Second Language Acquisition and Lifelong Learning 1st Edition Singleton

Second Language Acquisition and Lifelong
Learning 1st Edition Singleton download
https://textbookfull.com/product/second-language-acquisition-and-
lifelong-learning-1st-edition-singleton/
Download more ebook from https://textbookfull.com

SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION
AND LIFELONG LEARNING
Language fundamentally defines and distinguishes us as humans, as members of
society, and as individuals. As we go through life, our relationship with language and
with learning shifts and changes,but it remains significant.This book is an up-to-date
resource for graduate students and researchers in second language (L2) acquisition
who are interested in language learning across the lifespan.The main goal is to survey
and evaluate what is known about the linguistic-cognition-affect associations that
occur in L2 learning from birth through senescence (passing through the stages of
childhood,adolescence,adulthood,and third age),the extent to which L2 acquisition
may be seen as contributing to healthy and active aging,the impact of the development
of personalized, technology-enhanced communicative L2 environments, and how
these phenomena are to be approached scientifically and methodologically. The
effects of certain specific variables, such as gender, socio-economic background, and
bilingualism are also analyzed,as we argue that chronological age does not determine
the positioning of L2 learners across the lifespan: age is part of a complex web of
social distinctions such as psychological and individual factors that intersect in the
construction of a learner’s relative status and opportunities.
Simone E. Pfenninger is Professor of English Linguistics at the University of
Zurich. Her principal research areas are variationist SLA, psycholinguistics, and
multilingualism, especially in regard to quantitative approaches and statistical
methods and techniques for language application in education.
Julia Festman is Professor of Multilingualism at University College of Teacher
Education Tyrol in Innsbruck. Her main research focus is on multilingualism on
the individual, cognitive, and educational level. She combines psycholinguistic,
neurolinguistic, and neuroscientific methods for investigating learning and
processing of multiple languages.
David Singleton is Emeritus Fellow at Trinity College Dublin. He served as
Secretary General of AILA and as President of EUROSLA. He is a EUROSLA
Distinguished Scholar and an Honorary Member of AILA.

Second Language Acquisition Research Series
Susan M. Gass and Alison Mackey, Series Editors
Kimberly L. Geeslin,Associate Editor
The Second LanguageAcquisition Research Series presents and explores issues bearing
directly on theory construction and/or research methods in the study of second
language acquisition. Its titles (both authored and edited volumes) provide thor
ough and timely overviews of high-interest topics, and include key discussions of
existing research findings and their implications.A special emphasis of the series is
ref lected in the volumes dealing with specific data collection methods or instru
ments. Each of these volumes addresses the kinds of research questions for which
the method/instrument is best suited, offers extended description of its use, and
outlines the problems associated with its use.The volumes in this series will be
invaluable to students and scholars alike,and perfect for use in courses on research
methodology and in individual research.
Questionnaires in Second Language Research
Construction,Administration, and Processing,Third Edition
Zoltán Dörnyei and Jean-Marc Dewaele
Longitudinal Studies of Second Language Learning
Quantitative Methods and Outcomes
Edited by Steven J. Ross and Megan C. Masters
Researching Creativity in Second Language Acquisition
Ashleigh Pipes
Communicative Competence in a Second Language
Theory, Method, and Applications
Edited by Matthew Kanwit and Megan Solon
Second Language Acquisition and Lifelong Learning
Simone E. Pfenninger, Julia Festman, and David Singleton
The Role of the Learner in Task-Based Language Teaching
Theory and Research
Edited by Craig Lambert, Scott Aubrey, and Gavin Bui
For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/
Second-Language-Acquisition-Research-Series/book-series/LEASLARS

SECOND LANGUAGE
ACQUISITION AND
LIFELONG LEARNING
Simone E. Pfenninger,
Julia Festman, and
David Singleton

Designed cover image: © DeepGreen at Getty images, Creative #:153074098
First published 2023
by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, NewYork, NY 10158
and by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park,Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of theTaylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2023 Simone E. Pfenninger, Julia Festman, and David Singleton
The right of Simone E. Pfenninger, Julia Festman, and David Singleton to be
identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections
77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent
to infringe.
ISBN: 9780367769154 (hbk)
ISBN: 9780367769130 (pbk)
ISBN: 9781003168935 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003168935
Typeset in Bembo
by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

CONTENTS
1 Introduction: Seasons of life in SLA 1
References 7
2 Infant and childhood bilingualism 10
2.1 Impact of early exposure to two languages on brain
development, functioning, and structure 10
2.1.1 The many shades of child bilingualism: Early and late
bilinguals and beyond 10
2.1.2 Age of onset of exposure to a second language linked to
ultimate attainment only – but there is more 12
influences on the brain 14
2.2 Chronological age and maturation 20
2.2.1 Chronological age, maturation, and the brain 20
2.2.2 Child language development and variability 22
2.3 Learning environment as a complex socio-cultural variable:
Setting the stage for early L2 learning 24
2.4 From environment to input: Early experiences with
language(s) and focus on input dependency (quantity and quality) 27
2.5 Child-internal factors 31
2.6 Idiosyncratic learner trajectories – from early on? 32
2.7 Methodological envoi 33
References 34

vi Contents
3 Dual language development in school-age
children and adolescents 46
3.1 Dual language development in schools 48
3.1.1 Brain development as a basic challenge in
adolescence 48
3.1.2 Dual language learners in schools 50
3.1.3 Some notes on the bilingual advantage 52
3.2 The “earlier is better conundrum” in school settings 52
3.2.1 Starting age effects across different learning contexts 53
3.2.2 Intensity trumps quantity in foreign language instruction 57
3.3 Methodological envoi 60
References 63
4 Language learning in young adulthood and midlife 74
4.1 Young adults 75
4.1.1 Plurilingual couples 75
4.1.2 Opportunities for bi-/plurilingual love 78
4.1.3 Planning and policy 79
4.1.4 Love and language use: Three cases 80
4.1.5 Methodological envoi 83
4.2 L2 acquisition in midlife 84
4.2.1 Heritage languages 84
4.2.2 Adult classroom learners in their home country or region 87
4.2.3 Adult migrant foreign language acquirers 90
References 93
5 Complex and dynamic realities of L2 learning later in life 98
5.1 Additional language learning in the third age 99
5.1.1 Inter-individual variation across the lifespan 102
5.1.2 Intra-individual variation across the lifespan 106
5.1.3 Intra-individual variation as a source of information 109
5.2 Cognitive decline or too much mileage? The causal story behind
aging and cognitive changes – and its implications for SLA 115
5.3 Benefits of L2 learning in older adulthood 118
5.3.1 Cognitive benefits of lifelong bilingualism 120
5.3.2 Cognitive consequences of foreign language learning in
old age 123

Contents vii
5.4 Implications for the third age foreign language
classroom 131
5.5 ICT usage among adult L2 learners 134
5.6 Suggestions for future research on third age additional language
learning 135
5.6.1 Reframing lifelong learning through personal
narratives 137
5.6.2 Narratives: Understanding who we are, how to live, and
what to do 138
5.6.3 The narrative of decline as a dominant master narrative
of aging in Western societies 140
5.6.4 The value of staying young 140
5.6.5 Example of a dialogical narrative analysis with third age
additional language learners 142
References 147
6 Re-examining threshold hypotheses: Continuity vs.
cut-off points throughout the lifespan 169
6.1 The (multiple) critical period(s) hypothesis as a biologically
regulated threshold 171
6.1.1 The notion of “critical period” 171
6.1.2 Neurolinguists following in the footsteps of Penfield and
Lenneberg 172
6.1.3 Definitive onset, offset, and terminus? 173
6.1.4 Nativelikeness and the critical period 175
6.1.5 Nativelikeness and the role of language
aptitude 178
6.1.6 Critical age or critical opportunity? 179
6.1.7 Methodologial envoi 181
6.2 Thresholds for cognitive and brain reserve capacities 182
6.3 Retirement as a potentially significant life event altering the
process of cognitive aging and language acquisition, use, and
attrition 184
6.3.1 Effects of occupation on cognitive functioning 185
6.3.2 Experiences and perceptions of continuity in the
transition from work to retirement 188
6.3.3 Language acquisition, use, and attrition across
retirement age 190
References 199

viii Contents
7 Conclusions and future directions of research on lifelong L2
learning
7.1 Participating in a rhetoric of age as an ingredient of persons, an
internal factor, thereby de-socializing age 214
7.2 Anticipating, through the statistical parlance about “age
effects”, age matter-of-factly and reporting it as a cause of
deficient behavior 215
7.3 Estimating aging in the aggregate 217
7.4 Under the notion of “age”, lumping together biological age and
starting age 219
7.5 Attempting to identify cut-off points 219
7.6 Relying on convenience samples 220
References 221
213
Index 227

1
INTRODUCTION
Seasons of life in SLA
There are many reasons to be curious about the way people learn additional
languages at different stages in life. For one, understanding the nature of life
long language learning – and related to this, the age factor – is crucial for both
second language acquisition (SLA) research and pedagogy, raising important
concerns about all aspects of curriculum development and its adaptation to dif
ferent ages. To what extent is “age” as a construct of itself of relevance in SLA
in light of the huge and increasing spread of individual abilities and skills as
age progresses? Does the role played by age in second language (L2) acquisition
warrant “an entirely separate treatment” compared to other individual learner
differences, as R. Ellis (2004, p. 530) suggested? How can we find out whether
it is actual use of a learned L2 that makes a contribution, whether direct or indi
rect, to a potential bilingual advantage (at any age)? How does access to various
resources impact on success and continuation with the endeavor of learning a
new language at different stages in life? How far are adult L2 learners the same
regardless of age and to what extent does language learning in later life have its
own distinctive qualities?
This book aims to offer a comprehensive review of language learning across
the lifespan in both theory and application. We intend to demonstrate that
L2 learning across the lifespan is not like learning other skills, but is a unique
endeavor that is both constrained and facilitated by the psychological, social,
and cultural factors specific to certain contexts (e.g. Dörnyei, 2003, 2005, 2009;
Gardner, 1985, 2001, 2010; Ushioda & Dörnyei, 2012). In so doing, we take a
lifespan approach to SLA, which seeks to understand continuities and discon
tinuities in growth and change over the whole of life and promises to make a
major contribution toward a unifying and comprehensive theory of SLA that is
DOI: 10.4324/9781003168935-1

2 Introduction
valid across the lifespan. In so doing, we use the term “second language acquisi
tion” to refer to any situation in which individuals learn a new language.
The lifespan is usually divided into age ranges. In modern societies, age
is strongly related to a number, that is, the number of years that have passed
since one’s year of birth. Age is treated as a numerical attribute of a person,
that is, as clock-time age, completely independent of theoretical considera
tions concerning the social construction and utilization of age as a catego
rization and identification device (Rughiniș & Humă, 2015). This number
becomes known to virtually all individuals, is recorded in various media, and
is a resource for social organization in fields as diverse as education, health
care, romance, sexual relationships, trade, sports, and many others. However,
as Oxford (2018) notes, reliance on chronological or calendar age is problem
atic in many respects. Although age is used to describe individuals, its nature
and influence do not originate solely within the individual; at any point in life,
the import of age derives to a large extent from how life is socially organized
(Gullette, 2003). In other words, although everyone experiences aging in his/
her unique way, people are always “aged by culture” in the sense that cultural
aging discourses delimit experiences (Isopahkala-Bouret, 2015). Treating age
as a numerical attribute of the person ignores considerations concerning the
social utilization of age as a categorization and identification device (Rughiniș
& Humă, 2015).
As a consequence, there has recently been a “cultural turn” in gerontol
ogy (Biggs, 2005) in that getting older is perceived as becoming increasingly
homogeneous in terms of age boundaries as “age itself ceases to distinguish
one group from another” (p. 119). The argument that life-course categories are
becoming increasingly indistinct was initiated by Featherstone and Hepworth
(1983, 1989, 1991, 1995) and has been followed through in the cultural sociol
ogy of Gilleard and Higgs (2002, 2009, 2010, 2013). Moen (2001), likewise,
calls for the consideration of alternative, more flexible life paths. According to
Biggs (2005) the possibility of virtual identities has multiplied the options open
to older people no longer bound by social and biological reference points. Biggs
(2005) speculates that the suggestion that getting older is becoming increas
ingly homogeneous means that soon there may be little reason to study middle
or late life separately from other parts of the life-course (which is probably true
for any life stage). As we will show in this book, this has important implications
for L2 learning across the lifespan, which is not only a stimulating and complex
cognitive skill but also a socially engaging and ecologically relevant activity.
At any age, there is a pronounced degree of variability among L2 learners,
relating to variation in lifestyle factors and measure of involvement in cogni
tively stimulating activities (e.g. engagement with additional languages), and
this variation has been shown to modulate cognitive performance. As a conse
quence, every individual learner’s trajectory will be idiosyncratic and depend
on their particular experiences with schooling, work, family and community,

Introduction 3
activities, and more. What is more, learners’ attitudes toward L2 acquisition can
be expected to vary considerably, not only between younger and older learners
but also actually among younger or among older individuals. Reasons for this
may stem from differences in employment status, amount of free time available,
changes that have occurred in the political situation, personal interests, per
sonality traits, or even social stigma. It is one of the goals of this book to show
how “success” in additional language learning is a function of the quantity
and quality of language experience rather than simply a matter of maturation
– irrespective of the age of the learner. Further, there is not one standard age
at which abilities change in a way that affects learning and development. The
general age-related trajectories in abilities are a function of regular aging (as
opposed to memory impairment that is a function of psychopathology, such as
dementia or Alzheimer’s disease), as we discuss in Chapter 5. The current con
sensus among cognitive scientists is that the brain remains plastic throughout life,
and that the brain is modified by experience at any age (Green, 2018; Pfenninger
& Singleton, 2019; Schlegel et al., 2012). Related to this, Bak (2016) describes
how the positive effects of multilingualism are not confined to childhood, but
instead extend across the whole lifespan.
That said, there is broad acceptance of the notion of multi-factorial differ
ences between child and adult L2 acquisition, and likewise there are also claims
that there are reasons why younger and older adults should be treated differ
ently in the SLA context. According to Labov (2001), age groups reflect “the
changing social relations across speakers’ life histories that affect their acquisi
tion and use of linguistic norms and their ability to put them into practice” (p.
101). He suggests that the life stages of modern American society are: alignment
to the pre-adolescent per group (ages 8–9), membership in the pre-adolescent
peer group (10–12), involvement in heterosexual relations and the adolescent
group (13–16), completion of secondary schooling and orientation to the wider
world of work and/or college (17–19), the beginning of regular employment
and family life (20–29), full engagement in the workforce and family responsi
bilities (30–59), and retirement (60s). Thus, in Chapters 2–5, we explore learner
populations at different points in their lifespan, during childhood, adolescence,
adulthood, and at a mature age. In Chapters 2 and 3, we discuss politically
sensitive topics that pertain to children growing up bilingual, are part of a
long cultural tradition and are oftentimes used to justify and ratify decisions of
L2 policymakers: dual language development in an immersive home setting;
and the “earlier is better” conundrum, i.e. the relationship between the age at
which learners learn a foreign language and their ultimate level of proficiency
in that language. In Chapters 5 and 6, we discuss structural and functional
changes in the aging brain between younger and older adulthood, as well as
research which suggests that such changes influence cognitive functioning and
the brain’s ability to learn. Language learning in the third age is often framed in
terms of “cognitive decline”, which is said to be an interminable consequence

4 Introduction
of aging (cf. e.g. the Linear Decline Hypothesis as described in Lenet et al.,
2011). Cognitive decline has traditionally been viewed as a consequence of
structural changes in individuals’ brains, such as the decline of white matter,
cortical thinning, or the loss of functional brain connectivity (Damoiseaux
et al., 2008). These changes then lead to reduced cognitive capacities such as
a generally lower working memory capacity (Mackey & Sachs, 2012), which
places older language learners at a disadvantage as compared to younger learn
ers. Attenuating the development of old-age disorders is therefore a major clini
cal and societal challenge. Any progress in rethinking the causes of cognitive
decline in combination with the creation of novel approaches to intervention
thus makes a significant contribution to public health in the light of increased
care costs associated with aging (Ganguli et al., 2002; Leibson et al., 2015).
It is thus not surprising that many countries have been developing programs
geared toward promoting the health and well-being of the aging population
(e.g. Formosa, 2010).
Also, the effects of language experience variables on cognition may be dif
ferent at different lifespan stages. Lifelong use of two grammars and lexicons
may result in language systems that are intertwined, rather than in competi
tion, whereas young adult bilinguals of similar proficiency levels may have
more separate language systems (Goral et al., 2015). However, as we will dis
cuss in this book, (1) not every training-related increase or decrease of func
tional activation necessarily results in structural brain changes, and there is
substantial inter- and intra-individual variation (see Brehmer et al., 2014); and
(2) it is very hard to establish direct, causal links between a specific training
and a certain cognitive outcome. How do we know whether this is indeed
due to SLA and not due to engaging in activity in general? It could be that the
effect that is being observed for these training conditions is in fact an effect
of increased social participation, a feeling of belonging and meaning, that is
facilitated through language learning, but might equally be facilitated through
other types of meaningful activity. This resonates with Marinova-Todd et al.
(2000, p. 9), who argued that “age differences reflect differences in the situ
ation of learning rather than in the capacity to learn”. (3) Relatedly, Serafini
(2017) points out that adults are not “a tabula rasa”, since scholars have long
asserted that their differential language learning success might be explained by
the varying expectations, abilities, personality traits, and attitudes they bring
to the language learning endeavor. As adults look back at a life filled with
experiences and challenges, their individual differences as well as day-to-day
or even within-day fluctuations have to be taken into account, making adults a
highly heterogeneous group. Furthermore, older adults in general show lower
cognitive functioning and gain less from cognitive interventions than younger
adults, although “some older adults show relatively intact cognitive function
ing that is closer to younger adults’ performance than to that of their low-per
forming age-matched peers” (Brehmer et al., 2014, p. 798). This makes general

Introduction 5
assumptions about cognitive abilities in the third age hard to make. Language
plays an intricate role in the aging process; because of the interactions with
social, cognitive, and physical factors “it is a methodologically difficult factor to
extract from other social aging processes” (Pot et al., 2018, p. 2).
The environments in which people learn also vary as they progress through
the lifespan. For instance, once they complete the compulsory portion of their
education, what and how much they learn is largely directed by their own
choices and circumstances. L2 learning in adulthood may occur in connection
with formal programs aimed at professional development adult learners, but
much adult learning – whether in personal life or on the job –takes place in
informal training environments: for instance, in the learning of an L2 that takes
place when a person finds love with someone from a country different from
their own, as discussed in Chapter 4. With the increasing urge in today’s society
to travel as well as to engage and communicate with people from all over the
world, many adults find themselves living in an intercultural, bi-national rela
tionship. While it is argued that such a cross-cultural exchange can offer many
advantages, such as the sharing of traditional customs, people in intercultural
relationships often find their own cultural understanding to be challenged, as
they are confronted with the juggling of identities and the ideologies associ
ated with them. People also generally adapt their ideas about what they want
to learn and do in the future as they age (Carstensen et al., 2003), and they
tend to choose environments that align with their established knowledge and
skills. Specifically, in multilingualism research, change of language preferences
throughout lifetime and their differential use in specific contexts (e.g. family/
friends versus school/work) is well documented (de Bruin & Della Sala, 2016).
Similarly, although the defining factor of bilingual proficiency for young
adult bilinguals in immigrant contexts may be their use of the non-majority
language, the same is not necessarily true of older adults (Anderson et al., 2017).
In fact, older adult immigrants who at one point used the majority language fre
quently in the workplace may experience a drop in their use of, and therefore
proficiency in, that language after retirement (Keijzer, 2011; Schmid & Keijzer,
2009). As we discuss in Chapter 6, however, life-course theory (Elder, 1992,
1995, 1998) emphasizes that retirement is not an isolated event, but a transi
tion and process embedded in a person’s biography of prior and current roles
and relationships as well as institutionalized logics shaping expectations. From
this it follows that establishing a causal effect of retirement on cognition and
language use is empirically challenging. While the associations between con
tinued employment and cognitive functioning are clearly suggestive, they have
to be taken with a grain of salt, as potentially important endogeneity issues
caution against a causal interpretation (e.g. Coe et al., 2012). In other words,
identifying a causal effect of continued employment on cognitive functioning
requires exogenous variation in job retention to rule out potentially confound
ing effects from cognition on employment.

6 Introduction
One of our goals in this book is also to show how the concepts of “decline”,
“independence”, “type of person”, “eternal youth”, and “successful aging” show
up in people’s narratives about L2 learning across the lifespan. Some scholars
have suggested that “successful aging” is a function of selecting age-appropriate
goals, optimizing existing resources, and compensating for age-related declines
using social or technological resources (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Heckhausen et
al., 2010). However, while long-term active use of two languages may be neu
roprotective (e.g. Antoniou et al., 2013; Green, 2018; Park & Reuter-Lorenz,
2009; Rönnlund et al., 2005), we lack studies of the potential neuroprotective
effects of the learning and use of an L2 later in life. There are only a few exist
ing studies investigating the relationship between SLA in older adults and the
effects of such L2 training on cognition. We discuss in this book how such
research has to be relatively complex in its design in terms of sample size, num
ber of measurements per participant, types of control groups, intensity of L2
training, suitability of L2 teaching methods, theoretical and statistical model
formulation, and interactions between the predictors under investigation.
Finally, each chapter walks both the seasoned SLA researcher and the gradu
ate student through best practices for conducting, reporting, and interpreting
data gathered using various qualitative and quantitative methods. In particular,
we discuss various difficulties with the nature of the age factor as a “container
variable”, which is common nomination for a multitude of possible condi
tions, possibly even on several conceptual levels (e.g. the individual’s socio
economic status, which includes, among many other aspects, cultural capital,
financial resources, educational and, hence, cognitive differences, differences
with respect to nutrition and health, but possibly even genetic selection effects
due to selective mating). It is well-known that the age factor often interacts
with external variables, thus creating a joint impact on the outcome variable.
For instance, Muñoz & Singleton (2011) argue that much of the effect of start
ing age is the consequence of its co-varying relationship with non-biological
factors. Similarly, Birdsong (2018) describes age of onset of L2 acquisition as a
“proxy for the L2 acquisition initial state” (p. 2), i.e. the sum of an individual’s
cognitive, neurological, and linguistic development, along with motivational,
identificational, attitudinal, and experiential characteristics at the point at
which L2 learning begins. In this sense, age of acquisition is understood not as
the determinant of “age factor” but rather as a “meta-variable” (Flege, 1999).
Finally, the age factor often acts as a confounding variable (i.e. a common cause
of both X and Y or correlated with each), which, if not controlled, may lead
to spurious results in quantitative research. In sum, we argue in this book that
despite the heightened attention to age in both scientific discourse and policy
design – whether treating age as a central variable (i.e. the main focus of inter
est) or as a socio-demographic control, included in statistical models to assist
the study of something else – there has been a marked failure to attend to the
understanding of the social process of aging.

Introduction 7
References
Anderson, J. A. E., Mak, L., Chahi, A. K., & Bialystok, E. (2017). The language and
social background questionnaire: Assessing degree of bilingualism in a diverse
population. Behavior Research Methods, 50(1), 250–263.
Antoniou, M., Gunasekera, G. M., & Wong, P. C. M. (2013). Foreign language
training as cognitive therapy for age-related cognitive decline: A hypothesis for
future research. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 37(10), 2689–2698.
Bak, T. H. (2016). Cooking pasta in la Paz: Bilingualism, bias and the replication crisis.
Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism, 6(5), 699–717.
Baltes, P. B., & Baltes, M. M. (1990). Psychological perspectives on successful aging:
The model of selective optimization with compensation. In P. B. Baltes & M.
M. Baltes (Eds.), Successful aging: Perspectives from the behavioral sciences (pp. 1–34).
Cambridge University Press.
Biggs, S. (2005). Beyond appearances: Perspectives on identity in later life and some
implications for method. Journal of Gerontology, 60B(3), 118–128.
Birdsong, D. (2018). Plasticity, variability and age in second language acquisition and
bilingualism. Frontiers in Psychology, 9(81), 1–17. https://doi.org/gc7pw3
Brehmer, Y., Kalpouzos, G., Wenger, E., & Lövdén, M. (2014). Plasticity of brain and
cognition in older adults. Psychological Research, 78(6), 790–802.
Carstensen, L. L., Fung, H. H., & Charles, S. T. (2003). Socioemotional selectivity
theory and the regulation of emotion in the second half of life. Motivation and
Emotion, 27(2), 103–123. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1024569803230
Coe, N. B., von Gaudecker, H. M., Lindeboom, M., & Maurer, J. (2012). The effect of
retirement on cognitive functioning. Health Economics, 21(8), 913–927.
Damoiseaux, J. S., Beckmann, C. F., Sanz Arigita, E. J., Barkhof, F., Scheltens, P.,
Stam, C. J., Smith, S. M., & Rombouts, S. A. R. B. (2008). Reduced resting-
state brain activity in the “default network” in normal aging. Cerebral Cortex, 18(8),
1856–1864.
De Bruin, A., & Della Sala, S. (2016). The importance of language use when studying
the neuroanatomical basis of bilingualism. Language, Cognition and Neuroscience,
31(3), 335–339.
Dörnyei, Z. (2003). Attitudes, orientations, and motivations in language learning:
Advances in theory, research, and applications. Language Learning, 53(S1), 3–32.
Dörnyei, Z. (2005). The psychology of the language learner: Individual differences in second
language acquisition. Lawrence Erlbaum.
Dörnyei, Z. (2009). Individual differences: Interplay of learner characteristics and
learning environment. Language Learning, 59, 230–248.
Elder, G. H. (1992). The life course. In E. F. Brogatta & M. L. Borgatta (Eds.), The
encyclopedia of sociology (pp. 1120–1130). Macmillan.
Elder, G. H. (1995). The life course paradigm: Social change and individual
development. In P. Moen, G. H. Elder & K. Luscher (Eds.), Examining lives in
context: Perspectives on the ecology of human development (pp. 101–139). American
Psychological Association.
Elder, G. H. (1998). The life course and human development. In W. Damon & R. M.
Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology, theoretical models of human development (pp.
939–991). Wiley.
Ellis, R. (2004). The definition and measurement of L2 explicit knowledge. Language
Learning, 54(2), 227–275.

8 Introduction
Featherstone, M., & Hepworth, M. (1983). The midlifestyle of “George and Lynne”:
Notes on a popular strip. Theory, Culture and Society, 1(3), 85–92.
Featherstone, M., & Hepworth, M. (1989). Ageing and old age: Reflections on the
postmodern life course. In B. Bytheway, E. T. Keil & P. Allatt (Eds.), Becoming and
being old: Sociological approaches to later life (pp. 143–157). Sage.
Featherstone, M., & Hepworth, M. (1991). The mask of ageing and the postmodern life
course. In M. Featherstone, M. Hepworth & B. S. Turner (Eds.), The body: Social
process and cultural theory (pp. 371–389). Sage.
Featherstone, M., & Hepworth, M. (1995). Images of positive aging: A case study of
retirement choice magazine. In M. Featherstone & A. Wernick (Eds.), Images of
ageing: Cultural representations of later life (pp. 27–46). Routledge.
Flege, J. E. (1999). Age of learning and second language speech. In D. Birdsong (Ed.).
Second language acquisition and the Critical Period Hypothesis (pp. 101–131). Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates Publishers.
Formosa, M. (2010). Lifelong learning in later life: The universities of the third age.
Lifelong Learning Institute Review, 5, 1–12.
Ganguli, M., Dodge, H. H., & Mulsant, B. H. (2002). Rates and predictors of mortality
in an aging, rural, community-based cohort. Archives of General Psychiatry, 59(11),
1046–1052.
Gardner, R. C. (1985). Social psychology and second language learning: The role of attitudes
and motivation. Arnold.
Gardner, R. C. (2001). Language learning motivation: The student, the teacher, and
the researcher. Texas Papers in Foreign Language Education, 6(1), 1–18.
Gardner, R. C. (2010). Second language acquisition: A social psychological perspective.
In R. B. Kaplan (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of applied linguistics (pp. 204–216). Oxford
University Press.
Gilleard, C., & Higgs, P. (2002). The third age: Class, cohort or generation? Aging and
Society, 22(3), 369–382.
Gilleard, C., & Higgs, P. (2009). The third age: Field, habitus, or identity. In I. R.
Jones, P. Higgs, & D. Ekerdt (Eds.), Consumption & generational change: The rise of
consumer lifestyles (pp. 23–36). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Gilleard, C., & Higgs, P. (2010). Aging without agency: Theorizing the fourth age. Aging
and Mental Health, 14(2), 121–128. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607860903228762.
Gilleard, C., & Higgs, P. (2013). Ageing, corporeality and embodiment. New York: Anthem
Press.
Goral, M., Campanelli, L., & Spiro, A. (2015). Language dominance and inhibition
abilities in bilingual older adults. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 18(1), 79–89.
Green, D. W. (2018). The interactional challenge: L2 learning and use in the third
age. In D. Gabrys-Barker (Ed.), Third age learners of foreign languages (pp. 31–47).
Multilingual Matters.
Gullette, M. M. (2003). From life storytelling to age autobiography. Journal of Aging
Studies, 17(1), 101–111.
Heckhausen, J., Wrosch, C., & Schulz, R. (2010). A motivational theory of life-span
development. Psychological Review, 117(1), 32–60.
Isopahkala-Bouret, U. (2015). Graduation at age 50+: Contested efforts to construct
“third age” identities and negotiate cultural age stereotypes. Journal of Aging Studies,
35, 1–9.
Keijzer, M. (2011). Language reversion versus general cognitive decline: Towards a new
taxonomy of language change in elderly bilingual immigrants. In M. S. Schmid &

Introduction 9
W. Lowie (Eds.), Modeling bilingualism: From structure to chaos (pp. 221–232). John
Benjamins.
Labov, W. (2001). Principles of linguistic change, volume 2: Social factors. Blackwell.
Leibson, C. L., Long, K. H., Ransom, J. E., Roberts, R. O., Hass, S. L., Duhig, A.
M., Smith, C. Y., Emerson, J. A., Pankratz, V. S., & Petersen, R. C. (2015). Direct
medical costs and source of cost differences across the spectrum of cognitive decline:
A population-based study. Alzheimer’s and Dementia, 11(8), 917–932.
Lenet, A., Sanz, C., Lado, B., Howard, J. H., & Howard, D. (2011). Aging, pedagogical
conditions, and differential success in SLA: An empirical study. In C. Sanz & R. P.
Leow (Eds.), Implicit and explicit language learning: Conditions, processes, and knowledge
in SLA and bilingualism (pp. 73–84). Georgetown University Press.
Mackey, A., & Sachs, R. (2012). Older learners in SLA research: A first look at working
memory, feedback, and L2 development: Older learners in SLA. Language Learning,
62(3), 704–740.
Marinova‐Todd, S. H., Marshall, D. B., & Snow, C. E. (2000). Three misconceptions
about age and L2 learning. TESOL Quarterly, 34(1), 9–34. https://doi.org/c55pb9
Moen, P. (2001). A life-course approach to the third age. In D. C. Carr & K. S. Komp
(Eds.), Gerontology in the era of the third age: Implications and next steps (pp. 13–32).
Springer.
Muñoz, C., & Singleton, D. (2011). A critical review of age-related research on L2
ultimate attainment. Language Teaching, 44(1), 1–35.
Oxford, R. (2018). A developmental perspective on third-age learning. In D. Gabrys-
Barker (Ed.), Third age learners of foreign languages (pp. 3–18). Multilingual Matters.
Park, D. C., & Reuter-Lorenz, P. (2009). The adaptive brain: Aging and neurocognitive
scaffolding. Annual Review of Psychology, 60, 173–196.
Pfenninger, S. E., & Singleton, D. (2019). A critical review of research relating to the
learning of additional languages in the third age. Language Teaching, 52(4). https://
doi.org/10.1017/S0261444819000235
Pot, A., Keijzer, M., & de Bot, K. (2018). Intensity of multilingual language use predicts
cognitive performance in some multilingual older adults. Brain Sciences, 8(92), 1–27.
Rönnlund, M., Bäckman, L., Nilsson, L. G., & Nilsson, L. G. (2005). Stability, growth,
and decline in adult life span development of declarative memory: Cross-sectional
and longitudinal data from a population-based study. Psychology and Aging, 20(1),
3–18.
Rughiniș, C., & Humă, B. (2015). Who theorizes age? The “socio-demographic
variables” device and age–period–cohort analysis in the rhetoric of survey research.
Journal of Aging Studies, 35, 144–159.
Schlegel, A. A., Rudelson, J. J., & Tse, P. U. (2012). White matter structure changes
as adults learn a second language. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 24(8), 1664–1670.
Schmid, M. S., & Keijzer, M. (2009). First language attrition and reversion among older
migrants. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 200, 83–101.
Serafini, E. (2017). Exploring the dynamic long-term interaction between cognitive and
psychosocial resources in adult second language development at varying proficiency.
Modern Language Journal, 101(2), 369–390.
Ushioda, E., & Dörnyei, Z. (2012). Motivation. In S. Gass & A. Mackey (Eds.), The
Routledge handbook of second language acquisition (pp. 396–409). Routledge.

2
INFANT AND CHILDHOOD
BILINGUALISM
In this third decade of the 21st century, it is clear that the world’s citizens increas
ingly function in more than one language – and more and more individuals
acquire more than one language from birth or in early childhood. What is more,
language skills are essential to a child’s ability to communicate and develop. This
chapter’s primary goal is to underscore the variability of the bilingual experi
ence in infants and young children, in terms of both language experiences and
language outcomes. It begins with a discussion of the available interdisciplinary
evidence on infant and childhood bilingualism to provide an up-to-date picture
of which factors promote the acquisition of two or more languages in infancy and
childhood. We hold the view that in order to understand the impact of the age
factor on infant and childhood bilingualism, we need to start with a discussion
of the powerful changes of early exposure to two languages on the develop
ment, structure, and functioning of a newborn’s/infant’s brain. Specifically, we
will show how the study of language learning and language processing offers
an exceptional window into neural plasticity mechanisms across the lifespan.
These sections will also shed light on some of the most difficult issues involved in
empirical research with young multilingual learners.
2.1 Impact of early exposure to two languages on brain
development, functioning, and structure
2.1.1 The many shades of child bilingualism: Early and late
bilinguals and beyond
Between the phase of being newly born and entering school, there are a num
ber of age-related terms to categorize children: newborns (0 days–1 month),
infants (1 month–1 year), toddlers (1–3 years), and children (preschoolers with
DOI: 10.4324/9781003168935-2

Infant and childhood bilingualism 11
3-6 years of age and school-age children with 6–12 years of age). Related to
both the age at which second language (L2) acquisition starts and the differen
tial circumstances in which the youngsters acquire and learn language(s), there
may be a more nuanced categorization, but note that age of acquisition/expo
sure to L2 is only one possible factor to consider when looking at bilingualism
and L2 learning; many other variables such as proficiency lead to more catego
ries for specifying aspects of bilingualism (see e.g. Butler, 2013 for overview).
The notion of early bilinguals is usually split into two subcategories. On
the one hand, there is the most clear-cut case of newborns, who start with the
simultaneous development of two languages from birth; this type of language
acquisition is commonly referred to as “early simultaneous bilingualism” or
“bilingual first language (L1) acquisition” (BFLA; see e.g. de Houwer, 1990;
Meisel, 1989; Swain, 1976). On the other hand, there are infants and tod
dlers who start to acquire the L2 sometime after birth but still during early
childhood (for the upper age limit there are various suggestions, ranging from
right after birth to the age of 2 years; de Houwer, 2009), also known as “early
consecutive/sequential/successive bilingualism”. In the latter case, L2 acquisi
tion takes place when the infants/toddlers have already acquired some of the
properties of their L1 in a naturalistic environment, i.e. in immersive, informal
settings at home. Consequently, they are linguistically slightly more advanced
compared to newborns, who acquire two L1s from birth.
Early bilingualism is commonly contrasted with children’s “late bilingual
ism”. Schulz and Grimm (2019) propose the notion of “early second language
acquisition” for age of L2 onset between the ages 2 and 4 years (cf. Schulz &
Tracy, 2011) so as “to capture the fact that children who are exposed to the
second language after the age of 24 months have already developed substantial
lexical and grammatical knowledge in their first language and cannot be con
sidered ‘simultaneous learners’ anymore” (Schulz & Grimm, 2019, p. 2) – note,
however, that others (e.g. Schwartz, 2003) suggested a starting age for L2 expo
sure for child L2 learners between the ages of 3–4 and 7 years.
Irrespective of the exact time frame, the assumption is that the knowledge
and well-developed processing routines allow for early effects of L1 transfer.
In addition, child L2 learners were found to show higher rates of acquisition
in the lexical domain, accuracy in verb morphology and use of complex sen
tences compared to children who had started to acquire their L2 before the age
of 5 (e.g. Golberg et al., 2008; Paradis, 2011; Paradis et al., 2017). Schulz and
Grimm (2019, p. 2) state a “general agreement that the acquisition of a second
language after age seven qualitatively differs from first language acquisition”
(cf. Meisel, 2008). This is also more commonly known as “sequential bilin
gualism” (see de Groot, 2011). Most importantly, sequential bilinguals have
already established one language before learning another one. Their cognitive
capacities (e.g. verbal memory and analytic reasoning) improve with age (see
Berk, 2015 for a recent overview); hence, sequential L2 children have access

12 Infant and childhood bilingualism
to superior cognitive mechanisms for uptake of the input compared to early
bilinguals.
The belated start of L2 learning is mainly (but not necessarily) linked to
learning an L2 in institutionalized, more formal settings (e.g. in kindergarten,
in other forms of day care or in preschool). Note that the start of institution
alized learning, including language use and exposure in this new context, is
dependent on national educational policy and differs across cultures; for chil
dren with a first language different from the majority language, start of lan
guage exposure to an additional language (their L2) often coincides with their
attendance of day care.
ultimate attainment only – but there is more
Age of onset of L2 exposure has long been considered the most decisive fac
tor for success in language learning (cf. Lenneberg, 1967; Penfield & Roberts,
1959; see Hu, 2016 for a review), based on the assumption that there is a clear-
cut critical period during which a young child can automatically acquire a
language with ease and attain “native” language proficiency, whereas once this
window closes (a stage often linked to puberty), language learning success is
constrained, and “native” language proficiency can no longer be achieved (see
Chapter 5 for an in-depth discussion of the critical period hypothesis; CPH; cf.
Pfenninger & Singleton, 2022). On the one hand, this assumption of effortless
L1 acquisition has been extended to the acquisition of two languages in parallel,
while effortful learning has been linked to later learning (e.g. Meisel, 2011). On
the other hand, it has been speculated that learning an L2 at an older and more
mature age could make the process easier, as the individual is already familiar
with the learning of a language itself, having acquired an L1 already. Language
acquisition experiences could help and facilitate L2 learning, and slightly older
learners could profit from extended, more mature cognitive abilities.
These contradicting views led to a quest for differences between early and late
bilinguals. Over the years, this question of the impact of age of onset on language
mastery has encouraged research to a great extent and led to “classic” cross-sec
tional two-group comparisons of early vs. late bilinguals. Hence, age of onset of
acquisition (AoA) has frequently been used as an independent variable to define
the two groups and to determine the differential outcome of language mastery of
the two contrasted groups. However, there is disagreement as to at what age a lan
guage learner would be categorized as “late” – there is a range between the AoA
of 3 or 6 years or puberty, and our discussion in Section 2.1.1 above has shown
that subgroups have been suggested within the early as well as the late group.
Initial comparisons of pre- and post-puberty L2 learners have shifted to
group-wise contrasts between early (birth to 3 years) and late (ages 3 or 6 and
older) bilinguals. To give just one recent example of the ongoing uncertainty

regarding the time frame, a recent study by Hartshorne et al. (2018; see also
Chen & Hartshorne, 2021) has suggested a cut-off (i.e. the end of a critical
period) around 17 years of age for the most effective acquisition of L2 grammar,
ranging between late childhood to late adolescence (but see Hernandez et al.,
2021 for crucial critical remarks).
Another point of criticism is that some CPH child-studies investigated what
they deemed “ultimate attainment”, although their participants (e.g. children
in kindergarten) might actually still have been learners and not have yet reached
their ultimate attainment – and one might wonder if there is such a thing
as ultimate attainment in the mindset of a lifelong learner. Other research
ers focused on the rate of L2 acquisition, using behavioral testing of only one
specific language domain (e.g. phonology or grammar or lexical development;
see Kuhl, 2010 for a short summary), although learning rates (a) are known to
differ across linguistic sub-domains (cf. Butler, 2013 for overview; Singleton
& Leśniewska, 2021; Snow & Hoefnagel-Höhle, 1978; Zafar & Meenakshi,
2012; see Sections 2.4 and 2.5 on learning environments and on child-internal
factors), and (b) depend on language-level properties with factors including fre
quency, distribution, and complexity (e.g. frequently occurring regular mor
phological structures are faster acquired than irregular, infrequent ones, see e.g.
Yang, 2018). Furthermore, the point of comparison of L2 language learning
success was usually the monolingual “native-speaker proficiency” (for a critical
review, see Andringa, 2014; DeLuca et al., 2019a; Muñoz & Singleton, 2011;
Singleton & Leśniewska, 2021), which includes the assumptions that all “native
speakers” are monolingual and that they master their language perfectly despite
the nowadays “amply documented individual variation in language compe
tence, both in adult native speakers, and across language development” as well
as in all children at a given age (Vulchanova et al., 2022, p. 1).
AoA is also often confounded with the socio-cultural context in which
acquisition or learning take place:
Specifically, earlier exposure to the L2 may allow the younger learner to
be exposed to the greater variety of formal and informal contact sources
within both professional and personal domains with greater frequency
and consistency of personal contact. This results in more practice oppor
tunities and increased fluency and proficiency in the L2.
(Elise, 2022, pp. 2–3)
This could also be true for adult L2 learners who have strongly engaged in a
close, affective, intense relationship with a person whose L2 s/he is learning (for
an in-depth discussion of love triggering L2 learning, see Chapter 3), charac
terized by a multitude of opportunities for verbal interaction. And, as we dis
cuss in Chapter 3, “the ways in which the educational systems are introducing
second language education need to be reconsidered” (Azieb, 2021, p. 20). This

is even more important as the participants of many earlier studies were most
often from L2 populations “not exposed to the target language in a way similar
to child L1 acquirers (e.g. adults tend to be classroom learners and children tend
to be naturalistic learners)” (DeLuca et al., 2019a, pp. 170–171).
In sum, the way of thinking about early vs. later acquisition is questionable
when limited to age effects only. Rather there are a number of factors, nota
bly learners’ individual differences (e.g. language aptitude, learning motivation,
personality, gender, socio-economic status, learning history etc.), which need
to be considered as they have been found to greatly influence the learning pro
cess and success and to modulate age effects. Before considering these factors in
more detail, it seems indispensable to have a closer look at what brain research
has found out about the age variable being one of the prominent categories for
group comparisons. More importantly, having been exposed to two languages
in parallel from early on compared to later learning of a second language triggers
changes in brain structure, development and functioning in newborns and infants,
and numerous studies based on brain imaging and brain mapping have provided
solid evidence for this. Therefore, this exploration of the changes of the brain is
intended to provide the basis for a better understanding of why late bilinguals may
have less optimal starting conditions, and an explanation of why satisfactory ulti
mate attainment is nonetheless possible; the path may simply be different.
influences on the brain
This section illustrates the results of studies undertaken in the quest for age-
related influences on the brain. To anticipate the main result, roughly the same
key structures are commonly recruited in the brain by early and late bilinguals
for language processing; there are only fine-grained differences in terms of
functional activity, connectivity, and structural characteristics of these language
areas. Thus, information about early language experience of simultaneous
bilinguals sets the stage for our understanding how two languages can be mas
tered in the same brain substrates, how they are sculpted and interconnected.
Let us begin by looking into results from studies of pathologies, as they
have crucially furthered our understanding of the brain. Post-mortem exami
nations of patients’ brains were used to challenge the formerly held view that
the brain always acts as a whole. Paul Broca was the first to provide evidence of
area-specificity by localizing the representation of language(s) in the brain in
1861. There have since been further findings about bilingual aphasic patients’
loss of only one of their languages or differential recovery patterns as well
as cortical stimulation studies revealing distinct language-specific areas (for a
review, see e.g. Fabbro, 2013; Giussani et al., 2007; Lucas et al., 2004; Paradis,
1977; Połczyńska & Bookheimer, 2020). This line of research has influenced
linguistic theorizing in respect of L2 acquisition and learning and contributed

to shaping ideas about the representation and processing of language(s) in the
brain. The view of brain areas being differential for early vs. late language pro
cessing postulated by Ullman suggested that the learning of an L2, in particular
the grammar, would not depend on the same brain mechanisms as are respon
sible for acquiring and processing the L1 (called the Differential Hypothesis
by Ullman, 2001). This has led to the assumption that while languages are
represented in precisely the same area of the brain in the case of early, simul
taneous acquisition, that there are spatially separated cortical areas according
to language (i.e. language-specific regions in Broca’s area) if a second language
is learned later (Kim et al., 1997). Połczyńska and Bookheimer (2020, p. 10)
conclude from their meta-analysis on single-subject studies based on lexico
semantic tasks with neurosurgical bilingual patients: “In sum, the reviewed
studies suggest that the age of acquisition of L2 seems to be a robust variable
affecting the amount of overlap between L1 and L2”. They argue that the sec
ond language acquired early is more likely to neuroanatomically overlap with
L1, while an L2 learned late is more likely to be organized separately from the
L1 (in concord with findings for multilingual patients in Fernandez-Coello
et al., 2017). However, although patient studies are informative, they might
not necessarily allow for generalization to the healthy population of bi- and
multilinguals; moreover, patient brain mapping results do not necessarily con
verge with brain imaging results (for an in-depth discussion of the differential
results, see Martín-Fernández et al., 2022). Importantly, by putting weight on
the importance of the age factor, they add:
there are likely more factors that contribute to the degree to which two
languages overlap in the brain, including the amount of exposure to
L1 and L2, whether languages are acquired formally or informally or
whether the languages are oral or signed. In fact, prior neuroimaging
studies on healthy bilinguals have shown that each of these factors can
affect the extent to which languages co-localize.
(Połczyńska & Bookheimer, 2020, p. 15)
Indeed, fine-grained and technically savvy investigations of brain functioning
have led to further advances in our understanding of the brain, its plasticity,
and the revelation of several additional factors influencing the brain mapping
specificities for languages and, in particular, the degree of overlap between
L1 and L2. Specifically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) has
become a popular method to show how the brain works. This non-invasive
technique images metabolic functions and is therefore used to reveal processes
in the brain, e.g. when a participant is executing a language-task such as nam
ing a picture, i.e. regional changes in blood oxygenation are monitored which
result from neural activity. By contrast, MRI shows anatomical structures and
pathways in the brain, i.e. it reveals how the brain is structured.

Today, the main view in the field of brain imaging for healthy bilinguals
holds that brain activation overlaps to a large degree for mono- and bilinguals
as well as for early and late bilinguals (Banich & Compton, 2018; Paradis,
2004). In Banich and Compton’s (2018, p. 241) words, “there is no evidence
that radically different brain regions are used for L2 than for L1”, not even for
L2 acquisitional processes (Perani & Abutalebi, 2005). Quite to the contrary, a
recent meta-analysis points to a “shared neural network for L1 and L2 with few
differences depending on the linguistic level” (Sulpizio et al., 2020b, p. 834)
and “alterations in regional brain activation rather than in the localization of
involved language areas” (Berken et al., 2016, p. 4).
While AoA has formerly been considered the key factor for language rep
resentation in the brain, based on contrasts between early and late bilinguals
suggesting that the degree of overlap of brain regions is higher for language
representation when L2 is acquired early rather than later (e.g. Sakai et al.,
2009), today there is ample evidence that influential factors which can modu
late representational details are more numerous and that the situation is more
complex. Among these factors are language proficiency, amount of exposure
to the languages as well as amount/type of language use and speaker environ
ment as the most frequently included variables in current imaging studies (for
review, see Abutalebi et al., 2001; Del Maschio & Abutalebi, 2019; DeLuca
et al., 2020; Perani & Abutalebi, 2005). For example, Sulpizio et al. (2020)
have suggested that
age of L2 onset may specifically contribute to brain function irrespective
of the high proficiency level attained (see Berken, Gracco, & Klein, 2017;
Liu & Cao, 2016), individual variability in language learning aptitude
and development of lexico-semantic functions being granted (see Grant
& Li, 2015).
In stark contrast, Martín-Fernández et al. (2022, p. 559) follow Abutalebi et al.
(2001) when concluding in their recent review about the neural bases of mul
tilingual language processing that “the available evidence shows that, although
many factors can affect the multilingual language system, the degree of profi
ciency seems to be more important than age of L2 acquisition”.
To give just one example to strengthen this point: for two groups of highly
proficient bilinguals (i.e. bilinguals from birth vs. L2 acquisition between the
ages of 3 and 6 years, and both groups having high exposure to both languages,
Italian and Friaulian), Consonni et al. (2013) found that when proficiency and
exposure are kept high, a complete overlap could be found for comprehension
of both languages; for noun and verb production the recruitment of the same
neural networks for L1 and L2 was observed, independently of AoA. This pro
vides support for the Neural Convergence Hypothesis (Green, 2003) which
suggests that qualitative differences between L1 and L2 speakers disappear with

increasing L2 proficiency: “L2 will receive convergent neural representation
within the representation of the language learned as L1” (Perani & Abutalebi,
2005, p. 204).
What is more, L2 learning seemingly influences the anatomy of the brain
(see Li et al., 2014 for a review). When a complex skill is acquired and then
used, the brain reacts to these increased demands by restructuring the respec
tive area in order to cope with this situation. Internal restructuring is done
via structural changes of grey matter. Studies commonly report on changes in
grey-matter density or cortical thickness. Structural changes involved in lan
guage processing (e.g. in the left inferior frontal cortex and left inferior parietal
cortex) were reflected in changed grey-matter density (see the seminal study
by Mechelli et al., 2004) when a language was learned later in life, although
the differences also correlated with level of proficiency. Results from a recent
longitudinal voxel-based morphometry study (Liu et al., 2021) suggest a greater
decrease of grey-matter volume (in left agenesis of the corpus callosum) for
those participants who had started to learn their L2 at an early age, which is
consistent with the findings in Mechelli et al. (2004).
Increased language processing demands as a function of L2 learning also
leaves their imprints on white-matter differences between language-related
brain areas. Processing of several languages requires efficient communication
between language and language control areas, which are spread across the
brain. Changes in white-matter integrity are one reliable way to indicate that,
reflecting increased myelination of the connecting tracts. Increased integrity
of white matter has been found for both early, lifelong bilinguals (Luk et al.,
2011) and sequential, highly immersed bilinguals (with L2-acquisition during
school-age; Pliatsikas et al., 2015), compared to monolinguals. If both AoA and
proficiency are included as factors in a combined fMRI-DTI study, they both
independently explain neural differences in L2 and reveal that “both func
tional activity and white-matter integrity play a role in L2 learning […] and
that ultimate success in L2 learning hinges both on age-dependent and age-
independent factors” (Nichols & Joanisse, 2016, p. 24).
The Dynamic Restructuring Model (DRM) put forward by Pliatsikas
(2020) suggests that L2 learning first triggers a number of neural changes: first
in cortical, then in subcortical structures and finally in white-matter tracts.
Cortical thickness (in part linked to the number of synapses) has been found
to depend on AoA, and increased cortical thickness has been suggested to be
related to higher levels of skill development and experience (e.g. Wei et al.,
2011). To give an example, children with higher intelligence showed a greater
rate of cortical thickening when young, but faster cortical thinning later in their
development, suggesting a correlation between higher intelligence and faster
rates of change in synaptic proliferation and pruning (cf. Banich & Compton,
2018; see Section 2.2.1 for a more detailed discussion of pruning). Evidence
in support of the DRM model is accumulating, and more recent studies (e.g.

Pliatsikas et al., 2020 with ages 3–21) report age-related changes: early bilin
guals had thinner cortex than monolinguals (mainly in frontal and parietal
areas) when young, while in adolescence and adulthood, they had a thicker cor
tex than monolinguals (see also Claussenius-Kalman et al., 2020, for a recent
study comparing early and late bilinguals on gray-matter density, volume, and
thickness with a large sample of adults). Linking AoA to L2 skills, sequential
bilinguals (6–13 years old) had a thicker cortex in left-hemisphere language-
related areas (Archila-Suerte et al., 2018) when L2 English skills were high. In
the same vein, Vaughn et al. (2021) found a thinner cortex for bilinguals than
for monolinguals as well as greater frontal and parietal cortical thickness when
L2 use was high and greater frontal and temporal cortical thickness with greater
L2 vocabulary.
In addition to connectivity within the language network and those areas
involved in language control, age-related functional differences have been
reported:
Connectivity analyses reveal the white matter tracts formed by bundles
of fiber connections, called by neuroscientists “information highways” in
the brain. Connectivity analyses can be informative with respect both to
how a child is achieving a particular level of behavioral performance, and
with respect to which developmental pathways were important in attain
ing that particular level of performance.
(Goswami, 2008, p. 384)
Brain research is advancing quickly and has revealed neonatal white-matter
microstructure variability to be related to later language and cognitive devel
opment (see e.g. Girault et al., 2019; Sket et al., 2019).
Functional connectivity has been investigated using resting-state fMRI to
determine effects of language experiences such as AoA without task-related
brain activity (see Berken et al., 2016 for a review). Results showed greater
connectivity (a) between left and right IFG, (b) between IFG and language-
control-areas in simultaneous compared to sequential bilinguals, and (c) a
more distributed network between brain-language-areas the earlier the L2 is
acquired. In sum, this indicates greater neural efficiency being negatively cor
related with age of L2 acquisition, i.e. there is increased efficiency for early
bilinguals (cf. DeLuca et al., 2019b). Berken et al. (2016) draw the conclu
sion that the developmental timeline influences L2 acquisition in that it deter
mines whether the bilingual-to-be has a more optimized mechanism (in case
of early simultaneous language acquisition) to achieve L2 proficiency (in the
case of sequential learning), a conclusion supported by the findings of Kousaie
et al. (2017). However, as reported in language investigations with neuroim
aging techniques, it has been observed that the brain adapts to new bilingual
experiences (in the case of later L2 learning) to support language proficiency

(Green & Abutalebi, 2013; Stocco et al., 2014). Thus, it may be likely that for
language processing, later bilinguals do not activate the neural networks as
efficiently as early bilinguals or that language processing depends on different
interconnections, i.e. different developmental pathways, while behavioral per
formance measures are unaffected (for an example see Shaywitz & Shaywitz,
2005). Note that skill theory (Fischer et al., 2007) incorporates the assump
tion that proficiency can be reached through multiple developmental pathways
(Hinton et al., 2008, p. 88). This being said, “the brain remains much more
malleable throughout the lifespan than previously claimed, meaning there
is no sharp decline in neurological plasticity culminating around puberty in
general (see Fuchs & Flügge, 2014) and certainly not as related to language”
(DeLuca et al., 2019a, p. 175). On the basis of continued neuroplasticity, later
language learners could access compensatory mechanisms to achieve L2 pro
ficiency (cf. Berken et al., 2016 for an example of L2 articulatory proficiency).
Or in Li et al.’s (2014, p. 302) words, “in contrast to predictions of the criti
cal period hypothesis, L2 learning, even if it occurs late in adulthood, leads
to both behavioral and neural changes that may approximate the patterns of
native or first language”.
A number of studies document that compared to L1 acquisition, L2 learn
ing requires increased neural resources (due to maturational changes in neural
plasticity), manifested in increased activation in some language-related regions
(e.g. Abutalebi, 2008; Cargnelutti et al., 2019; Hernandez & Li, 2007; Nichols
& Joanisse, 2016) as well as in regions involved in executive processes (Banich
& Compton, 2018, p. 241; see Liu & Cao, 2016 for review). This correlation
between extensiveness in brain activation and amount of exposure to, and use
of, a language has been revealed in the seminal study by Perani et al. (2003)
even for early bilinguals who show less extensive brain activation for the ear
lier language to which they were exposed to a greater extent. More extensive
activation is taken as a reflection of less automatic, more effortful language use,
requiring the involvement of additional regions (Liu & Cao, 2016; Palomar-
García et al., 2015; see also the Adaptive Control Hypothesis by Abutalebi &
Green, 2007; Green & Abultalebi, 2013). Some studies report that the pro
cessing in sequential bilinguals involves additional regions to a greater extent
compared to early bilinguals (Liu & Cao, 2016) and that the later the AoA the
larger the degree of involvement of additional brain areas (e.g. for L2 reading,
see Berken et al., 2015).
Summing up, this section has described common age-related influences of
exposure to multiple languages yielding changes in brain anatomy and func
tioning. Chronological age is therefore one factor to consider when dealing
with brain development, but it is by far not the only factor relevant for the
specificities of individual brain development. It has been shown in numerous
empirical studies that there are biological factors linked to processes which, in
general, are executed following a roughly outlined sequence (see below, e.g.

blooming and pruning in Section 2.2.1). However, considering these biologi
cal factors alone would most likely be taking account of only part of the story.
Bilingualism research has accumulated an impressive amount of knowledge,
in particular by exploring influential factors (e.g. quality and quantity of input,
socio-economic and cultural contexts for acquisition and learning of languages,
interactional communicative scenarios and contexts) for bilinguals’ language
development, thus trying more completely to capture the complexity of bilin
gualism. Questioning the existence of a strict critical period for language learn
ing and suggestions of sensitive periods (see Chapter 6), as well as increased
rigor in research designs and analyses, sampling, and group characterizations,
together with the inclusion of individual differences accounts and the doubt
about “native” and “nativelike” proficiency as the ideal ultimate attainment for
bi- and multilingualism, has led to novel contemplation and investigation of
the initial early–late-dichotomy.
2.2 Chronological age and maturation
In the following sections, we will have a closer look at what “early acquisition”
and “early L2 learning” mean in brain terms and in linguistic development.
Relative to milestones of development, there is a certain expectation concern
ing what a child should know and do at a certain age. The compelling issue is
whether maturation can in any way be considered separately from the effects
of experience.
2.2.1 Chronological age, maturation, and the brain
The impressive abundance of literature on the development of the brain after
birth can be outlined in terms of some major processes involved in neural
development (e.g. Casey et al., 2005), each with its own time course (Banich &
Compton, 2018, p. 457). In a nutshell, neurons are the building blocks of the
brain. They have two parts, the cell body and the axon. The cell body produces
and collects electrical signals, whereas the axon transfers information from the
cell body to other cells. Synapses are located at the end of an axon. They con
nect two or more neurons and pass impulses from one neuron to the other(s).
The grey matter of the brain is made up of cell bodies, the white matter of
axons (when myelinated, see below).
Human brain development of newborns through young adulthood directly
continues the early processes launched after conception, e.g. tube formation
and development into the ventricular system, cell proliferation (i.e. the genera
tion of new nerve cells close to the ventricle), and cell migration to build the
different cortical layers. After birth, the many neurons already available can
start to connect through synapses (i.e. synaptogenesis) with dendrites in cortical
areas greatly increasing in number. According to Banich and Compton (2018,

Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:

Atemzuge nicht mehr jenes Quantum Sauerstoff der Lunge
zugeführt wird, das für die normale Respiration unbedingt
erforderlich ist. Die Folgen der ungenügenden Sauerstoffzufuhr sind
beängstigende Atembeschwerden, Schwindel und Erbrechen; auch
nimmt die Muskelkraft sehr bedeutend ab; die Aëronauten werden
schließlich ganz apathisch und sind kaum noch imstande, die
Ventilleine zu ziehen.
Um diesen Gefahren zu entgehen, wendet man jetzt die
Sauerstoffinhalation an. Der Sauerstoff wird in stark komprimiertem
Zustande in einem Metallgefäße mitgenommen. Die Erfahrung hat
gezeigt, daß die direkte Einatmung reinen Sauerstoffes durch den
Mund mit Hilfe eines Kautschukschlauches, welcher mit dem
Sauerstoffgefäße verbunden ist, gewisse Nachteile besitzt. Die
meisten Menschen atmen nämlich in normalen Fällen nicht durch
den Mund, sondern durch die Nase. Der durch den Schlauch in die
Mundhöhle geleitete Sauerstoff gelangte infolgedessen nur teilweise
in die Lungen, und die Atmung der Luftschiffer verbesserte sich
deshalb oft nur sehr wenig.
Der C a i l l e t e t s c h e I n h a l a t i o n s a p p a r a t soll nun diesem
Übelstande abhelfen. Der Apparat besteht im Wesen aus einer
Stahlflasche, welche mit flüssigem Sauerstoff gefüllt ist. In diesen
Sauerstoffbehälter münden zwei Kautschukschläuche; an dem einen
derselben ist ein kleiner Kautschukballon angebracht, wie solche
allgemein zur Zerstäubung von Flüssigkeiten verwendet werden; das
andere Kautschukrohr endigt unter einer Maske. Diese besteht aus
einem dünnen Aluminiumbleche, welches innen mit Samt gefüttert
ist und den Zweck hat, ein Anfrieren der Maske an die Haut zu
hindern, was bei der niedrigen, in großen Höhen gewöhnlich
herrschenden Temperatur, leicht möglich wäre. Die Maske bedeckt
nur Nase und Mund, so daß die Augen frei bleiben, und wird mit
Bändern, die sich am hinteren Teile des Kopfes schließen, befestigt.
Der Apparat funktioniert in folgender Weise: Zuerst wird durch den
kleinen Kautschukballon in das Gefäß, in welchem sich der flüssige
Sauerstoff befindet, Luft eingetrieben und hierauf der Hahn, welcher
das andere Kautschukrohr abschließt, geöffnet. Der Sauerstoff,

welcher in Gasform aus dem Gefäß entweicht, tritt zunächst
gemischt mit Luft in ein schlauchartiges, größeres Reservoir und
gelangt aus diesem unter die Maske. Die Beimischung von Luft ist
deshalb notwendig, weil der Sauerstoff, rein eingeatmet,
Angstgefühle und Üblichkeiten erzeugt.
Graf C a s t i l l o n berichtet: »Ich habe die Maske fast zwei Stunden
lang anbehalten und atmete während dieser Zeit Sauerstoff mit
einem gewissen Zusatze gewöhnlicher Luft ein. Dank dieser
Vorrichtung befand ich mich fortwährend ganz wohl, während meine
Genossen, welche den Sauerstoff in der bisher üblichen Weise
einatmeten, leidend waren.«
Am 24. Juni 1900 fand in Paris die erste
B a l l o n h o c h w e t t f a h r t statt, an der acht Ballons teilnahmen.
Die Luftschiffer hatten 25% des Kubikinhaltes in Kilogramm als
Ballast zur Verfügung. Hierbei erreichte B a l s a n als Erster eine
Höhe von 5500 m, F a u r e als Zweiter eine solche von 4250 m. Es
sind dies sehr mäßige Ergebnisse.
Bei der ersten Hochwettfahrt waren 25% des Ballonvolumens (in
Kubikmetern) als verfügbarer Ballast (in Kilogramm), bei der zweiten
Hochwettfahrt 20% gestattet; der zur Regelung des Auftriebes
nötige, übrige Ballast durfte nicht zum Auswerfen verwendet,
sondern mußte in den plombierten Säcken nach Vincennes
zurückgebracht werden.

Fig. 12. Ballonfüllung im aëronautischen Park von Vincennes am
24. Juni 1900, 8 Uhr früh.
Die Ballons der ersten Serie sollten nach den
Programmbestimmungen keine zu ungleichen Volumina besitzen.
Der Auftrieb wurde mit 1% festgesetzt.
Jeder Teilnehmer führte zwei Höhenbarometer mit sich, eines,
welches die Höhen bis 5000 m, ein zweites, welches die Höhen
zwischen 2000 und 6000 m angibt.
Die Fig. 12 zeigt den Vorgang bei der Füllung von Ballons im
aëronautischen Park von Vincennes bei Paris gelegentlich der
Ballonwettfahrten.
Der rechte Ballon wurde eben zu füllen begonnen, während der
rückwärtige Ballon schon halb voll ist.
Die Fig. 13 zeigt drei zur Auffahrt bereite, vollgefüllte Ballons. Mit
diesen Ballons lassen sich aber keine großen Höhen erreichen, weil
das Gas keinen Raum hat, sich auszudehnen. Will man hoch steigen,
so muß man mit h a l b g e f ü l l t e n Ballons auffahren. Diese dehnen
sich während des Aufstieges von selbst immer mehr und mehr aus,
weil die Luft oben dünner ist und auch das Gas dünner wird, also
Raum zu seiner Ausdehnung haben muß. In der Tat gelangten die
Ballons bei den ersten Hochfahrten, weil sie zu voll gefüllt waren,
nicht in besonders große Höhen.
Am 29. Juli 1900 fand die zweite Hochwettfahrt statt. Das Wetter
war vor der Abfahrt sehr ungünstig; durch starken Regen wurde die
Manipulation der Füllungen stark gehemmt.

Fig. 13. Gefüllte Ballons zum Aufstiege bereit im aëronautischen
Park von Vincennes am 24. Juni 1900, 3 Uhr nachmittags.
Diesmal verlegten sich die Aëronauten nicht, wie bei der ersten
Hochwettfahrt, aufs Warten, sondern sie trachteten, durch sofortiges
Auswerfen von Ballast sobald wie möglich in große Höhen zu
kommen und noch denselben Abend zu landen. Die Leistungen
waren demzufolge auch im allgemeinen besser als am 24. Juni, doch
blieb der damalige Sieger B a l s a n diesmal um 300 m hinter seinem
eigenen Rekord zurück.
Bei der dritten Ballonhochwettfahrt am 23. September wurden
schon bessere Resultate erzielt. Von den zwölf Konkurrenten
erreichte Balsan eine Höhe von 8357 m, Juchmès als Zweiter eine
solche von 6817 m und Graf de La Vaulx eine Höhe von 6769 m. Die
Höhen sind in dem Berichte bis auf Meter genau angegeben. Es ist
dies aber ein Irrtum, weil es gegenwärtig noch nicht möglich ist, die
Höhe mehr als auf 20-30 m genau zu bestimmen.

Fig. 14. Gaston T i s s a n d i e r, berühmter französischer
aëronautischer Schriftsteller.
Bei dieser Fahrt war Balsan von Godard begleitet. Die große
Entschlossenheit, welche beide Aëronauten hierbei gezeigt haben, ist
von Interesse. Bei jeder Hochfahrt wird, wie oben berichtet wurde,
reiner Sauerstoff in eigenen Tuben mitgenommen, welcher in
größeren Höhen zum Teil permanent eingeatmet werden muß; dies
weist schon auf den gefährlichen Charakter der Hochfahrten hin, bei
denen Ohnmachten nicht selten vorkommen. Auch Balsan wurde von
diesem Schicksal erreicht. Als er in Ohnmacht gefallen war, flößte

ihm Godard aus seinem eigenen Sack Sauerstoff ein; Balsan
erwachte darauf und fand nun Godard in Ohnmacht; er sprang ihm
in derselben aufopfernden Weise bei. Für den bewiesenen Mut
wurde Balsan ein Separatpreis — eine goldene Medaille —
zugesprochen. Mit einer gleichen Medaille wurde Balsans Begleiter,
Louis Godard, ausgezeichnet. Balsans Fahrt reichte nahe an die
vielbesprochene Hochfahrt von S i v e l, C r o c é - S p i n e l l i und
G a s t o n T i s s a n d i e r heran, der Fahrt, welcher die beiden
Erstgenannten am 15. April 1875 zum Opfer fielen. — B a l s a n s
Notizen entnahm ich noch Folgendes:
»Um 3 Uhr 55 Minuten erreichen wir 5800 m mit einem Ballastvorrat
von 400 kg. Wir fühlen uns unwohl. Die Zahl der Pulsschläge ist von
67 auf 81 gestiegen; wir halten nasse Tücher vor den Mund. Unsere
Gesichtsfarbe ist blaß; wir sehen trübe. Wir führen drei
Sauerstoffsäcke mit uns. Es ist beschlossen, daß, wenn einer
ohnmächtig würde, sofort der Andere die Ventilleine ziehen solle.
Um 4 Uhr 18 Minuten schweben wir auf 6450 m. Die blasse Farbe
und das Unwohlsein sind mehr oder minder verschwunden. Wir
atmen beide Sauerstoff ein; sobald ein Sack leer wird, füllen wir ihn
gleich wieder aus dem Cylinder mit Sauerstoff. Wir werfen zwei
Säcke Ballast aus.
Um 4 Uhr 20 Minuten zeigt das Barometer 6690 m an. Es ist sehr
kalt; die Temperatur beträgt 18°-20° unter Null. Wir werfen noch
zwei Säcke aus und kommen um 4 Uhr 24 Minuten auf 6820 m.« —
Für einen M o n t g o l f i è r e n-Wettbewerb, welcher für den 1. Juli
festgesetzt war, sind keine Nennungen erfolgt. Diese Konkurrenz
mußte demnach entfallen.
Als Rekordhochfahrt wird noch immer von vielen diejenige von
James G l a i s h e r mit dem Aëronauten C o x w e l l am 5.
September 1862 von Wolverhampton aus unternommene Fahrt
betrachtet, bei der sie angeblich 11.000 m hoch kamen.
Aßmann hat nachgewiesen, daß die Instrumente, deren sich Glaisher
bediente, ganz unrichtige Resultate ergaben.

Die einwandfreie größte Höhe, die von einem Menschen je erreicht
wurde, beträgt 10.500 m. Sie wurde von dem in Berlin lebenden
Österreicher A. B e r s o n und von Dr. R. S ü r i n g am 31. Juli 1901
mit dem Ballon »Preußen« erreicht.
Dieser von der Continental Kautschuk- und Guttapercha-Compagnie
in Hannover erbaute, 8400 m3 fassende Ballon ist Eigentum des
aëronautischen Observatoriums des königlich preußischen Institutes
in Potsdam, welches ihn vom Baumeister E n d e r s zum Geschenk
erhielt. Se. Majestät, der d e u t s c h e K a i s e r widmete 10.000
Mark für die damit anzustellenden Experimente.
Fig. 15. Gefüllte Kugelballons im aëronautischen Park von Vincennes, zur Fahrt
bereit.
Über die Fahrt selbst berichtet Berson Folgendes:
»Um 10 Uhr 50 Minuten erhob sich der Ballon bei ganz schwachem
Nordwind und heiterer sommerlicher Witterung. Mit einer
Vertikalgeschwindigkeit von rund 1 1/2 m per Sekunde stieg er, bis er

bei 4500 m prall voll war; von jetzt an wurden in kurzen Intervallen
meist zwei Säcke gleichzeitig abgeschnitten und dadurch ein für die
meteorologischen Ablesungen sehr günstiges stufenweises
Emporgehen erzielt. Die Luft war nach unten sehr klar, jedoch
hinderten zahlreiche kleine Kumuli, die sich am Horizont zu einer
festen Mauer zusammenschlossen, die weite Fernsicht, welche in der
Maximalhöhe bei idealen Verhältnissen ein Areal von etwa dem
Umfange des Königreiches Preußen hätte umfassen können. Die
Cirrusbewölkung nahm im Laufe des Tages zu, die Sonnenstrahlung
war infolgedessen relativ gering; über 10.000 m befanden wir uns
ungefähr in gleichem Niveau mit den Cirren. Diese Beobachtung wird
durch die Wolkenhöhenmessungen am Potsdamer Observatorium
bestätigt.
Da alle körperlichen Arbeiten im Korbe möglichst eingeschränkt
wurden, war unter 6000 m ein Bedürfnis nach Sauerstoffatmung
kaum vorhanden; trotzdem wurden alle Vorkehrungen zum Schutze
gegen die großen Höhen recht frühzeitig getroffen. Bis gegen
9000 m war in dieser Weise der Zustand relativ behaglich; jedoch
machte sich zuweilen — zum Teil wohl gerade begünstigt durch die
Bequemlichkeiten im Korbe — etwas Schlafbedürfnis geltend, das
sich vollkommen ungezwungen durch die vorangegangene kurze
Nachtruhe von kaum 3-4 Stunden und den ermüdenden Aufenthalt
auf dem Ballonplatze seit 6 Uhr früh erklären läßt. Diese Müdigkeit
ging jedoch allmählich in eine nicht unbedenkliche Apathie, in ein
vorübergehendes, unbeabsichtigtes Einschlummern über, von dem
man sich allerdings durch Aufruf oder Schütteln erweckt, sofort
wieder völlig erholte, so daß alsdann die Beobachtungen mit etwas
Überwindung, aber doch ohne besondere Anstrengung ausgeführt
werden konnten. Das Einsaugen von Sauerstoff erwies sich zur
vollen Belebung als ganz ausreichend. Irgendwelche schwere
Bewußtseinsstörungen oder Krankheitssymptome traten bei beiden
Insassen bis zur letzten Beobachtungsreihe in 10.250 m Höhe nicht
ein, Quecksilber-Barometer und Aneroïd ließen sich bis auf Zehntel-
Millimeter ablesen; das Bild des Aspirations-Psychrometers erschien
im Fernrohr ganz klar und machte — trotzdem es umgekehrt war —

keine Schwierigkeit bei der Ablesung; die Notizen sind von denen in
geringerer Höhe in der Schrift kaum verschieden. Die Erschöpfung
bei k ö r p e r l i c h e r Arbeit, z. B. dem Aufziehen des Uhrwerkes am
Psychrometer, Aufsteigen auf den Sitzkasten des Korbes, oder dem
Durchschneiden einer Leine, nahm dagegen rapid zu.«
Über 10.250 m sind die Vorgänge den Teilnehmern nicht mehr völlig
klar. Jedenfalls zog Berson, als ihm der Schlafzustand bei Süring
bedrohlich erschien, zweimal das Ventil und zwang dadurch den
Ballon zum Abstieg, brach jedoch dann ohnmächtig zusammen. Vor
oder nach diesem Ventilziehen versuchte auch Süring in lichten
Augenblicken seinem schlafenden Kollegen durch verstärkte
Sauerstoffatmung aufzuhelfen, aber vergebens. Schließlich werden
vermutlich beide Insassen ihre Atmungsschläuche verloren haben
und dann in eine schwere Ohnmacht gesunken sein, aus welcher sie
ziemlich gleichzeitig bei etwa 6000 m wieder erwachten.
Die Maximalhöhe, welche der Ballon erreicht hat, läßt sich nicht mit
Sicherheit bestimmen. Nach dem Barographen wären mindestens
10.800 m erreicht; jedoch war die Tinte eingefroren, so daß die
Aufzeichnungen über 10.000 m derartig lückenhaft und schwach
sind, daß man sie nicht als einwandfreies Dokument gelten lassen
kann.

Fig. 16. Dr. S ü r i n g erreichte am 31. Juli
1901 mit Berson zusammen die bis jetzt
größte erstiegene Höhe von 10.500 Meter.
Unmittelbar vor dem Ventilziehen las Berson mit schnellem Blick am
Quecksilber-Barometer einen Stand von 202 mm ab, was einer Höhe
von rund 10.500 m entspricht. Der Ballon befand sich aber noch im
Steigen, denn es waren eben vorher zwei Sandsäcke abgeschnitten.
Jedenfalls ist man berechtigt mindestens 10.500 m als Maximalhöhe
anzunehmen. Die Temperatur betrug bei 10.000 m -40° C.; es ist
das ein wenig wärmer, als für diese Höhe im Juli normal sein dürfte.
Es muß übrigens betont werden, daß nach der noch vorhandenen
Ballastmenge, der »Preußen« unter genügender Reservierung von
Abstiegsballast, noch sicher 1000 m mehr erreichen konnte, also
eine Maximalhöhe von 11.500 m bis 12.000 m.

Damit jedoch Menschen in so großen Höhen dauernd ungefährdet
verweilen können, ist außer Sauerstoffatmung noch die Mitnahme
einer hermetisch abgeschlossenen Ballongondel erforderlich, welche
nur mit großem Gewichtsaufwand hergestellt werden kann. Dies
führt uns aber auch hier zum Gebrauche von Riesenballons von etwa
10.000-15.000 m3. Daß es höchst gefährlich erscheint, in solche
Höhen vorzudringen, braucht man kaum besonders zu betonen. Mit
Recht bewundern wir den Mut und die Energie, mit welcher die
Männer der Wissenschaft in derem Dienste, gleich Soldaten im
Felde, ihr Leben zum Wohle der Menschheit aufs Spiel setzen.
4. Weitfahrten.
Die weiteste Luftreise, welche bis vor drei Jahren gemacht wurde,
war durch Jahrzehnte jene geblieben, welche 1870 während der
Belagerung von Paris der Ballon »L a v i l l e d ' O r l é a n s«
vollbrachte, mit dem die beiden Franzosen Paul R o l i e r und
D e s c h a m p s von Paris bis nach Norwegen kamen.
Im Jahre 1899 haben zwei Herren des Pariser Aëro-Klubs eine Fahrt
unternommen, mit der sie die obige Leistung überboten, indem sie
von Paris aufstiegen und bis nach Schweden kamen, wobei die von
ihnen zurückgelegte Strecke größer war als jene im Jahre 1870. Die
Herren, welche diese besonders weite Ballonfahrt vollführten, sind:
Graf de S a i n t - V i c t o r und M. M a l l e t. Über ihre Reise lieferten
sie folgenden interessanten Bericht:
»Wir sind mit unserem 1600 m3 fassenden Ballon »Centaure«
Samstag, den 30. September 1899 um 1/4 7 Uhr abends
aufgefahren. Das Wetter war an jenem Tage nicht ermutigend;
schon der Vormittag war schlecht, ebenso ein Teil des Nachmittags,
so daß wir uns kaum recht an die Füllung trauten. Die vom
meteorologischen Amt herausgegebene Karte brachte, wie
gewöhnlich, nur ziemlich unbestimmte und unvollkommene Angaben
über die atmosphärischen Verhältnisse.

Um 3 Uhr nachmittags besinnt sich das Barometer endlich und steigt
ein wenig, die Witterung scheint sich aufheitern zu wollen, der Wind
läßt nach, und so entscheiden wir uns denn.
Wir nahmen außer unserem Proviant und den Instrumenten auch
drei Schleifleinen in den Korb mit, deren Längen 90,
beziehungsweise 50 und 35 m betragen, dann einen Anker und
400 kg Ballast. Wir verzichteten aber auf Wasseranker und
Flaschenposten, da sie uns für die kurzen Überfahrten, die wir
beabsichtigten, nicht nötig erschienen.
Fig. 17. Ansicht der Encinte von Paris mit der Ballonhalle und
einem gefüllten Ballon im Park von Vincennes aus einer Höhe
von etwa 600 Meter.
Nach der Abfahrt erhebt sich der „Centaure“ alsbald in eine Höhe
von 500 m, die er übrigens auch während der Nacht annähernd
beibehält. Die Fahrtrichtung ist Nord-Ost. Der Himmel hellt sich auf,
und bald zeigen sich alle Sterne. Doch Eines beunruhigt uns: am
nördlichen Horizont bemerken wir in kurzen Zwischenräumen
Wetterleuchten, welche Erscheinung übrigens bis Mitternacht völlig
verschwunden war. In rascher Fahrt geht es über Compiègne, Noyon
und St. Quentin hinweg; dann ändert sich die Natur: ringsumher

strahlen die Lichter der Städte, Fabriken und der Hochöfen; die
Tätigkeit der Menschen gibt sich lärmend kund.
Jetzt kommen wir über die Grenze. Drei Schüsse belehren uns
darüber, daß uns die Grenzwache signalisiert. Der »Centaure« aber
kümmert sich nicht um Grenzen, Wache und Verwaltung; er setzt
ruhig seine Reise fort. Nach und nach wird es dunkel; Lichter und
Lärm sind hinter uns verschwunden. Jetzt spiegeln sich plötzlich die
Sterne auf der Erde, in breiten Kanälen: wir müssen in Holland sein.
Es ist ein merkwürdiger Dekorationswechsel, den wir da sehen.
Wirklich ein ergreifender Effekt! Und jetzt weite, überschwemmte
Flächen; wir setzen über einen Fluß, jedenfalls ist es der Rhein, und
nun wieder unermeßliche, öde, zum Teil mit Wasser bedeckte
Ebenen.
Um 1/2 5 Uhr beginnt es Tag zu werden; die Landschaft ändert sich
nicht; aus dem Plan entnehmen wir, daß wir uns über den
Moorländern von Hannover und Oldenburg befinden.
Wir fliegen mit einer Schnelligkeit von mehr als 100 km; das Aneroïd
zeigt 500 m Höhe, das Thermometer zeigt 6° Wärme.
Wir geben uns ganz den Eindrücken der pfeilschnellen Fahrt hin,
sorgenlos und vertrauend auf unseren Ballon und die vielen Säcke
Ballast.
Wir fliegen noch immer nach Nord-Ost, müssen also die Eventualität
einer Meerfahrt ins Auge fassen. Wir erwägen die Chancen, und bald
sind wir entschlossen: wenn es darauf ankommt, setzen wir übers
Meer hinweg. Wir erkennen den Hafen von Bremen, wir kommen
über die Elbe.
Endlich bemerken wir in der Ferne eine graue Färbung, die sich dann
in Blau verwandelt; nach und nach können wir deutliche Umrisse
einer Küste unterscheiden. Wir haben die Ostsee vor uns. Links,
20 km von uns entfernt, liegt ein Hafen; wir schauen mit dem
Fernrohr hin und erkennen an den Kriegsschiffen den Kieler Hafen.
Um 9 Uhr geht der »Centaure« über die Meeresfläche, wieder nicht
achtend der Hindernisse und Gefahren. Wir hören das dumpfe

Läuten einer Turmglocke, Barken lösen sich vom Ufer los und
scheinen uns zu Hilfe kommen zu wollen, während wir in unserer
Gondel auf das Gelingen der Überfahrt lustig Champagner trinken.
Die Feuchtigkeit und die Kälte ober dem Meere verdichten in kurzer
Zeit das Gas, wodurch der Ballon rasch ins Fallen kommt. Wir haben
uns aber für diesen Umstand vorgesehen, der Ballast ist bereit. Wir
hemmen also das Sinken bei 400 m über dem Meer. Der Ballon steigt
nun und bekommt sein Gleichgewicht in einer Höhe von 1500 m.
Wir haben eine Insel passiert; jetzt sehen wir ringsumher die blaue
Unendlichkeit, nur links am fernen Horizont einen gelben Streif; das
muß die Insel von Kopenhagen sein. Wir bewundern diese ewig
schöne Szene auf hoher See, ein Bild, das von 2000 m Höhe noch
feenhafter erscheint; das Auge verliert sich in der Unendlichkeit.
Das Meer kommt uns wie ein riesenhafter Spiegel vor, in dem sich
unser Ballon abbildet.
Mit dem Fernglase werden wir einiger Schiffe gewahr, die wie
Kinderspielzeuge aussehen. Hier bei diesem mächtigen Anblick tritt
es uns so recht vor Augen, wie schwach wir sind, anvertraut einem
gebrechlichen Weidenkorb und den blinden Elementen. Von unserer
Träumerei werden wir durch die Wolken erweckt, die sich jetzt
bilden; es sind leichte Flocken, die zerfließen, sich wieder formen,
sich ballen; die Flocken tun sich zusammen, sie verdichten sich
schließlich — wenn ihrer nur nicht zu viele werden!
Glücklicherweise erlauben uns zahlreiche Lücken in der
Wolkenschichte, das Meer zu beobachten.
Endlich erblicken wir Küsten, denen wir uns rapid nähern; nach
dreieinhalbstündiger Überfahrt schwebt der »Centaure« ober dem
Schwedenlande und setzt seine Reise in der gleichen Schnelligkeit
fort. »Immer vorwärts« so scheint er uns zuzurufen. Die Wolken
vermehren sich; um sie zu meiden, müssen wir uns auf eine Höhe
von 3000 m begeben, welche die Maximalhöhe unserer Reise
darstellt.

Nur in seltenen Zwischenräumen ist es uns vergönnt, die Erde zu
sehen; wir bewundern dann die Seen und die Waldungen, die dem
Lande den sanften, lieblichen Charakter verleihen. Mehr als vier
Stunden schwebt der »Centaure« so dahin, bis sich die Wolken in
dem Augenblick, wo sich die Sonne schon unter den Horizont neigt,
verlieren und wir dadurch freien Ausblick gewinnen: wieder das
Meer. Eine Insel in der Ferne gibt uns über unsere Position
Aufschluß.
Sollen wir noch einmal unser Glück versuchen? Sollen wir uns übers
Meer wagen? Von dem Ballast bleiben uns noch 24 kg, aber die
Lebensmittel sind bald zu Ende; es bleiben nur noch eine
Leberpastete und eine Flasche Champagner. Mit der Richtung, in der
wir uns bewegen, müßten wir die Ostsee in ihrer ganzen Länge
überqueren und im nördlichen Finnland, in diesen verlassenen
Sümpfen, niederkommen. Nein, diesmal würden wir keinen Erfolg
haben; sehr bewegten Gemütes entschließen wir uns zur Landung.
Wir suchen geeignete Flächen, sehen aber nur Wälder. Doch das
Meer kommt näher, wir müssen hinunter; schon einige Male sind wir
über Wasser, über die Arme eines Fjords geflogen. Also nicht lange
besinnen; wir ziehen auf gut Glück die Ventilleine, lassen beide
Schleifleinen, die wir bis jetzt nicht gebraucht haben, hinunter,
ebenso den Anker. Unser Korb senkt sich weich in die Zweige einer
prachtvollen Tanne nieder. Der Ballon legt sich zur Seite; eine zweite
Tanne durchdringt ihn teilweise. Ohne jeden Stoß ist die Landung
vor sich gegangen.
Allerdings erübrigt es uns noch, von dem gastlichen Baum
herunterzugelangen. Wir verlassen die Gondel und beginnen
unseren Abstieg auf den Ästen. Mit vieler Mühe und mit dem
Gefühle, daß der Baum recht hoch sei, klettern wir; endlich sind wir
unten. Die Nacht ist eingebrochen, wir müssen menschliche
Wohnungen finden. Wir irren im Walde umher, aber umsonst; wir
finden nicht einmal einen Weg. Nach einer halben Stunde Suchens
waren wir stark ermattet, und mit einer gewissen Angst fragten wir

uns, ob wir denn noch einmal auf unseren Baum hinauf sollten, um
im Korbe die Nacht zu verbringen.
Endlich sehen wir mit großer Freude in der Dunkelheit einige
Laternen funkeln. Wir rufen, man antwortet uns; es ist eine brave
Schwedenfamilie, die uns zu Hilfe gekommen ist. Die Leute
gestikulieren lebhaft und glauben, es sei Andrée, der wiederkehre,
so sehr hoffen sie darauf, ihren mutigen Landsmann eines Tages
zurückkommen zu sehen. Wir enttäuschen sie leider.
Nichtsdestoweniger nehmen sie uns gastfreundlich auf.
Den nächsten Morgen benützten wir dazu, den Ballon von den
Bäumen herunterzuholen und uns in die nächste Stadt zu begeben,
den Hafen Vestewick, wo uns zahlreiche Reporter erwarten und wir
großartig empfangen werden. „Vive la France!”
Wir waren 23 1/4 Stunden in der Luft gewesen und haben den
Weltrekord geschlagen, indem wir 1330 km zurücklegten.«
In den W e i t f a h r t e n stehen die Franzosen obenan.
Gelegentlich der Ballonwettfahrten im Jahre 1900 fand am 1 2 .
A u g u s t die erste Weitfahrt statt, wobei sieben Ballons starteten.
Sieger wurde J u c h m è s mit dem Ballon »Touring-Club«, zweiter:
G r a f C a s t i l l o n d e S t . V i c t o r. Dadurch, daß der Wind in
der Richtung zum Atlantischen Ozean wehte, wurde den Fahrten ein
vorzeitiges Ziel gesetzt.
Am 9 . S e p t e m b e r 1900 fand die zweite Weitfahrt statt, bei der
14 Ballons starteten. Sieger wurde Graf de L a V a u l x, der 473 km
in 22 Stunden zurücklegte. Zweiter wurde B a l s a n, Dritter: F a u r e.

Fig. 18. Blick aus 200 Meter Höhe von einem auffahrenden
Ballon aus auf den Auffahrtsplatz, wo noch 8 gefüllte Ballons zur
Fahrt bereit stehen.
Am 3 0 . S e p t e m b e r 1900 erfolgte wieder eine Weitfahrt, an der
zehn Ballons teilnahmen, eine Konkurrenz, welche in Bezug auf die
allgemeine Durchschnittsleistung ein großartiges Resultat ergab.
Diese Ballons landeten nämlich in Rußland, in Preußen, in Russisch-
Polen, in Schleswig-Holstein, in Holland und in Westfalen. B a l s a n
kam nach Danzig, Graf de L a V a u l x nach Rußland, nur C o n t o u r
landete in ganz entgegengesetzter Richtung, in Hâvre, was auf die in
verschiedenen Höhen verschieden wehenden Winde weist — eine
Erscheinung, mit welcher der wissenschaftlich gebildete Luftschiffer
rechnet.
Bei der kombinierten Weit- und Dauerfahrt vom 9. September
überflog Graf de L a V a u l x in 35 Stunden 45 Minuten von Paris aus
ganz Deutschland seiner geographischen Länge nach und landete in
Kiew. Er legte die 1925 km lange Linie in 35 Stunden 45 Minuten
zurück, was einer Durchschnittsgeschwindigkeit von 41
Stundenkilometern oder 11·4 m per Sekunde entspricht. Über diese

hochinteressante Fahrt des Ballons »Centaure« und die seines
nächsten Konkurrenten des »Saint Louis«, geführt von J a c q u e s
B a l s a n, der in 27 Stunden 15 Minuten 1350 km zurücklegte,
werden folgende interessante Daten berichtet:
Das verwitterte Logbuch des »C e n t a u r e« zeigt in den
Eintragungen dieser Fahrt als größte Höhe 5200 m, als niedrigste
Temperatur 24 Zentigrade unter Null. 24 Stunden nach der Auffahrt
brechen die Notierungen ab; eine von Graf de La Vaulx und Graf
Castillon unterschriebene Bemerkung sagt, daß die beiden
Aëronauten die Aufzeichnungen wegen der arktischen Kälte und des
Schlafbedürfnisses nicht mehr fortsetzen können. Mehrere Male
erhob sich der Ballon auf 5000 m. Jedesmal, wenn 4000 m erreicht
waren, begannen die Luftschiffer Sauerstoff zu inhalieren, wovon sie
einen ziemlichen Vorrat mitgenommen hatten. Nach 35 3/4 Stunden
ununterbrochenen Wachens entschlossen sie sich zu landen, obwohl
sie noch 2 1/2 Säcke Ballast und viel Proviant besaßen. Sie hätten
außer den 2 1/2 Säcken Sand auch Seile und andere schwere
Gegenstände auswerfen und auf diese Weise weiterfahren können.
Sie waren aber begreiflicherweise durch die lange, anstrengende
Fahrt ganz erschöpft und beendeten darum ihre Reise. Sie landeten
glücklich drei Werst von Korostischew.
Der »Centaure« hatte infolge seiner partiellen Füllung mit
Wasserstoff (1400 m3 Wasserstoff, 200 m3 Leuchtgas) eine große
Hubkraft, nämlich 1680 kg; dadurch ist es den Aëronauten möglich
gewesen, 1100 kg Ballast mitzunehmen, während Jacques Balsans
Ballon »Saint-Louis« (3000 m3), welcher viel größer ist als der
»Centaure« (1630 m3), aber mit Leuchtgas gefüllt war, eine
Tragkraft von 2100 kg besaß und nur 1120 kg hochnehmen konnte.
Der »Saint-Louis« hat also im Verhältnis bedeutend weniger Ballast
mitgenommen als der »Centaure« und man muß diesen Umstand
zur Beurteilung von Balsans Leistung mit in Rechnung ziehen.
Von der Fahrt des »S a i n t - L o u i s« erzählt Louis G o d a r d, Balsans
Begleiter, Folgendes:

»Gegen 7 Uhr morgens (1 0 . O k t o b e r) erreichte der »Saint-
Louis« Koblenz, nachdem er die Nacht hindurch in einer Höhe von
1400-1600 m gefahren war. Die Sonnenhitze brachte den Ballon auf
4000 m. Wir sahen den „Centaure” aus einer Wolke vor uns
herausragen, und die zwei Ballons wanderten nun den ganzen Tag
über miteinander. Der »Saint-Louis« verlor eine Menge Ballast
infolge von Temperaturschwankungen, hervorgerufen durch häufige
Verdunkelung der Sonne durch Wolken.
Um 3 Uhr nachmittags schwebten der »Saint-Louis« und der
»Centaure« in einer Höhe von etwa 6000 m und waren voneinander
kaum 12 km entfernt. Balsan machte alle möglichen Versuche, um
die hohen Schichten zu vermeiden, denn unser Sauerstoffvorrat ging
zur Neige. Wir arbeiteten den ganzen Tag und hatten kaum Zeit zu
essen. Um 4 Uhr gelangte der »Centaure« in eine neue
Luftströmung, welche ihn bald unseren Blicken entführte.
Wir kamen darauf in die Nachbarschaft von Posen oder Breslau. Es
blieben uns kaum 90 kg Ballast übrig. Der Ballon schien sich in 500-
700 m Höhe langsam zu bewegen. Die Nacht brach herein.
Wir setzten über die deutsch-russische Grenze, doch nicht ohne
Gefahr. Wir hörten vier Gewehrschüsse und die Kugeln zischten in
unangenehmer Nähe an dem Ballon vorbei, der jetzt mit einer
Geschwindigkeit von 70 km östlich fuhr. Hinter uns erhob sich ein
Sturm. Um 8 Uhr 15 Minuten hatten wir nur mehr 30 kg Ballast,
welche den Regen, der auf den Ballon niederfiel, nicht kompensieren
konnten.
Unter diesen Umständen war es angezeigt, zu landen; M. Balsan zog
zu diesem Zwecke die Ventilleine. Trotz des starken Windes brachten
wir ohne Schwierigkeit den „Centaure” zum Stillstande. Es waren
bald einige Bauern zur Stelle. Der Ballon wurde nach Opoczno
befördert.«
Die beiden Aëronauten wurden dort sehr freundlich aufgenommen
und fuhren am Morgen des 11. Oktober nach Warschau, um sich da
von dem französischen Konsulat Reisepässe ausstellen zu lassen. Die

Luftschiffer hatten nicht erwartet, in jener Gegend zu landen, und
hatten daher keine derartigen Pässe mitgenommen.
In der folgenden Tabelle sind die sechs besten W e i t f a h r t e n
übersichtlich zusammengestellt.
W e i t f a h r t e n :
Kilometer
Balloninhalt
Kubikmeter
De La Vaulx, 9. Oktober 1900 1925 1630*
J. Balsan, 9. Oktober 1900 1350 3000
Rolier, 24. November 1870 1336 3000
Castillon, 30. September 1899 1330 1630*
J. Faure, 9. Oktober 1900 950 1550
H. Silberer und E. Carton, 23. September 1901 805 1200
* Mit Wasserstoffgas!
Anschließend daran, erinnere ich, daß in Rußland landende
Luftschiffer mit einer amtlich beglaubigten Legitimation versehen
sein müssen, die ihre Identität bezeigt. Luftschiffer, welche sich mit
derartigen Bescheinigungen nicht ausweisen können, sowie jene
Personen, welche in Ballons nach Rußland kommen, um militärische
Rekognoszierungen vorzunehmen, werden angehalten und ihre
Ballons verfallen der Beschlagnahme. Die für Militärs hierfür
bestehenden Vorschriften sind diesen ja bekannt. Die Legitimationen
für Zivilluftschiffer werden in der Weise hergestellt, daß auf die
Rückseite einer Photographie in Kabinetformat die Mitgliedskarte
geklebt und mit der Identitätsbestätigung seitens der k. k.
Polizeidirektion versehen wird.
5. Dauerfahrten.
Dauerfahrten sind jene, bei welchen der Ballon — unbekümmert um
den zurückgelegten Weg — am längsten in der Luft bleibt. Nachdem
der Ballon durch die Hubkraft seines Traggases sich in die Luft

erheben und in ihr schweben kann — so ist es erklärlich, daß jene
Ballons am längsten fahren werden, welche die gasdichtesten Hüllen
besitzen. Nachdem das Gas stark diffundiert — Wasserstoffgas
diffundiert mehr als Leuchtgas — so werden theoretisch
Wasserstoffgasballons bei gleicher Tragkraft weniger weit fahren als
Leuchtgasballons. Hat man aber Ballons von gleichem Volumen, so
wird natürlich ein Wasserstoffgasballon viel länger fahren können,
weil er circa über 5/11 mal mehr Ballast verfügt als sein Konkurrent.
Lassen sich daher zwei Ballons von verschiedenem Füllgas in eine
Wettdauerfahrt ein, so sind alle diese Verhältnisse wohl zu erwägen;
hierzu kommt dann allerdings noch ein sehr gewichtiger Faktor: die
Kunst des Ballonführers, jedem Fahrthemmnisse rechtzeitig und mit
den besten Mitteln Herr zu werden.
Die Konkurrenten haben sich selbstverständlich mit allem
ausgerüstet, was für eine lange Reise ins Ungewisse notwendig ist.
Nebst Konserven und Getränken haben sie warme Überkleider,
Decken, viele meteorologische Instrumente und selbstverständlich
verschiedenes Geld mit, die meisten auch elektrische Lampen, kleine
Feldbetten und für alle Fälle Schwimmgürtel. Last not least: recht
viel Ballast. Einer der Konkurrenten führte den Sand nicht in Säcken
mit, sondern einfach auf dem Boden der Gondel — wie in einem
Vogelkäfig — ausgestreut; er schöpfte den Sand nach Bedarf heraus.

Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade
Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.
Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and
personal growth!
textbookfull.com

Second Language Acquisition and Lifelong Learning 1st Edition Singleton

More Related Content

Similar to Second Language Acquisition and Lifelong Learning 1st Edition Singleton (20)

Recently uploaded (20)

Second Language Acquisition and Lifelong Learning 1st Edition Singleton