could find, and put him in irons. After remaining at Coça for twenty-five days, Soto marched to Ullibahali, a strongly palisaded town, situated, as we may conjecture, on Hatchet Creek. This place submitted, giving men as porters and women as slaves. Leaving this town on the 2d of September, he marched to Tallise, in a land teeming with corn, whose people proved
- 50. equally docile.[840] This submission was perhaps only to gain time, and draw the invaders into a disadvantageous position. Actahachi, the gigantic chief of Tastaluza, sixty leagues south of Coça, which was Soto’s next station, received him with a pomp such as the Spaniards had not yet witnessed. The cacique was seated on cushions on a raised platform, with his chiefs in a circle around him; an umbrella of buckskin, stained red and white, was held over him. The curveting steeds and the armor of the Spaniards raised no look of curiosity on his stern countenance, and he calmly awaited Soto’s approach. Not till he found himself detained as a prisoner would he promise to furnish the Spaniards with porters and supplies of provisions at Mauila[841] to enable Soto to continue his march. He then sent orders to his vassal, the chief of Mauila, to have them in readiness. As the Spaniards, accompanied by Actahachi, descended the Alabama, passing by the strong town of Piache, the cacique of Mauila came to meet them with friendly greetings, attended by a number of his subjects playing upon their native musical instruments, and proffering fur robes and service; but the demeanor of the people was so haughty that Luis de Moscoso urged Soto not to enter the town. The adelantado persisted; and riding in with seven or eight of his guard and four horsemen, sat down with the cacique and the chief of Tastaluza, whom, according to custom, he had brought to this place. The latter asked leave to return to his own town; when Soto refused, he rose, pretending a wish to confer with some chiefs, and entered a house where some armed Indians were concealed. He refused to come out when summoned; and a chief who was ordered to carry a message to the cacique, but refused, was cut down by Gallego with a sword. Then the Indians, pouring out from the houses, sent volleys of arrows at Soto and his party. Soto ran toward his men, but fell two or three times; and though he reached his main force, five of his men were killed, and he himself, as well as all the rest, was severely wounded. The chained Indian porters, who bore the baggage and treasures of Soto’s force, had set down their loads just outside the palisade. When the party of Soto had been driven out, the men of
- 51. Mauila sent all these into the town, took off their fetters, and gave them weapons. Some of the military equipments of the Spaniards fell into the hands of the Indians, and several of Soto’s followers, who had like him entered the town, among them a friar and an ecclesiastic, remained as prisoners. The Indians, sending off their caciques, and apparently their women, prepared to defend the town; but Soto, arranging his military array into four detachments, surrounded it, and made an assault on the gates, where the natives gathered to withstand them. By feigning flight Soto drew them out; and by a sudden charge routed them, and gaining an entrance for his men, set fire to the houses. This was not effected without loss, as the Spaniards were several times repulsed by the Indians. When they at last fought their way into the town, the Indians endeavored to escape. Finding that impossible, as the gates were held, the men of Mauila fought desperately, and died by the sword, or plunged into the blazing houses to perish there. The battle of Mauila was one of the bloodiest ever fought on our soil between white and red men in the earlier days. The Adelantado had twenty of his men killed, and one hundred and fifty wounded; of his horses twelve were killed and seventy wounded. The Indian loss was estimated by the Portuguese chronicler of the expedition at twenty-five hundred, and by Rangel at three thousand. At nightfall Biedma tells us that only three Indians remained alive, two of whom were killed fighting; the last hung himself from a tree in the palisade with his bowstring.[842] The Gentleman of Elvas states Soto’s whole loss up to his leaving Mauila to have been one hundred and two by disease, accident, and Indian fighting. Divine worship had been apparently offered in the camp regularly up to this time; but in the flames of Mauila perished all the chalices and vestments of the clergy, as well as the bread-irons and their store of wheat-flour and wine, so that Mass ceased from this time.[843] Soto here ascertained that Francisco Maldonado was with vessels at the port of Ichuse (or Ochuse) only six days’ march from him, awaiting his orders. He was too proud to return to Cuba with his force reduced in numbers, without their baggage, or any trophy from the
- 52. lands he had visited. He would not even send any tidings to Cuba, but concealed from his men the knowledge which had been brought to him by Ortiz, the rescued follower of Narvaez. Stubborn in his pride, Soto, on the 14th of November, marched northward; and traversing the land of Pafallaya (now Clarke, Marengo, and Greene counties), passed the town of Taliepatua and reached Cabusto, identified by Pickett with the site of the modern town of Erie, on the Black Warrior. Here a series of battles with the natives occurred; but Soto fought his way through hostile tribes to the little town of Chicaça, with its two hundred houses clustered on a hill, probably on the western bank of the Yazoo, which he reached in a snow-storm on the 17th of December. The cacique Miculasa received Soto graciously, and the Spanish commander won him by sending part of his force to attack Sacchuma, a hostile town. Having thus propitiated this powerful chief, Soto remained here till March; when, being ready to advance on his expedition in search of some wealthy province, he demanded porters of the cacique. The wily chief amused the invader with promises for several days, and then suddenly attacked the town from four sides, at a very early hour in the morning, dashing into the place and setting fire to the houses. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, were assailed as they came out to put on their armor and mount their horses. Soto and one other alone succeeded in getting into the saddle; but Soto himself, after killing one Indian with his spear, was thrown, his girths giving way. The Indians drew off with the loss of this one man, having killed eleven Spaniards, many of their horses, and having greatly reduced their herd of swine. In the conflagration of the town, Soto’s force lost most of their remaining clothing, with many of their weapons and saddles. They at once set to work to supply the loss. The woods gave ash to make saddles and lances; forges were set up to temper the swords and make such arms as they could; while the tall grass was woven into mats to serve as blankets or cloaks. They needed their arms indeed; for on the 15th of March the enemy, in three divisions, advanced to attack the camp. Soto met them with as many squadrons, and routed them with loss.
- 53. When Soto at last took up his march on the 25th of April, the sturdy Alibamo, or Alimamu, or Limamu, barred his way with a palisade manned by the painted warriors of the tribe. Soto carried it at the cost of the lives of seven or eight of his men, and twenty-five or six wounded; only to find that the Indians had made the palisade not to protect any stores, but simply to cope with the invaders.[844] At Quizquiz, or Quizqui, near the banks of the Mississippi, Soto surprised the place and captured all the women; but released them to obtain canoes to cross the river. As the Indians failed to keep their promise, Soto encamped in a plain and spent nearly a month building four large boats, each capable of carrying sixty or seventy men and five or six horses. The opposite shore was held by hostile Indians; and bands of finely formed warriors constantly came down in canoes, as if ready to engage them, but always drawing off. The Spaniards finally crossed the river at the lowest Chickasaw Bluff, all wondering at the mighty turbid stream, with its fish, strange to their eyes, and the trees, uprooted on the banks far above, that came floating down.[845] Soto marched northward to Little Prairie in quest of Pacaha and Chisca, provinces reported to abound in gold. After planting a cross on St. John’s Day[846] at Casqui, where the bisons’ heads above the entrances to the huts reminded them of Spain, he entered Pacaha June 29, as Oviedo says. These towns were the best they had seen since they left Cofitachiqui. Pacaha furnished them with a booty which they prized highly,—a fine store of skins of animals, and native blankets woven probably of bark. These enabled the men to make clothing, of which many had long been in sore want. The people gradually returned, and the cacique received Soto in friendly guise, giving him his two sisters as wives. While the army rested here nearly a month, expeditions were sent in various directions. One, marching eight days to the northwest through a land of swamps and ponds, reached the prairies, the land of Caluça, where Indians lived in portable houses of mats, with frames so light that a man could easily carry them.[847] Despairing of finding his long-sought El Dorado in that direction, Soto marched south and then southwest, in all a hundred and ten
- 54. leagues, to Quiguate, a town on a branch of the Mississippi. It was the largest they had yet seen. The Indians abandoned it; but one half the houses were sufficient to shelter the whole of Soto’s force. On the first of September the expedition reached Coligua,—a populous town in a valley among the mountains, near which vast herds of bison roamed. Then crossing the river again,[848] Soto’s jaded and decreasing force marched onward. Cayas, with its salt river and fertile maize-lands, was reached; and then the Spaniards came to Tulla, where the Indians attacked them, fighting from their housetops to the last. The cacique at last yielded, and came weeping with great sobs to make his submission. Marching southeast, Soto reached Quipana; and crossing the mountains eastward, wintered in the province of Viranque, or Autiamque, or Utianque, on a branch of the Mississippi, apparently the Washita.[849] The sufferings of the Spaniards during a long and severe winter were terrible, and Ortiz, their interpreter, succumbed to his hardships and died. Even the proud spirit of Soto yielded to his disappointments and toil. Two hundred and fifty of his splendid force had left their bones to whiten along the path which he had followed. He determined at last to push to the shores of the Gulf, and there build two brigantines, in order to send to Cuba and to New Spain for aid.
- 55. SOTO. Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera (1728), iv. 21. Passing through Ayays and the well-peopled land of Nilco, Soto went with the cacique of Guachoyanque to his well-palisaded town on the banks of the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Red River, arriving there on Sunday, April 17, 1542. Here he fell ill of the fever; difficulties beset him on every side, and he sank under the strain. Appointing Luis de Moscoço as his successor in command, he died on the 21st of May. The Adelantado of Cuba and Florida, who had hoped to gather the wealth of nations, left as his property five Indian slaves,
- 56. three horses, and a herd of swine. His body, kept for some days in a house, was interred in the town; but as fears were entertained that the Indians might dig up the corpse, it was taken, wrapped in blankets loaded with sand, and sunk in the Mississippi.[850] AUTOGRAPH OF SOTO. Muscoço’s first plan was to march westward to Mexico. But after advancing to the province of Xacatin, the survivors of the expedition lost all hope; and returning to the Mississippi, wintered on its banks. There building two large boats, they embarked in them and in canoes. Hostile Indians pursued them, and twelve men were drowned, their canoes being run down by the enemy’s periaguas. The survivors reached the Gulf and coasted along to Pánuco.[851] The expedition of Soto added very little to the knowledge of the continent, as no steps were taken to note the topography of the country or the language of the various tribes. Diego Maldonado and Gomez Arias, seeking Soto, explored the coast from the vicinity of the Mississippi nearly to Newfoundland; but their reports are unknown. Notwithstanding the disastrous result of Soto’s expedition, and the conclusive proof it afforded that the country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico contained no rich kingdom and afforded little inducement for settlements, other commanders were ready to undertake the conquest of Florida. Among these was Don Antonio de Mendoza, the
- 57. ANTONIO DE MENDOZA, Viceroy of New Spain. viceroy of New Spain, who sought, by offers of rank and honors, to enlist some of the survivors of Soto’s march in a new campaign. In a more mercantile spirit, Julian de Samano and Pedro de Ahumada applied to the Spanish monarch for a patent, promising to make a good use of the privileges granted them, and to treat the Indians well. They hoped to buy furs and pearls, and carry on a trade in them till mines of gold and silver were found. The Court, however, refused to permit the grant.[852] Yet as a matter of policy it became necessary for Spain to occupy Florida. This the Court felt; and when Cartier was preparing for his voyage to the northern part of the continent,[853] Spanish spies followed his movements and reported all to their Government. In Spain it was decided that Cartier’s occupation of the frozen land, for which he was equipping his vessels, could not in any way militate against the interests of the Catholic monarch; but it was decided that any settlement attempted in Florida must on some pretext be crushed out.[854] Florida from its position afforded a basis for assailing the fleets which bore from Vera Cruz the treasures of the Indies; and the hurricanes of the tropics had already strewn the Florida coast with the fragments of Spanish wrecks. In 1545 a vessel laden with silver and precious commodities perished on that coast, and two hundred persons reached land, only to fall by the hands of the Indians.[855] The next Spanish attempt to occupy Florida was not unmixed with romance; and its tragic close invests it with peculiar interest. The Dominicans, led by Father Antonio de Montesinos and Las Casas,— who had by this time become Bishop of Chiapa,—were active in condemning the cruelties of their countrymen to the natives of the New World; and the atrocities perpetrated by Soto in his disastrous march gave new themes for their indignant denunciations.[856]
- 58. One Dominican went further. Father Luis Cancer de Barbastro, when the Indians of a province had so steadily defied the Spaniards and prevented their entrance that it was styled “Tierra de Guerra,” succeeded by mild and gentle means in winning the whole Indian population, so that the province obtained the name of “Vera Paz,” or True Peace. In 1546 this energetic man conceived the idea of attempting the peaceful conquest of Florida. Father Gregory de Beteta and other influential members of his Order seconded his views. The next year he went to Spain and laid his project before the Court, where it was favorably received. He returned to Mexico with a royal order that all Floridians held in slavery, carried thither by the survivors of Soto’s expedition, should be confided to Father Cancer to be taken back to their own land. The order proved ineffectual. Father Cancer then sailed from Vera Cruz in 1549 in the “Santa Maria del Enzina,” without arms or soldiers, taking Father Beteta, Father Diego de Tolosa, Father John Garcia, and others to conduct the mission. At Havana he obtained Magdalen, a woman who had been brought from Florida, and who had become a Christian. The vessel then steered for Florida, and reaching the coast, at about 28°, on the eve of Ascension Day, ran northward, but soon sailed back. The missionaries and their interpreter landed, and found some of the Indians fishing, who proved friendly. Father Diego, a mission coadjutor, and a sailor, resolved to remain with the natives, and went off to their cabins. Cancer and his companions awaited their return; but they never appeared again. For some days the Spaniards on the ship endeavored to enter into friendly relations with the Indians, and on Corpus Christi Fathers Cancer and Garcia landed and said Mass on shore. At last a Spaniard named John Muñoz, who had been a prisoner among the Indians, managed to reach the ship; and from him they learned that the missionary and his companions had been killed by the treacherous natives almost immediately after reaching their cabins. He had not witnessed their murder, but declared that he had seen the missionary’s scalp. Magdalen, however, came to the shore and assured the missionaries that their comrade was alive and well. It had thus become a serious matter what course to pursue. The vessel was too heavy to enter the shallow bays, the provisions were
- 59. nearly exhausted, water could not be had, and the ship’s people were clamoring to return to Mexico. The missionaries, all except Father Cancer, desired to abandon the projected settlement, but he still believed that by presents and kindness to the Indians he could safely remain. His companions in vain endeavored to dissuade him. On Tuesday, June 25, he was pulled in a boat near the shore. He leaped into the water and waded towards the land. Though urged to return, he persevered. Kneeling for a few minutes on the beach, he advanced till he met the Indians. The sailors in the boat saw one Indian pull off his hat, and another strike him down with a club. One cry escaped his lips. A crowd of Indians streamed down to the shore and with arrows drove off the boat. Lingering for awhile, the vessel sailed back to Vera Cruz, after five lives had thus rashly been sacrificed.[857] On the arrival of the tidings of this tragic close of Cancer’s mission a congress was convened by Maximilian, King of Bohemia, then regent in Spain; and the advocates of the peace policy in regard to the Indians lost much of the influence which they had obtained in the royal councils.[858] The wreck of the fleet, with rich cargoes of silver, gold, and other precious commodities, on the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico in 1553, when several hundred persons perished, and the sufferings of the surviving passengers, among whom were several Dominicans, in their attempt to reach the settlements; and the wreck of Farfan’s fleet on the Atlantic coast near Santa Elena in December, 1554,—showed the necessity of having posts on that dangerous coast of Florida, in order to save life and treasure.[859] The Council of the Indies advised Philip II. to confide the conquest and settlement of Florida to Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New Spain, who was anxious to undertake the task. The Catholic monarch had previously rejected the projects of Zurita and Samano; but the high character of Velasco induced him to confide the task to the viceroy of Mexico. The step was a gain for the humanitarian party; and the King, on giving his approval, directed that Dominican friars should be selected to accompany the colonists, in order to minister to them and convert the Indians. Don Luis de Velasco had directed the
- 60. government in Mexico since November, 1550, with remarkable prudence and ability. The natives found in him such an earnest, capable, and unwavering protector that he is styled in history the Father of the Indians. The plans adopted by this excellent governor for the occupation of Florida were in full harmony with the Dominican views. In the treatment of the Indians he anticipated the just and equitable methods which give Calvert, Williams, and Penn so enviable a place in American annals.[860] The occupation was not to be one of conquest, and all intercourse with the Indians was to be on the basis of natural equity. His first step was prompted by his characteristic prudence.[861] In September, 1558, he despatched Guido de Labazares, with three vessels and a sufficient force, to explore the whole Florida coast, and select the best port he found for the projected settlement. Labazares, on his return after an investigation of several months, reported in favor of Pensacola Bay, which he named Felipina; and he describes its entrance between a long island and a point of land. The country was well wooded, game and fish abounded, and the Indian fields showed that Indian corn and vegetables could be raised successfully.[862] On the return of Labazares in December, preparations were made for the expedition, which was placed under the command of Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano. The force consisted of fifteen hundred soldiers and settlers, under six captains of cavalry and six of infantry, some of whom had been at Coça, and were consequently well acquainted with the country where it was intended to form the settlement. The Dominicans selected were Fathers Pedro de Feria, as vicar-provincial of Florida, Dominic of the Annunciation, Dominic de Salazar, John Maçuelas, Dominic of Saint Dominic, and a lay brother. The object being to settle, provisions for a whole year were prepared, and ammunition to meet all their wants. The colonists, thus well fitted for their undertaking, sailed from Vera Cruz on the 11th of June, 1559; and by the first of the following month were off the bay in Florida to which Miruelo had given his name. Although Labazares had recommended Pensacola Bay, Tristan
- 61. de Luna seems to have been induced by his pilots to give the preference to the Bay of Ichuse; and he sailed west in search of it, but passed it, and entered Pensacola Bay. Finding that he had gone too far, Luna sailed back ten leagues east to Ichuse, which must have been Santa Rosa Bay. Here he anchored his fleet, and despatched the factor Luis Daza, with a galleon, to Vera Cruz to announce his safe arrival. He fitted two other vessels to proceed to Spain, awaiting the return of two exploring parties; he then prepared to land his colonists and stores.[863] Meanwhile he sent a detachment of one hundred men under captains Alvaro Nyeto and Gonzalo Sanchez, accompanied by one of the missionaries, to explore the country and ascertain the disposition of the Indians. The exploring parties returned after three weeks, having found only one hamlet, in the midst of an uninhabited country.[864] Before Luna had unloaded his vessels, they were struck, during the night of September 19,[865] by a terrible hurricane, which lasted twenty-four hours, destroying five ships, a galleon and a bark, and carrying one caravel and its cargo into a grove some distance on land. Many of the people perished, and most of the stores intended for the maintenance of the colony were ruined or lost. The river, entering the Bay of Ichuse, proved to be very difficult of navigation, and it watered a sparsely-peopled country. Another detachment,[866] sent apparently to the northwest, after a forty days’ march through uncultivated country, reached a large river, apparently the Escambia, and followed its banks to Nanipacna, a deserted town of eighty houses. Explorations in various directions found no other signs of Indian occupation. The natives at last returned and became friendly. Finding his original site unfavorable, Tristan de Luna, after exhausting the relief-supplies sent him, and being himself prostrated by a fever in which he became delirious, left Juan de Jaramillo at the port with fifty men and negro slaves, and proceeded[867] with the rest of his company, nearly a thousand souls, to Nanipacna, some by land, and some ascending the river in their lighter craft. To this town he gave the name of Santa Cruz. The stores of Indian corn, beans, and other vegetables left by the Indians were soon consumed by the
- 62. Spaniards, who were forced to live on acorns or any herbs they could gather. The Viceroy, on hearing of their sufferings, sent two vessels to their relief in November, promising more ample aid in the spring. The provisions they obtained saved them from starvation during the winter, but in the spring their condition became as desperate as ever. No attempt seems to have been made to cultivate the Indian fields, or to raise anything for their own support.[868] In hope of obtaining provisions from Coça, Jaramillo sent his sergeant-major with six captains and two hundred soldiers, accompanied by Father Dominic de Salazar and Dominic of the Annunciation, to that province. On the march the men were forced to eat straps, harnesses, and the leather coverings of their shields; some died of starvation, while others were poisoned by herbs which they ate. A chestnut wood proved a godsend, and a fifty days’ march brought them to Olibahali (Hatchet Creek), where the friendly natives ministered to their wants.[869] About the beginning of July they reached Coça, on the Coosa River, then a town of thirty houses, near which were seven other towns of the same tribe. Entering into friendly intercourse with these Indians, the Spaniards obtained food for themselves and their jaded horses. After resting here for three months, the Spaniards, to gain the good-will of the Coosas, agreed to aid them in a campaign against the Napochies,—a nation near the Ochechiton,[870] the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi. These were in all probability the Natchez. The Coosas and their Spanish allies defeated this tribe, and compelled them to pay tribute, as of old, to the Coosas. Their town, saved with difficulty from the flames, gave the Spaniards a supply of corn. On their return to Coça, the sergeant-major sent to report to Tristan de Luna; but his messengers found no Spaniard at Nanipacna, save one hanging from a tree. Tristan de Luna, supposing his men lost, had gone down to Ochuse Bay, leaving directions on a tree, and a buried letter.[871] Father Feria and some others had sailed for Havana, and all were eager to leave the country.[872] Tristan de Luna was reluctant to abandon the projected settlement, and wished to proceed to Coça
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