Technology Innovation Models Dynamics And Processes Angelo Bonomi

Technology Innovation Models Dynamics And
Processes Angelo Bonomi download
https://ebookbell.com/product/technology-innovation-models-
dynamics-and-processes-angelo-bonomi-48959904
Explore and download more ebooks at ebookbell.com

Here are some recommended products that we believe you will be
interested in. You can click the link to download.
Digital Business Models For Industry 40 How Innovation And Technology
Shape The Future Of Companies Carlo Bagnoli
https://ebookbell.com/product/digital-business-models-for-
industry-40-how-innovation-and-technology-shape-the-future-of-
companies-carlo-bagnoli-50738792
Entrepreneurship Innovation And Technology A Guide To Core Models And
Tools 2nd Edition 2nd Lorenzo
https://ebookbell.com/product/entrepreneurship-innovation-and-
technology-a-guide-to-core-models-and-tools-2nd-edition-2nd-
lorenzo-55518290
Technology Innovation In Manufacturing Davinder Singh Jaimal Singh
Khamba
https://ebookbell.com/product/technology-innovation-in-manufacturing-
davinder-singh-jaimal-singh-khamba-46607392
Technology Innovation In Manufacturing Davinder Singh Jaimal Singh
Khamba
https://ebookbell.com/product/technology-innovation-in-manufacturing-
davinder-singh-jaimal-singh-khamba-46615388

Technology Innovation Pillars For Industry 40 Challenges Improvements
And Case Studies Ahmed A Elngar
https://ebookbell.com/product/technology-innovation-pillars-for-
industry-40-challenges-improvements-and-case-studies-ahmed-a-
elngar-57678954
Technology Innovation In Underground Construction 1st Edition Gernot
Beer Editor
https://ebookbell.com/product/technology-innovation-in-underground-
construction-1st-edition-gernot-beer-editor-12051606
Environmental Technology Innovation And Esg Investment In The
Asiapacific Region Sumiko Takaoka
https://ebookbell.com/product/environmental-technology-innovation-and-
esg-investment-in-the-asiapacific-region-sumiko-takaoka-56172226
Energy Technology Innovation Learning From Historical Successes And
Failures Arnulf Grubler
https://ebookbell.com/product/energy-technology-innovation-learning-
from-historical-successes-and-failures-arnulf-grubler-4762406
Healthcare Technology Innovation Adoption Electronic Health Records
And Other Emerging Health Information Technology Innovations 1st
Edition Tugrul U Daim
https://ebookbell.com/product/healthcare-technology-innovation-
adoption-electronic-health-records-and-other-emerging-health-
information-technology-innovations-1st-edition-tugrul-u-daim-5482564

Technology Innovation
Technology Innovation discusses the fundamental aspects of processes and
structures of technology innovation. It offers a new perspective concerning
fundamentals aspects not directly involved in the complex relations existing
between technology and the socio-economic system.
By considering technology and its innovation from a scientific point of
view, the book presents a novel definition of technology as a set of physi-
cal, chemical and biological phenomena, producing an effect exploitable for
human purposes. Expanding on the general model of technology innovation by
linking the model of technology, based on a structure of technological opera-
tions, with the models of the structures for technology innovation, based on
organization of fluxes of knowledge and capitals, the book considers various
technological processes and the stages of the innovation process.
• Explains a novel definition of technology as a set of physical, chemi-
cal and biological phenomena producing an effect exploitable for
human purposes.
• Discusses technology innovation as result of structures organizing
fluxes of knowledge and capitals.
• Provides a technology model simulating the functioning of technol-
ogy with its optimization.
• Presents a technology innovation model explaining the territorial
technology innovation process.
• Offers a perspective on the evolution of technology in the frame of
an industrial platform network.
The book is intended for academics, graduate students and technology devel-
opers who are involved in operations management and research, innovation
and technology development.

Technology Innovation
Models, Dynamics, and
Processes
Angelo Bonomi

First edition published 2023
by CRC Press
6000 Broken Sound Parkway NW, Suite 300, Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742
and by CRC Press
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
CRC Press is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
© 2023 Angelo Bonomi
Reasonable efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author
and publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all materials or the conse-
quences of their use. The authors and publishers have attempted to trace the copyright
holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize to copyright holders if
permission to publish in this form has not been obtained. If any copyright material has not
been acknowledged please write and let us know so we may rectify in any future reprint.
Except as permitted under U.S. Copyright Law, no part of this book may be reprinted, repro-
duced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the
publishers.
For permission to photocopy or use material electronically from this work, access www.
copyright.com or contact the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC), 222 Rosewood Drive,
Danvers, MA 01923, 978-750-8400. For works that are not available on CCC please contact
mpkbookspermissions@tandf.co.uk
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks
and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
ISBN: 978-1-032-37064-4 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-37075-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-33518-4 (ebk)
DOI: 10.1201/9781003335184
Typeset in Times
by codeMantra

v
Contents
List of figures xi
List of tables xiii
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xix
Author Biography xxi
List of Abbreviations xxiii
References 2
2.1 Brief History of Technology and Its Innovation 3
2.2 Philosophic Thought about Technology 4
2.2.1 Martin Heidegger Thought about
Technology and Its Dangers 7
2.2.2 Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Thought about
Technology and Its Dangers 9
2.3 The Various Definitions of Technology and Its Innovation 9
References 11
3.1 Importance of Technologies without Economic Purposes 14
3.2 Limits of Studies of Technology from Only an Economic
Point of View 15
3.3 The Study of Technology from a Scientific Point of View 16
References 18
4 Scientific Models of Technology and Its Innovation 19
4.1 Elaboration of a Scientific Model of
Technology Innovation 19
4.2 The Model of Technology 20
4.2.1 Technological Space 22
4.2.2 Technological Landscape 22

vi Contents
4.2.3 Space of Technologies 23
4.2.4 Technology Ecosystem 23
4.3 Technological Processes 25
4.3.1 Externality Effect 25
4.3.2 Intranality Effect 25
4.3.3 Ramification of Technologies 26
4.4 Technology Transfer and Knowhow 26
4.5 Models of the Organizational Structures for
Technology Innovation 27
4.5.1 The Industrial R&D System 27
4.5.2 The Startup-Venture Capital System 28
4.5.3 The Industrial Platform System 30
4.5.4 Comparison among the Various
Organizational Structures 30
4.6 The Stages of Technology Innovation 32
4.6.1 Generation of Innovative Idea for the
Technological Innovation Process 32
4.6.2 Development and Formation of a
New Technology 34
4.6.3 Generation of Innovations during the Use of a
Technology 34
4.7 A General Model of Technology Innovation 34
References 37
5 Innovation and Technology Innovation 39
5.1 General Definition of Innovation 39
5.2 The Various Types of Organizational Innovations 40
5.2.1 Agile Innovation 40
5.2.2 Digital Innovation 40
5.2.3 Dual Innovation 40
5.2.4 Environmental Innovation 41
5.2.5 Frugal Innovation 41
5.2.6 Minor (Incremental) Innovation 41
5.2.7 Open Innovation 42
5.2.8 Participatory Innovation 42
5.2.9 Radical (Disruptive) Innovation 42
5.2.10 Responsible Innovation 43
5.2.11 Reverse Innovation 43
5.2.12 Strategic Innovation 43
5.3 Considerations about Innovation 43
References 44

Contents vii
6 The Complexity of Technology 45
6.1 Complexity of Technology 45
6.2 Definition of the Various Types of Systems 46
6.2.1 Simple Systems 46
6.2.2 Complicated Systems 46
6.2.3 Complex Systems 47
6.3 Complexity Concepts and Phenomena 47
6.3.1 Emergence 47
6.3.2 Adaptation 48
6.3.3 Evolvability 48
6.3.4 Robustness 48
6.3.5 Coevolution 48
6.3.6 Learning 49
6.3.7 Self-Organization 49
6.3.8 Networking 49
6.3.9 Feedback Loop 51
6.4 Types of Complex Systems 51
6.4.1 Chaotic System 51
6.4.2 Auto-Organized Critical System 52
6.4.3 Complex Adaptive System 52
6.4.4 Network System 53
6.5 Processes in the Complex Systems 53
6.5.1 Phase Transition and Autocatalysis 53
6.5.2 Cycles 55
6.6 Models of Complex Systems 55
6.6.1 Small World Network Model 56
6.6.2 NK Model 56
6.6.3 Fitness Landscape 57
6.6.4 Complex Adaptive System Models 58
6.7 Science of Complexity and Technology Innovation 59
6.7.1 Generation of Innovative Ideas 60
6.7.2 Development of the Technology 60
6.7.3 Use of the Technology 61
6.7.4 Feedback Loops in Technology Innovations 63
6.8 Importance of Complexity of Technology 64
References 65
7.1 Physical Limits and Development Times of
Environmental Technologies 68
7.2 The Precautional Principle and the Question of Risk 69

viii Contents
7.3 Technology and the Environmental Problems 71
7.3.1 Pollution 71
7.3.2 Depletion of Resources 72
7.3.3 Global Warming 73
7.4 Industrial Environmental Models 74
7.4.1 Natural Capitalism 75
7.4.2 Circular Economy 78
7.4.3 Comparison of the Two Industrial
Environmental Approaches 80
7.5 Technology and the Problem of Global Warming 82
7.6 Technology Innovation and Green Technologies 84
7.6.1 Green Technologies for Environmental Problems 85
7.6.2 Green Technologies and the Organizational
Structures for Innovation 85
References 87
8.1 Functioning and Optimization of a Technology 89
8.1.1 Model of the Technology 89
8.1.2 Technological Processes 90
8.1.3 Optimization of Operative Conditions
of a Technology 91
8.2 Model of Technology Innovation of a Territory 94
8.2.1 The Mathematical Model of Technology
Innovation of a Territory 97
8.2.2 Example of Calculation with the Model 100
8.2.3 Discussion on the Model and Its Results 101
References 103
9 Perspectives and Future of Technology Innovation 105
9.1 Evolution of the Technology Innovation System 105
9.1.1 The Distributed Innovation System 106
9.1.2 The Industrial Platform Network 107
9.1.3 Advantages and Limits of an Industrial
Platform Network 110
9.2 Future of Technologies 111
9.2.1 A Scientific Approach to Forecasting 112
9.2.2 Artificial Intelligence 113
9.2.3 Synthetic Biology 115
9.2.4 Nanotechnologies 116
9.2.5 Quantum Physics Applications 117

Contents ix
9.3 Intrinsic Dangers of Technology Evolution 120
9.3.1
The Negative Social Impacts of Technology 121
9.3.2
The Negative Impact of Communication
Technologies122
References 123
10 Conclusion 125
Appendix 127
Mathematical Simulation Model of the
Technology Innovation System of a Territory 127
A.1 Variables and Parameter Values 132
A.2 Results of Calculation with the Model 134
Index 137

xi
List of figures
3.1 Graph representation of the heat treatment technology with its
physical and chemical phenomena 17
4.1 Structure of the technology of heat treatment 21
4.2 Structure of technology of production of faucets 22
4.3 View of the technology ecosystem with interactions
among technologies 24
4.4 Schematic view of the industrial RD system 28
4.5 Schematic view of the SVC financial cycle 29
4.6 Schematic view of the industrial platform system 31
4.7 The stages of technology innovation 33
6.1 Feedback loops in technology dynamics 50
6.2 Autocatalysis and phase transition 54
6.3 Example of a complex system cycle 55
6.4 Schematic view of NK model with N = 3 and K = 2 56
6.5 Fitness landscape of two elements of a string each with
possible values: 0 and 1 58
6.6 Gell-Mann’s model of a complex adaptive system 59
6.7 Knowledge cycle in RD projects and startups 61
6.8 Technology use as complex adaptive system 62
6.9 Science of complexity and the technology innovation process 63
7.1 Conventional production process to environmental production
process 77
7.2 Industrial linear economy to mature circular industrial economy 79
8.1 A schematic view of the procedure of optimization of
a technology 93
8.2 Flows of knowledge and capitals in the technology innovation
system of a territory 96
8.3 Number of obtained successful technologies after three cycles 100
9.1 A schematic view of the distributed innovation system 107
9.2 A schematic view of the industrial platform network 109
9.3 A schematic view of a secondary industrial platform system 110
A.1 Mathematical simulation model represented in an Excel sheet 135
A.2 Number of obtained successful technologies after four cycles 136

xiii
List of tables
A.1 Lists of variables and parameters 131
A.2 Values of parameters used for the application of the model 134

xv
Preface
This book concerns technology and technology innovation and its origin is
based on experiences and considerations I had about technology since my
young age. I was born in a small Italian territory, close to the Swiss board
and called Verbano. A territory with a long history of industrialization,
started in 1808 with the transfer from Switzerland of entrepreneurs, work-
ers and machineries during the Napoleonic regime. In this way Italy had
the first mechanical cotton spinning factory. This type of industry grew in
this territory, favorized by presence of hydraulic energy from the rivers of
the Alps, becoming in the second half of the XIX century a small industrial
district for cotton spinning with more than 5,000 workers and 40 factories.
It was also characterized by innovative activities such as the realization in
1891 of the first Italian out-of-town electric power line of 5 km length, from a
500 kW hydroelectric plant close to the mountains, feeding factories with
electric instead of hydraulic energy. My first contact with the industrial
technology of this territory occurred when I was a young boy 13 years
old visiting, accompanied by my father, the local factory producing rayon
thread. This artificial silk material was made by treating cellulose foils with
acetic acid. The obtained acetalized cellulose was separated and dissolved
in acetone, and after this solvent evaporated in a spinneret producing
rayon threads. The exhausted mixture was treated with ether to extract
the excess of acetic acid, after recovered from the solvent in a distillation
column. There were for me two impressive memories of this visit, the first
one of fear looking to the high distillation column with its noise of pumps
and flows of liquids, the second one of worry looking to a worker substi-
tuting filters in a cabin in a saturated atmosphere of acetone. However,
these negative emotions did not hinder me the choice, for my secondary
studies, to become a technician in chemistry thinking that in fact tech-
nologies were at the same time dangerous and interesting. I started in this
way my studies in an historical local school, founded in 1886 by the willing
of a local industrialist, Lorenzo Cobianchi, died in 1881. His idea was that
local industry would need a technical education also for young teenagers,
15 or 16 years old, teaching mechanics, electricity and chemistry already
at this young age. In the first year of my course, I was surprised as I had
to frequent a workshop, instead of a chemical laboratory, with the task to

xvi Preface
transform a piece of steel in a bolt with perfect dimensions and planarity
using simply file tools and a caliper. I understood much later that it was in
fact a good way to teach what is really a knowhow, a knowledge that can-
not be learned reading books or hearing lessons in a classroom, but having
in fact a great importance in technological activities. After these studies I
frequented the University of Milan obtaining a degree of doctor in indus-
trial chemistry. This degree was characterized, in the conception of this uni-
versity, by the same teaching for the degree in chemistry, but with added
courses concerning industrial chemistry and chemical engineering. That
in order to make an education well suitable for RD activities in the devel-
opment of chemical technologies. I started then my career as researcher
at the Battelle Geneva Research Centre. At the beginning my interests
were mostly directed to scientific research and RD project management.
However, in a second phase of my career, I decided to start a consulting
activity for the promotion of technology innovation in Italian industrial
districts, and finally I had the occasion to become a research associate of
IRCrES, a Research Institute on Sustainable Economic Growth of CNR, the
Italian National Research Council, studying technology innovation and tech-
nology development systems of territories. Looking to literature, mostly on
relation between technology and industrial economy, I was unsatisfied how
technology was considered in many of these studies in respect to my sci-
entific knowledge and technical experience. Technology and technology
innovation in economic studies appeared often not clearly defined as in the
case of typical concepts used in hard sciences. Technology and innovation
definitions were in fact different following encyclopedia, books or articles
leading to uncoherent views about the technology innovation process.
Furthermore, after more than 50 years of experience in technology innova-
tion and its management, I asked myself whether my past experience was
really useful now in the present world of innovation. In fact, it appeared to
me that problems and solutions, found in past experience cumulated in
my first decades of activity, were not valid to supply solutions in the new
environment with different views about innovation, and availability of the
modern computers and communication technologies. However, that raised
in my thinking the idea that there are nevertheless some fundamentals of
technology innovation that will be the same, existing either in the past or in
the present situation and even in the future evolution of technology inno-
vation. I thought that it would be of interest to look for these fundamental
aspects. The idea was that it is necessary not just only to study how new
technologies are developed but rather to think about technology innova-
tion as anybody has never thought until now. From these considerations,
I asked myself what it is conserved in the technology innovation activities of

Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:

hunting big game in India soon after, he was mauled and eaten by a
tiger.
When McClellan was safely at Harrison's Landing under cover of
heavy guns (some fifteen-inch spherical shell), there was nothing to
keep our army there. Besides, it left Richmond somewhat exposed
from the direction of Fredericksburg. General Lee, therefore, gave
the word and we were soon again in, or near, our old positions.
Everything was made ship-shape, the wounded mending and
returning to duty, damages repaired, and the waste of that
extraordinary movement and series of battles made good as best
could be. McClellan could not now see the spires of Richmond from
his headquarters. Additional reinforcements were brought from the
South in preparation for Lee's next move, for he was not the man to
stay idly behind defenses when there was an enemy about that he
might hopefully strike. Longstreet's division of six brigades was in
fine condition, with filling ranks, and so was A. P. Hill's Light Division,
which lay near us, and thereby hangs a tale which must be recited, I
fear, at some little length.

CHAPTER IX
Rivalry and More Reminiscenses
Longstreet's and A. P. Hill's divisions—Rivalry between the
two—Publications in Richmond Examiner and Whig—
General Hill resentful—Refuses recognition of Longstreet's
adjutant-general—Hill in arrest—Personal difficulty
between the two major-generals adjusted by General
Lee's influence—General Hill cherishes no rancor—Later
gave me a brigade—Army busy drilling—Quartermaster
Potts and Major Fairfax—Books among the troops—
Gambling.
There was some rivalry between the two splendid divisions. Each
had done its full share of fighting in the recent battles and each had
won glory and renown. Hill had handled his men well and fought
them gallantly. Needless to say how Longstreet had held his men, as
it were, in the hollow of his hand (his abilities for handling large
bodies under fire being remarkable), and how his never-failing valor
and tenacity had supported them. The papers came out of Richmond
daily, with fetching headlines and columns of description giving the
events of the previous day. One of the widest read of these was The
Examiner, very brilliantly edited. It seemed to have taken Hill's
division under its special favor. Every movement was chronicled,
every clash of arms, no matter how trifling, was written up, and the
grand movements and actions of the division given such prominence
as to dwarf all other commands. There was some feeling growing up
about it, especially since it was known that a newspaper man from
The Examiner office was serving temporarily on Hill's staff. Nothing
was then done about the matter, but Longstreet's young staff
officers were quite at the fighting point, as our division had come in
for some animadversions in The Examiner.

After the short campaign, while we were occupying some of our old
positions about Richmond, Hill lying near by, under command of
Longstreet, the latter came one day to me with a rough draft of a
short communication to The Whig, a Richmond paper. It flatly
contradicted The Examiner, so far as Longstreet's division was
concerned, and criticized the major-general who could suffer such
reports to emanate from his own staff; it was short but positive.
Longstreet asked if I objected to send such a communication to The
Whig, signed by myself officially, as adjutant-general. He would
answer for it, because I should not be expected alone to attack or
criticize my superior officer. I was only too willing to carry out these
wishes. The little note was prepared for the press and published in
The Whig. It was stiff, but with military civility, and made some
comment on the taste of having such correspondents along with
military operations. It was not regarded as offensive, but was
certainly pointed in some contradiction. To my regret I have no copy.
Such was the bomb-shell that was to burst over us in a few days.
Having occasion for some routine report or information from General
A. P. Hill, a note was sent him for it in the usual form. It was
returned endorsed that General Hill declined to hold further
communication with Major Sorrel. Of course I was surprised, but it
was apparent that trouble was brewing and that Longstreet must
show his hand. The note was handed him and he was at once on fire
at such disobedience. Write him again, said he, and say that note
was written by my command, and must be answered satisfactorily.
To this Hill insisted on holding to his refusal. The correspondence
was then taken up by Longstreet personally with Hill. I did not see
the letters, but several passed, until finally, a day or two later,
General Longstreet came to me with, Major, you will be good
enough to put on your sword and sash, mount, and place Major-
General Hill in arrest, with orders to confine himself to limits of his
camp and vicinity. It was my first duty of that kind with such rank,
but I was soon on my way, followed by an orderly. The General was
in his tent seated in a low chair, and rose as I entered, returning
stiffly my salute. Bowing, when I had communicated the orders, he

resumed his chair without speech, and saluting again, I was quickly
on the road to my own friendly camp. I know only by hearsay what
took place afterwards. It was kept quite out of reach of the staff and
confined to the two principals. Certain it is, however, that some
angry letters passed and intimate friends (D. H. Hill and Toombs for
Longstreet) were called in and a hostile meeting between the two
generals was almost certain. General Lee, however, heard of it, and
acted quickly and effectively, using his unvarying tact and great
influence. He brought matters, through other friends, to an
adjustment honorable to both. A few days later General Hill's division
was shifted out of reach of Longstreet's command and nothing more
was known of the affair. Later on Longstreet and Hill became fairly
good friends, but I naturally supposed I had incurred his hatred. For
a year or two we did not meet—his division being in Jackson's corps
—except occasionally on the march, and then the General's manner
seemed to me stiff and menacing. If so, it was only the manner, not
the feeling, because in 1864 I received from General Hill the very
highest evidence of his appreciation and friendliness. On several
occasions previously, Longstreet recommended me for promotion to
command, and it must necessarily be to a brigade of Georgians. But
where a brigadier was wanted for them, there were always good
colonels of long service in the brigade that properly gained the
preference. This was so general that I despaired of leaving the staff
for higher promotion, until one day in September, 1864, a
commission of brigadier-general came to me with orders to report to
Lieut-Gen. A. P. Hill.
My preparations began at once for the change and it was necessary
for me to go to the War Department, Richmond. There I found in the
Adjutant-General's Office Capt. John W. Reilly, A. A. G., a fine young
Virginia officer, who had once served under me.
Did you ever see, General, the paper that brought about your
promotion? It was entirely new to me. He drew from a file a letter
from Gen. A. P. Hill, commenting on the bad condition of his fine
Georgia Brigade, which, left without a brigadier by the wounds of
Wright and the death of Girardy, was then in the hands of a brave

but incompetent colonel. He concluded by asking with great
earnestness that Lieutenant-Colonel Sorrel, of Longstreet's corps,
should be promoted and sent to him. The letter was referred to
General Lee for his opinion and then passed between the Adjutant-
General, the Secretary of War, and the President, who finally
scrawled, Make the appointment, J. D.
I tried to get the paper from Reilly as an autographic souvenir, but it
was against orders and I was obliged to content myself with a
certified copy. It never rains but it pours; some days after, Major-
General Kershaw wrote me that he (Kershaw) had asked for my
promotion to command one of his Georgia brigades.
Hill was a West Point man of medium height, a light, good figure,
and most pleasing soldierly appearance. He surely handled his
division on all occasions with great ability and courage and justly
earned high reputation. When Lee created the Third Army Corps he
placed him in command of it, and it was thought Hill did not realize
in that high position all that was hoped of him.
His health was impaired toward the close of the war, and his noble
life ended by a stray bullet at Petersburg after withdrawal of the
lines. It was unnecessary and he should have had years before him.
It is not necessary to say how much I appreciated his action toward
myself. It proved him magnanimous and free of petty spite in that
affair, and such was his nature. When I reported to him no one could
have been more warmly welcomed, and thenceforward I had
nothing but kindness and the most valuable support and help while
with his corps.
A. P. Hill was very close to both Generals Lee and Stonewall Jackson
at different times. Perhaps only a coincidence, but certainly
significant it is, that, the last dying words of the two military chiefs
were said to be of Hill. Send word to A. P. Hill, whispered the
expiring Jackson. Tell Hill he must come up, were the last words on
Lee's lips.

July and early August, 1862, were busy months. In front of
Richmond General Lee kept the army well exercised in drill and the
new men had to get into shape. Our staff work had been severe and
our horses had suffered. I was obliged to keep two good mounts at
least, sometimes more. It was here I fell in love with a perfect little
stallion named Voltaire, and paid a round price for him; he soon
proved too delicate for army work and I gave him to my brother in
Richmond. There he should have thriven, but I think soon went to
pieces. I succeeded in finding a handsome, powerful chestnut mare,
from which I got good service until she was killed at Gettysburg.
Longstreet was admirably mounted on two bays; one he had
brought to the army with him, the other, a finer beast, was a present
from Major Fairfax, whose horse judgment was excellent. For
himself, he rode a superb gray stallion, Saltron, widely known,
which he had raised at his Loudoun estate. Fairfax lost him at
Sharpsburg. A round shot struck him under the tail, fairly in the
fundament, and it was at once all over with the stallion. Fairfax was
excitable, and rushing to Longstreet, sitting grimly on his horse
directing the battle, he broke out, General, General, my horse is
killed; Saltron is shot; shot right in the back! Longstreet gave the
Major a queer look and consoled him with, Never mind, Major, you
ought to be glad you are not shot in your own back!
Frank Potts, a quartermaster in the corps, tells a story of these two.
Fairfax messed General Longstreet, took good care of all his wants,
and kept him in whiskey and in all else that was needful. Potts says
that in one of the campaigns he had parked his animals and wagons
in a nice spot by the roadside at a good hour and everything was
made snug for the night's bivouac until the early march next
morning. Suddenly he saw a figure galloping wildly across the fields
to him, taking fences and ditches as he came. Now, grumbled
Potts, it's a move; here are the orders coming. It was Major Fairfax
in full uniform. He pulled up sharply before the quartermaster,
saluted, and then, Captain Potts, can you tell me where a
washerwoman is to be found for General Longstreet? relieved the
Irishman and tickled his humor.

During the war the men were without many books and eagerly clung
to a novel when one came their way. Many old volumes were sent
from home, but they did not go far among such numbers. Victor
Hugo's Les Miserables, and Muhlbach's novels, translated from the
German, and reprinted at Mobile, had begun to appear and were
devoured by readers. Later on, after Gettysburg, Freemantle's
Three Months in the Southern States was reprinted at Mobile and
widely read. These old volumes are now a curiosity and not to be
had except at great price. The dirty old type, blurred and worn, the
rough paper with florid designs, all attested the stress of the
Confederacy in everything entering into life. Among the soldiers in
camp there was the usual gambling going on; they played some odd
sorts of games, but the greasiest packs of cards were their stand-by.
One day Longstreet received a note from General Lee, after a ride
through our camps. This informed the corps commander that he
regretted to see so much gambling among the men; they nearly all
seemed absorbed in a game called Chuck-a-luck. Could anything
be done to better the matter? Longstreet had served much with
soldiers, and knew they would, many of them, gamble in camp in
spite of all orders and watching; never yet had he found anything
that would completely cure the evil. He would, however, see what
could be done—but nothing came of it.

CHAPTER X
Second Battle of Manassas, August 29 and 30, 1862
Major-General Pope in command of Union troops in
Northern Virginia—Religious observances in our army—
Homesickness—Furloughs—Rations—March against Pope
—Artillery duel at Rappahannock—Spy captured and hung
—Jackson's marches—Thoroughfare Gap—Longstreet's
attack—Enemy routed—General Wilcox and Union general
—Wilcox's and Couch's baptismals—Brig.-Gen. A. G. Evans
—General Toombs and the picket—His arrest—Released
and joins brigade in the fight.
McClellan still lay at Westover, recruiting and reorganizing. It was
apparent that his army would not be long in that position.
Confidence in him had been lost, and there was a new paladin in the
field, the doughty John Pope, major-general, with Headquarters in
the saddle. He was a man of some ability, but did not have a
reputation for high character in the old Army; and now with elevated
rank and command thrust upon him, he turned into abuse of his
enemy, explained how he meant to whip him, and filled the air with
bombast and threatening. He was in command in northern Virginia,
and Lee had marked him for his own.
We were rather a devout army. The men came from their homes
deeply tinged with religion. Methodists were in large numbers and
next to them Baptists and Presbyterians. There were many meetings
and addresses conducted by worthy chaplains. These devoted
ministers could always be counted on to follow beside their men, in
camp or on the firing line. The men were fond of hearing in camp
any kind of address, and were an easy prey to sharpers. I recall that
some years later, on the Petersburg line, a crank came along with

what he called an artis-avis (a bird of art) with him, and some fifty
thousand like it; he was to drop a shell into Grant's army and fleet
and destroy them! He wanted permission to address my men and
solicit cash for building his wonderful birds. He was sent out of
camp. The soldiers were fond of chanting hymns and quaint old
plantation airs, and at times they were touching with the
recollections of home. Homesickness was often very prevalent, and
the awful nostalgia came near crippling us. There is a general order
from Longstreet on that matter somewhere and I may be able to
find it to attach to these leaves.
At this date, July and August, 1862, food was plentiful and good. No
variety, but fresh beef or bacon, flour, coffee and sugar were issued
in full rations. There was an abundance of whiskey, but
comparatively little drunkenness. Encouragement and incentives to
good conduct came from the General-in-Chief down through the
officers. Previous to the Chickahominy Campaign a balloon had been
constructed for reconnoitering. The enemy had several and we also
wanted one, so the women—Heaven bless them!—came to the front
with, it may be, tearful eyes but willing hearts and chipped in all
their pretty silk frocks and gowns. It was a wonderfully picturesque
balloon and at first did some little service, captive to a locomotive
pushed far to the front. Then it was packed on a little steamboat in
an adventurous cruise down the James. She ran aground, was
gobbled up, with the bright ball-dress balloon, by the delighted
Yankees, and that was the last of the pretty things of our sisters,
sweethearts, and wives.
But the march against Pope is now beginning and must have a little
space. The movement was masked as much as possible, a few
troops only being at first concentrated at Gordonsville by rail. Lee
collected then his outlying commands with great skill and started in
earnest against his braggart opponent. Pope seems to have quite
underestimated or disbelieved what was awaiting him, and his
dispositions were all in favor of Lee. His first rude awakening was
the shock Jackson gave him at Cedar Mountain, very costly to him;
but we lost Charles Winder, one of the finest and most promising of

the brigadiers. The march of the army was in tactical language left
in front, Jackson's position throwing him on the left; and this
formation was necessarily observed by all the commands of the
army. In these operations Stuart and his cavalry were exceedingly
active and performed most valuable service. Our command, the full
division, and two smaller ones under D. R. Jones and N. G. Evans,
came to a halt hunting a ford on the Rappahannock and found a
strong force of the enemy, with good artillery, at the railroad bridge.
The gunners (ours the Washington Artillery) on both sides took up
an artillery duel for nearly all day, but nothing decisive was achieved.
We forded the river in another place without opposition.
It was in these operations that a spy was taken. He had murdered
one of our cavalry couriers, and was caught almost red-handed, and
with papers on him compromising enough to hang a dozen spies.
Nevertheless, we gave him a trial. I convened a drum-head court
martial of three brigadiers and they sentenced him to be hanged
immediately. The wretch was mounted, arms tied, on a horse, with
the noose and limb of a tree connected. He finally admitted he was a
spy from Loudoun County, Virginia, but to the last stuck out he had
not shot the cavalry courier. A smart blow with the flat of a saber
started the horse on the jump and left the spy breathless, and there
he hung until the army, continuing its march, passed almost under
the tree and perhaps took the lesson to heart.
Jackson's marches, in swiftness, daring, and originality of execution,
were almost extraordinary. At one time there was great fear for his
safety, widely separated as he was from the right wing under
Longstreet. General Lee's route was near Longstreet's and night and
day he was always close to us. Longstreet was delayed by the
enemy at Thoroughfare Gap. This is a mountain gorge, not long, but
narrow, rocky, and precipitous. It was capable of stubborn defense.
Its echoes were wonderful—a gun fired in its depths gave forth roars
fit to bring down the skies. Here Longstreet had to stop impatiently
until he could work his way through. He knew Jackson was hard
pressed on the other side and praying for a sight of him. It took a
little time, but we sent a flanking force over the mountains by a

rocky path and the enemy gave way speedily and left the gap early.
Pushing through we saw the dust of Jackson's masses miles away
and heard his guns. Forward we pressed almost at a run, and in
time. The attack on Stonewall ceased as soon as Longstreet came
on the scene.
This was early enough in the day to permit us in turn to make a
combined attack. The enemy was disheartened, and Jackson's
column, although fatigued and losing heavily, was triumphant and
still capable of great efforts. Our own force was large, comparatively
fresh, and eager to crush John Pope, but for some reason the attack
was not made, although I think General Lee preferred it to waiting.
The great battle that followed, and all these operations covering
several days, were called the Second Manassas. Some of the ground
was identical with the first. Most of it lay beautifully for good tactical
operations, and as the country was quite open much could be
observed at considerable distances. When the enemy's masses
began again pressing Stonewall on the 30th of August, Longstreet
moved quickly up to support. Their dense columns had been left
exposed to artillery fire from our position and Longstreet instantly
saw it. Planting a battery in the road, the first shots, together with
Jackson's incessant fire, began to tell.
We were near enough to see some wavering in the blue masses,
then halt, and then a flight back to cover. But it was all up with John
Pope. No rest was given his army. Longstreet started every man of
us to his division to push them into attack, and soon everything was
hotly engaged. The easy, rounded ridges ran at right angles to the
turnpike, and over these infantry and artillery poured in pursuit. The
artillery would gallop furiously to the nearest ridge, limber to the
front, deliver a few rounds until the enemy were out of range, and
then a gallop again to the next ridge. And thus it went on until black
darkness stopped operations—the enemy defeated at all points and
hastening back to the Potomac. Many prisoners, guns, colors, small
arms, and large quantities of stores and equipments fell into our
hands.

J. E. B. Stuart was highly tickled at his capture of Pope's wagon and
personal effects, including a very fine uniform.
Losses on both sides were heavy. Alas! the butcher's bill is always to
be paid after these grand operations, and at Manassas especially
there were some splendid young lives laid down for our cause and
our homes.
Longstreet was seen at his best during the battle. His consummate
ability in managing troops was well displayed that day and his large
bodies of men were moved with great skill and without the least
confusion.
As General C. M. Wilcox was moving forward at the head of his
brigade in the open field, he was attracted by the waving of a
handkerchief at some little distance. He found time to go to the spot
and there mortally wounded was a Federal general, Wilcox's old
army friend, who had recognized the Confederate as he passed and
wanted to say farewell. His soul soon took flight and his body was
cared for by his old-time comrade—the name is forgotten.
Wilcox told me that he once officiated at a christening with D. N.
Couch, afterwards a Federal major-general. Wilcox's baptismals were
Cadmus Marcellus, and Couch's Darius Narcissus. It is said that
when these sonorous designations reached the parson's ear he
almost dropped the baby in round-eyed astonishment!
N. G. Evans (Shank Evans) had two brigades with Longstreet and
was a rather marked character. A regular soldier, he had served well
in Mexico, and at Manassas, on July 21, had done exceedingly well
with a small command, a good eye, and quick decision. It was he,
too, that commanded at Ball's Bluff on the upper Potomac when
Baker attempted to take it with a fine regiment and lost some 800
men. Baker was Senator from Oregon and only a few days before
had addressed the United States Senate in full uniform in farewell. It
was forever, for he died with hundreds of his men in the waters of
the Potomac. Evans was difficult to manage and we found him so.
He had a Prussian orderly, with a wooden vessel holding a gallon of

whiskey always strapped on his back, and there was the trouble. At
the little artillery fight he had on the Rappahannock, G. T. Anderson
(Tige), commanding one of the Georgia brigades, was ordered by
Evans to attack a powerful battery and silence it. In vain did
Anderson explain that it was on the far side of a deep river and that
without a bridge his infantry could not get to it. Evans would not
listen to reason and Anderson came to me. Of course he was told to
make no such attempt, and I proceeded to hunt up Evans, finding
him under a tree, too near his Barrelita, as he called his whiskey
holder. But he had to listen and comply. In the progress of the
campaign after the Manassas battle he became so unruly as to
arrest without reason Hood, one of his brigadiers, and Longstreet
had to get him out of the way in some manner. He disappeared
afterwards from field work and I don't know his end. He had been a
very brave, experienced cavalry officer. Anderson's indignation at the
impossibility of the order to take the battery was highly amusing.
In the early part of the march against Pope we made a bivouac near
where some Federal cavalry were reported to have been prowling.
The enemy had no troops near by to disturb us except this body of
horse. It was therefore thought prudent to post a regiment at the
cross-road which would warn our camps. General Toombs was
ordered to detail one and I saw that it was posted.
During the night a cavalry picket reported that the regiment had
been withdrawn. I awoke Longstreet to ascertain if by his orders.
No, but place immediately in arrest the officer who has done so. It
proved to be Toombs. He was a great lawyer and a good politician,
but in the wrong place when posing as a soldier. He had taken a
notion that his regiment was not really needed at the cross-road and
the men would be more comfortable with the others in bivouac.
Toombs was therefore put in arrest and the march continued. The
next evening on halting it was reported to me that he had followed,
as was proper, in rear of his brigade, but had worn his sword, and
upon his men going into camp had made them a violent speech. I
felt called on to make this known to General Longstreet, whereupon

he directed me to order General Toombs back to Gordonsville and
confine himself there; also to prefer charges against him on two
grounds—withdrawing the regiment from picket duty and breaking
his arrest. This was done and Toombs went back to Gordonsville, not
many miles away, whence he wrote a short note asking to be
released of the charge of breaking arrest, saying he had worn his
sword only for convenience and there was nothing improper in his
speech to the men. Longstreet always had a decided liking for
Toombs, and upon seeing this note he not only withdrew that
charge, but the other also and sent him back to duty. Knowing that
we should soon be engaged he advised me to be quick about it if I
wanted the Georgian to see something of hot work.
An intelligent courier was sent to Toombs with the latest orders, and
meantime we were marching forward. He returned; General Toombs
was not at Gordonsville. I might well have left the matter there, but
it seemed to me that one of our foremost Georgians should have a
chance with the army and I sent a second man after him; this time
he was found. The situation was explained to him and he was
advised to lose no time in joining his men if he desired to be with
them in the smoke of battle. And so Toombs came; late, but just in
time to be with his brigade in its last victorious charge when
everything, as already described, was turned loose.
Toombs stuck to the army through Sharpsburg, where he did good
service, and then returned to more congenial fields—politics and
oratory. In after years he always showed me much kindness and
appreciation for the trouble I had taken to get him back to his
brigade for fighting at the Second Manassas.

CHAPTER XI
Battles of South Mountain (Boonsboro Gap) and
Sharpsburg (Antietam), Sept. 14th and 17th, 1862
Accident to General Lee—To Longstreet also—Fight at
Chantilly—General Kearny killed—Cross the Potomac—
Lee's confidential order found by McClellan—Straggling.
When we got back to Virginia and Toombs's resignation had gone in,
Longstreet sent for me to say he had, some time before, about
August, 1862, recommended me for promotion to brigadier-general.
That Toombs's retirement now left a Georgia brigade open and he
wanted me to have it and that I must put out for Richmond
forthwith and try to work it through by help of my Congressman and
other strong friends. I lost no time about this and was soon on the
ground. Hartridge, our M. C., did all he could in my behalf; but there
was no possible chance while the brigade had four colonels, well
known representative Georgia men, ready each for the command. It
was given to Colonel, formerly Judge, Benning, and his record in
command of it was excellent.
The day after great Manassas, General Lee suffered a painful
accident. It had rained and he was wearing a rubber poncho and
over-alls, his body and legs being thus well protected. With a
number of his officers he was dismounted in a thick piece of woods,
making some disposition for following the enemy. His horse, a
gentle, intelligent animal, was at the General's shoulder, reins on
neck; he made some slight movement as if to start away, and Lee
taking a step ahead for the bridle tripped in his over-alls and fell
forward, not prone, but catching on his hands.
He was instantly on his feet, erect, but his hands were badly
damaged; one had a small bone broken and the other was nearly as

bad with the twist and strain. Both were put into splints, but were
painful and most uncomfortable. For some time the saddle had to be
given up and the ambulance called into use. General Lee made the
campaign on wheels. At Sharpsburg he was far enough cured to
allow him to ride a little. This accident caused widespread report of
the General having been wounded, and of course the enemy's
papers gave facts in detail of the serious character of the wound and
how it was received.
Some little time afterwards Longstreet also got himself damaged. A
boot chafed his heel, which took on an ugly look and refused to
heal. Peter (this was his West Point sobriquet, much used for him
by his army friends and to this day not forgotten) therefore was
obliged to don a slipper, and at Sharpsburg he was in no good
humor at such footwear and the need of occasionally walking in it.
In fact, a wobbly carpet slipper was not a good-looking thing for a
commander on the field.
General Lee took his army forward to the Potomac. Only a
detachment of the enemy was encountered by Jackson, and this was
at Chantilly, where toward dark, and in a furious storm, there was a
short combat in which Major-General Kearny was killed and left in
our hands.
Kearny had been a conspicuous young officer in the Mexican War,
where he lost an arm, and coming of a wealthy New Jersey family
had resigned from the army and retired to private life. I saw his
body next morning. It was given up to the enemy at their request,
and his horse also, I think. He was a small, dashing-looking man,
possessed, it was thought, of considerable military ability.
After such successes there was a fair prospect of driving the enemy
out of Washington or bringing him to terms. General Lee moved his
army into Maryland, passing most of the troops across the river at
White Ford. The soldiers crossed with joyful excitement, singing My
Maryland, and the whole round of their musical stock, with bands
playing and all cheering as well-known officers came in sight. Indeed
there was some reason for elation and hope. The enemy had

suffered a serious defeat and was driven into his capital, his
numbers again very great, but of demoralized and raw-recruited
men. On the other hand, Lee also had a strong army (for
Confederate numbers—we had been accustomed to be
outnumbered). The men were triumphantly rejoicing and confident,
and as they believed were moving into the friendly fields of a sister
State, whose men would surely rise and join us; and more than all,
they were commanded by the first General of the day.
It was early September and delightful marching over Maryland's
good roads and through her fields of plenty. We had not yet been
pushed for food, the transport so far having kept us supplied.
General Lee made a short halt at Frederick City, where we took a
rest and got loose ends of the army together; and from here began
the movement that after two bloody battles was to send us
disappointed back to the Virginia side of the Potomac.
General Lee there issued his famous confidential general order on
which the army moved. It provided in detail for the march of his
troops and his objective points. It was so full that when a copy came
in my possession I wondered what could be done with it in event of
my falling into the enemy's hands.
By it Jackson was to move to Harper's Ferry and capture its large
garrison—it was a menace to Lee's rear. McLaws was to occupy
Maryland Heights, and J. G. Walker, Loudoun Heights, in co-
operation with Jackson. Troops were also sent to Crampton's Gap.
D. H. Hill was to occupy South Mountain, or Boonsboro Gap, as it
was variously called. Longstreet's strong column was to be in the
vicinity of Hagerstown, twelve miles from D. H. Hill's position. Proper
directions were provided for Stuart's large cavalry force.
The army moved from Frederick under the confidential order. All
should have gone well. The programme would have been carried
out, the severed army reunited, with Harper's Ferry captured at it
was, and once in front of the already half-beaten McClellan (who had
succeeded Pope in command of the Army of the Potomac), what

great victory would surely have awaited us! But fate or an unlucky
chance decided otherwise. A copy of General Lee's confidential order
was handed to McClellan when he reached Frederick. He says in his
official report that it was picked up by one of his men on our late
camping ground.
Had Lee whispered into the Federal General's ear his inmost plans
the latter could have asked for nothing more than the information
brought him on that fatal paper.
The effect on McClellan was immediate. His march, up to then, had
been cautious and timid, not more than eight or nine miles a day.
When the order came to him he knew all about us. He knew that D.
H. Hill's five brigades at Boonsboro would be nearly all that lay in his
path to cross the mountain, and he began footing it with great
speed. His march was rapid, and for McClellan confident. He actually
struck D. H. Hill on September 14, on the mountain, with an
overwhelming force. Hill defended himself valiantly, Drayton's and
Anderson's brigades reinforcing him.
Hearing his guns near Hagerstown, Longstreet's quick military
instinct told him what was happening. We instantly broke camp and
raced out for Hill's relief. The distance was covered in extraordinary
time and we happily got to Hill just as he was being driven from the
crest of the mountain, and in time to save him. Darkness coming on,
he was able to assemble his shattered battalions below, where with
our force a front was shown that McClellan hesitated on immediately
attacking. At sun up we prepared to move and were soon on the
march to Antietam Creek, behind which part of the army took
position on the 15th and 16th.
But I must go back to Frederick City, asking how a document so
vitally important as General Lee's order could have suffered loss. It
has often been discussed in special papers, in magazine articles, and
in letters. McClellan says it was addressed to Major-General D. H.
Hill. There is no disputing this because the document is on file for
evidence. General Hill and his adjutant-general, Col. Archer
Anderson, both declare it impossible to have been Hill's copy. They

are to be implicitly believed. In addition, Colonel Anderson is able to
produce a copy addressed to his chief.[1] Thus we find ourselves in a
dilemma.
The explanation suggested is that perhaps two copies were sent Hill.
Although now an independent division, Jackson considered Hill under
his command and sent him a copy of the order. One copy certainly
reached him direct from General Lee. Jackson and Hill, although
connected by marriage, had it is said no great personal liking for
each other, and I can imagine the cross and dyspeptic Hill, with the
order from Lee in his pocket, receiving another copy from Jackson
with careless irritation. If this theory does not work out, we seem to
be quite baffled in finding a solution.
We had a bad night on the mountain, extracting D. H. Hill. He had
made a magnificent defense, but was terribly mauled and broken up.
Drayton's brigade had been dispersed. There was great straggling to
the rear by some of the men and our staff had to make sharp play
with the flats of our swords on the backs of these fellows. It tired
and disgusted me. The mountain roads were filled with broken
regiments and companies and it was very late before they got to the
foot of the mountain and in some sort of order. The material of our
army was such that it did not take long for the men to shape up
after disaster. It was near daylight before I got to Longstreet's
bivouac, made a brief report of things, and threw myself on some
fence rails in the bad weather for a chance to sleep. Not for long,
however. All hands were soon afoot preparing for the march. During
the day I came up with my old friend and schoolmate Sandy
Duncan, of the Hussars. He was a comical object, but doing good
service mounted on a little beast, almost skin and bones, with
scarcely any hair. The animal looked badly scalded. He bore Duncan
and his arms however, the trooper bearded and with as odd an
appearance as his mount. He was gathering stragglers and pushing
them forward with hard words and sometimes blows. We had never
a campaign when there was so much straggling. Duncan was an
excellent cavalry soldier and devoted to his troop. In full health to-

day at Savannah, he is considered justly good authority on all things
Confederate.

CHAPTER XII
Battle of Sharpsburg, Continued
Marching through Frederick—Barbara Fritchie and
Stonewall Jackson—Commissariat broken down—Green
corn for rations—Stampede of horses of a cavalry
regiment—D. H. Hill's horse shot—Longstreet's staff
served guns of Washington Artillery—Cannoneers killed—
Colonel John R. Cooke's gallant fight—Am wounded and
carried off the field.
When the army marched through Frederick City it was fine weather,
and the poet Whittier has told of Barbara Frietchie and Stonewall
Jackson—a stirring poem in winning lines, but quite without fact at
bottom. But that matters not in the least. The lines are good and we
can well afford to throw in with all the hard words and abuse of
those days, the poet's ideas about our Stonewall.
The country through which we marched was beautiful, rich, and
fertile, but we were constantly hungry. There were two lines of
Whittier's unquestionably true:
Fair as a garden of the Lord,
To the eyes of the famished rebel horde.
In all parts of the army straggling was principally caused by want of
food. The commissariat had about broken down and the troops had
recourse to anything.
The fields were full of ripened corn, of which too much was eaten.
Parched and salted it would help a little, but eaten as it was, bad
attacks of diarrhoea followed and such sickness became serious.
On the night before the battle we were getting some sleep under
thick trees when a stampede of horses nearly trampled us. It was a

very surprising thing that happened to the Jeff Davis Legion. The
regiment was well lined and picketed in front, part of the officers
and men asleep, guards and pickets on good watch, and everything
deadly quiet and still, the night went on.
Suddenly something seemed to pass through the animals like a
quiver of motion, a faint sound as of a sign, and then the wildest
scene ensued. The horses for no reason that could be found had
become stampeded, in the greatest panic and excitement. They
broke away from their picket ropes, and droves of different sizes,
some few, some many, were thundering along over the country and
about the army in wild confusion. Fortunately, they drew to our rear,
and the troopers were all night and part of the next day recovering
them. Duncan has well described to me this extraordinary stampede,
the like of which did not occur during the four years' war.
The morning of September 17 opened with battle before us,
presaged by the booming of cannon already beginning their noisy
work.
Longstreet held the right center, the other wing being trusted to
Jackson, Hood, Richard H. Anderson, McLaws, and other divisions.
The fall of Harper's Ferry had released the attacking forces and
enabled Jackson and part of his command to join Lee, but only after
great exhaustion and fatal straggling. The enemy called this battle
Antietam, from the little stream that traverses the field. We gave it
the name of Sharpsburg, the village that nestled in the hills by the
turnpike some little distance back of Antietam. It was a dreadful day
of fighting. Beginning early, we were at it until nightfall.
Outnumbered three to one, it seemed that at almost any time a
strong effort by McClellan would drive us back, but that effort was
not made. A third of his fine army did not fire a rifle.
In the early afternoon Lee, Longstreet, and D. H. Hill ascended a
little acclivity near the turnpike to make some observations. All
others—staff and orderlies—were kept back under the brow of the
hill to avoid drawing fire on the three generals. In truth, they did
look conspicuous on the crest, silhouetted against the bright skies,

and the shot of course came, a little wide, but the second was from
a good gunner. This shot struck the front legs of Hill's horse, cutting
them sharp off at the knees. The poor beast did not fall immediately,
and made no sound, but put his nose into the grass, nibbling at it
seemingly.
The small general in a high-cantled saddle could not get his leg over
in the position of the horse until Longstreet helped him down. There
is occasional talk of groans and shrieks of horses when wounded. I
have seen many badly hurt, but cannot recall an instance in which
the animal made any noise. This gunning has recently been
associated with another incident on the field, with which it has really
no connection. It was rather later in the day that we came on two of
Miller's Washington Artillery guns that had been doing splendid
work, but were now silent.
The gunners had fallen by their places, which were temporarily
without cannoneers. Longstreet was with us. Fairfax, Goree,
Manning, Walton, myself, and perhaps some others took our horses'
bridles as we leaped from them to the guns. The position was most
important and it would never do for those barkers to be dumb,
even for a minute; so at it we went, the improvised gunners, and
were afterwards cheered by being told we did it well and could
always get a gunner's berth when we might want it. I had the
rammer, No. 1, I think it is in the drill. Our fire was really strong and
effective, until some reliefs from the Washington Artillery came up
ventre à terre, and with hearty shouts took their guns in hand. The
enemy opened a severe fire on us, but fortunately none of our party
was hurt. We mounted again with cheerful grins at our sudden
adventure, and Longstreet, much pleased, turned his attention to
other imperiled points.
Now, some fellow writing recently says it was McClellan's own hands
that fired at Hill's horse in the morning; and that, in revenge,
Longstreet seeing his position in the afternoon, guessed it must be
McClellan and his staff and dispersed them with his own hands on

the guns. An awful lot of lies circulate nowadays about the Civil War,
and it is so long ago there is hardly anybody to contradict them.
Longstreet, whose eyes were everywhere, had noticed a regiment
well advanced that had been fighting steadily for hours. It had
gathered a few rails and stones for a chance protection to its brave
fellows, all the time keeping up a good steady fire on the force in
front of them, whose ranks looked so thick as to make one wonder
they did not walk over our poor little regiment. Longstreet never
failed to encourage good work; he praised freely and liberally where
he thought it due, constantly recommending meritorious young
officers for promotion. There was no illiberality about him, and the
officers knew it and tried for his notice. Major Sorrel, he said, go
down to that regiment with my compliments to the colonel. Say he
has fought splendidly and must keep it up. We are hard pressed and
if he loses his position there is nothing left behind him; his men have
made noble sacrifices, but are to do still more.
It was Col. John R. Cooke, commanding a North Carolina regiment,
that received this message. There were many dead along his lines
and some severely wounded who could not be got away. My horse
was wounded on the way to him, and the enemy's rifle firing was
incessant, while from the saddle Longstreet's praises and
encouragement were given this brave officer.
Profanity is justly considered objectionable. I do not approve of it,
but there are times when it may be overlooked, and never did such
words sound so sweet as when I looked into Cooke's eyes and heard
him: Major, thank General Longstreet for his good words, but say,
by —— almighty, he needn't doubt me! We will stay here, by J. C., if
we must all go to hell together! That —— thick line of the enemy
has been fighting all day, but my regiment is still ready to lick this
whole —— outfit. Start away, Major, quick, or you'll be getting hurt
too, exposed as you are on that horse! This is only a faint
reproduction of the Colonel's gift of language, but it left me with no
doubt that the position would stand until that gallant heart gave the
word to leave it. He stuck there until ordered off at night. It was

some time before I was able to send a report to Longstreet, the hour
being about 5 p. m., but he had Cooke promoted immediately. I had
scarcely drawn my hand from Cooke's when a shell burst over us
and a fragment struck me senseless from my horse.

CHAPTER XIII
Battle of Sharpsburg, Concluded
Toombs's Georgia Brigade—Longstreet on the field—Lee's
war horse—McClellan superseded by Burnside—A horse
trade—Richard H. Anderson's division—A lost opportunity
—Walton and myself find quarters at Shepherdstown
among wounded—Driven away by enemy's shells.
Toombs's brigade of Georgians had fought well at the bridge on the
right. It was contested all day and was the scene of some bloody
encounters. Some fresher men under A. P. Hill at last came up late,
almost dark, and a general advance on the enemy's lines persuaded
the timorous McClellan that we were not done fighting, and he
ceased his operations. Lee was left, after the long day's work, with
thin ranks holding the ground he stood on in the morning, and
nothing lost by us in guns, colors, or prisoners. The casualties,
however, were very heavy, our list of wounded and killed being
awful. Here fell my dear personal friends of school days, McIntosh
and Parkman. I had lost several in the battles preceding and my
heart was heavy.
Longstreet's conduct on this great day of battle was magnificent. He
seemed everywhere along his extended lines, and his tenacity and
deep-set resolution, his inmost courage, which appeared to swell
with the growing peril to the army, undoubtedly stimulated the
troops to greater action, and held them in place despite all
weakness. My staff comrades described to me later his appearance
and reception by Lee when they met at night after firing ceased.
Longstreet, big, heavy, and red, grimly stern after this long day's
work, that called for all we could stomach, rolled in on his clumsy
carpet slippers. Lee immediately welcomed him with unconcealed

joy. Here comes my war horse just from the field he has done so
much to save! his arm affectionately around Peter's shoulder. The
latter should surely have been proud and well satisfied. Lee held his
ground that night and all the next day (the 18th), caring for his
wounded and burying his dead. On the night of the 18th he quietly
moved out and successfully passed the Potomac to Virginia ground
without loss. That McClellan with his great army, a third of which
had taken no part in the two battles, permitted this escape is
unaccountable. In olden times generals lost their heads for such
stupidities. Little Mac lost his place instead, being soon superseded
by Burnside.
I was never good at a horse trade, and here is a story of one. I had
a nice little mare of good paces, but she was undersized for my long
legs. Walton, my staff comrade, had a big, fine bay, well gaited and
apparently all that I could wish. Walton, being a small man, liked the
mare, and was ready to trade; but just before getting to Boonsboro,
the big bay, Mott (he had been brought from Mississippi by that
Colonel Mott who was killed at Williamsburg, and we named him
Mott), had broken loose and was astray somewhere, Walton being
unable to find him. Having some mounted men I could use and
knowing the cavalry officers near by, I believed he could be found,
so taking the chances I made the trade by paying Walton $275 to
boot, and this too in '62, when Confederate money was not so very
bad. That much cash could then buy considerable stuff. Longstreet
was an excellent judge of horseflesh and to him I gave the details of
my trade. In answer I got a little stare and smile as he said, Why,
Major, I would not give $275 for the horse tied to a corn crib; no
quartermaster in this army can furnish forage enough for that
beast! This was soothing and encouraging to be sure, and in the
mean time bay Mott refused to be found. Boonsboro and
Sharpsburg were fought, the army back in Virginia, and I on my way
back, when at last came my cavalrymen, bay Mott in hand, and in
a fortnight or so I was on him, a powerful, well-paced animal; but
Longstreet was right, he could never get enough to eat, and after
some time his ribs and bones were disagreeably in evidence, and the

Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world,
offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth.
That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of
books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to
self-development guides and children's books.
More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge
connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an
elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can
quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally,
our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time
and fully enjoy the joy of reading.
Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and
personal growth every day!
ebookbell.com

Technology Innovation Models Dynamics And Processes Angelo Bonomi

More Related Content

Similar to Technology Innovation Models Dynamics And Processes Angelo Bonomi (20)

Recently uploaded (20)

Technology Innovation Models Dynamics And Processes Angelo Bonomi