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Unpacking ERP Responses in
Artificial Language Learning
Pablo Bernabeu
in collaboration with
Christina Athanasiadi, Gabriella Silva,
Stella Pischinger, My Ngoc Giang Hoang,
Vincent deLuca, Jason Rothman,
Claudia Poch, Iva Ivanova,
Jorge González Alonso
LaBL
Morphosyntactic transfer
• Initial heuristics
• Cognitive economy
• Facilitative or non-facilitative
Morphosyntactic transfer
• Initial heuristics
• Cognitive economy
• Facilitative or non-facilitative
• Third language (L3) context
• transfer source(s) selected
• information guiding the selection
• time course of the selection
Morphosyntactic transfer
• Initial heuristics
• Cognitive economy
• Facilitative or non-facilitative
• Third language (L3) context
• transfer source(s) selected
• information guiding the selection
• time course of the selection
LESS Project
Linguistic Economy through
transfer Source Selectivity
Transfer in L3 acquisition
Sources
Transfer in L3 acquisition
L2 by
default
L1
and/or
L2
Sources
Transfer in L3 acquisition
L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012)
• L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages
L2 by
default
L1
and/or
L2
Sources
Transfer in L3 acquisition
L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012)
• L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages
Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004)
• Property-by-property and only facilitative
L2 by
default
L1
and/or
L2
Sources
Transfer in L3 acquisition
L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012)
• L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages
Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004)
• Property-by-property and only facilitative
Linguistic Proximity Model (Westergaard et al., 2017)
• Property-by-property, with facilitative and non-facilitative outcomes
L2 by
default
L1
and/or
L2
Sources
Transfer in L3 acquisition
L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012)
• L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages
Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004)
• Property-by-property and only facilitative
Linguistic Proximity Model (Westergaard et al., 2017)
• Property-by-property, with facilitative and non-facilitative cases
Typological Primacy Model (Rothman, 2011)
• Full transfer from one language, based on overall structural similarity
L2 by
default
L1
and/or
L2
Sources
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
Much more artificial than other lab studies?
Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody
versus humans.
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
Much more artificial than other lab studies?
Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody
versus humans.
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
Much more artificial than other lab studies?
Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody
versus humans.
Compare experimental paradigms to
language in natural contexts.
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
Much more artificial than other lab studies?
Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody
versus humans.
Compare experimental paradigms to
language in natural contexts.
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
• Consistency with natural language
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
• Consistency with natural language
• Acquired by statistical learning (Hudson Kam & Newport, 2005; Kidd, 2012; Monaghan et al., 2023)
• Similar processing signatures (Friederici et al., 2002; Uddén & Männel, 2018)
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
• Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use,
proficiency level, morphological salience, etc.
• Workaround: artificial languages
• Consistency with natural language
• Acquired by statistical learning (Hudson Kam & Newport, 2005; Kidd, 2012; Monaghan et al., 2023)
• Similar processing signatures (Friederici et al., 2002; Uddén & Männel, 2018)
• An extensive training in the artificial language could be necessary for standard
syntactic signatures (notably, P600) to appear in ERPs (González Alonso et al.,
2020; Pereira Soares et al., 2022).
Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
González Alonso et al. (2020)
• Participants: L1 Spanish, L2 English
• Artificial language groups: Mini-Spanish (n = 26), Mini-English (n = 24)
• Grammatical property: gender agreement between nouns and predicative
adjectives in copular sentences. Example:
• Mini-Spanish: Jer mochil son carejur | Jer mochil son baratejur
• Mini-English: Jer bag are expensivejur | Jer bag are cheapejur
• Translation: The bags are expensive | The bags are cheap
• Session phases: vocabulary pre-training → grammatical training →
test (min. 80%) → ERP experiment → gender assignment task in Spanish
Je bag is cheapeju
Nouns Nouns
González Alonso
et al. (2020)
Artificial languages
González Alonso
et al. (2020)
Pre-training
González Alonso
et al. (2020)
Training
González Alonso
et al. (2020)
Test
González Alonso
et al. (2020)
Experiment
González Alonso
et al. (2020)
Gender assignment
task in Spanish
González Alonso et al. (2020)
Hypotheses (based on Rothman et al., 2015) under the assumption that
transfer would happen before the ERP measurement.
González Alonso et al. (2020)
Results
• Mini-Spanish group: broadly distributed 300–600 ms positivity,
most consistent with attention-related P300.
• No (N400)–P600
• Interpretation: allocation of attentional resources in preparation for
the selection of transfer source(s). In Mini-Spanish, larger focus on
word-final gender morphology, consistent with Spanish.
Pereira Soares et al. (2022)
Materials
Pereira Soares et al. (2022)
Case morphology Adjective position
Language combination TPM LPM/SM TPM LPM/SM
L1 Italian—L1 German (L2 English)—L3 Mini-Latin No effect (N400)-P600 (N400)-P600 (N400)-P600
L1 German—L2 English—L3 Mini-Latin No effect (N400)-P600 No effect No effect
Hypotheses (based on Rothman et al., 2015) under the assumption that
transfer would happen before the ERP measurement.
Pereira Soares et al. (2022)
Results
• From the abstract: […] “N200/N400 deflection for the HSs in case
morphology and a P600 effect for the German L2 group in adjectival
position. None of the current L3/Ln models predict the observed results,
which questions the appropriateness of this methodology.”
Our study
• Sites: Tromsø and Madrid
• Several groups per site
• Six sessions
• Three executive functions
• Three grammatical properties
• Several parts per session
Grammatical properties, examples, and presence in natural languages
Gender agreement Zer watch are yellowezur and …
in Spanish and Norwegian
Differential object marking Jessica provided fi ze key and …
in Spanish
Verb-object number agreement John cleanedevo fi zer fikey and…
in none of these languages
Wrap-up buffer: … and ze watch too
Sentence wrap-up effects: Real? Dogma? Real?
• Just and Carpenter (1980)
• Stowe et al. (2018)
• Desbordes et al. (2023)
• Meister et al. (2022)
Wrap-up buffer: … and ze watch too
Sentence wrap-up effects: Real? Dogma? Real?
• Just and Carpenter (1980)
• Stowe et al. (2018)
• Desbordes et al. (2023)
• Meister et al. (2022)
Property Artificial lang.
Gender
agreement
Mini-Norwegian
Mini-English
Differential
object marking
Mini-Norwegian
Mini-English
Verb-object
number agreem.
Mini-Norwegian
Mini-English
Property Group Artificial lang.
Gender
agreement
L1 Eng, L2 Spa
Mini-Spanish
Mini-English
L1 Spa, L2 Eng
Mini-Spanish
Mini-English
Differential
object
marking
L1 Eng, L2 Spa
Mini-Spanish
Mini-English
L1 Spa, L2 Eng
Mini-Spanish
Mini-English
Verb-object
number
agreement
L1 Eng, L2 Spa
Mini-Spanish
Mini-English
L1 Spa, L2 Eng
Mini-Spanish
Mini-English
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
Sessions
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
+ 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement
• Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants)
Sessions
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
+ 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement
• Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants)
+ 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Training only in the new property
• Experiment part contains both properties intermixed
Sessions
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
+ 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement
• Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants)
+ 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Training only in the new property
• Experiment part contains both properties intermixed
+ 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Same mechanism as in the previous session
Sessions
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
+ 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement
• Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants)
+ 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Training only in the new property
• Experiment part contains both properties intermixed
+ 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Same mechanism as in the previous session
+ 1 week: Session 5. Retest of executive functions (home-based session)
Sessions
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
+ 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement
• Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants)
+ 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Training only in the new property
• Experiment part contains both properties intermixed
+ 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Same mechanism as in the previous session
+ 1 week: Session 5. Retest of executive functions (home-based session)
+ 4 months: Session 6. Retest of all grammatical properties (Morgan-Short et al., 2012)
• Session ends with control tests on the relevant properties in the natural languages
Sessions
Creation of the artificial languages
• Cognates avoided: lexicons tailored to Norwegian and Spanish sites.
• Content words (n, adj, adv, v): translated across the two artificial
languages in each site, and ideally across the three mini-languages.
• Must be picturable (González Alonso et al., 2020; Wendebourg et al., 2025)
• Adjectives paired by meaning, mostly by antonymy.
• Morphemes: same across the two artificial languages in each site,
and ideally across the three mini-languages.
• Design and materials described in González Alonso et al. (2025).
Stimulus creation: Phonological and semantic challenges
SPA_noun ENG_noun NOR_noun
habitación bedroom soverom
mochil bag bag
nuez walnut valnøtt
perch hanger henger
raiz root rot
taz cup kopp
ventan window vindu
aguacate avocado avokado
cuchil knife kniv
gor hat hatt
reloj watch klokke
zapat shoe sko
blue blaa
white hvit
first foerst
last sist
good bra
bad daarlig
easy lett
malet suitcase koffert
mes table bord
etiquet label merkelapp
Creation of the artificial languages
• Modular framework formed of interoperable components
• Minimal components of each language contained in a base file
• Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal
components.
• Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender
and number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and
experimental conditions within the same set appear equally often.
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Creation of the artificial languages
• Modular framework formed of interoperable components
• Minimal components of each language contained in a base file
• Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components.
• Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and
number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental
conditions within the same set appear equally often.
• All stimuli compiled through R scripts
All scripts are run
from a core script.
Creation of the artificial languages
• Modular framework formed of interoperable components
• Minimal components of each language contained in a base file
• Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components.
• Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and
number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental
conditions within the same set appear equally often.
• All stimuli compiled through R scripts
• Present framework facilitates reproducibility and inspection of stimuli, and allows extensions
• Parallel lists of stimuli used to enable some of the controls
• Open-source software OpenSesame used to present the stimuli and collect responses
Creation of the artificial languages
• Modular framework formed of interoperable components
• Minimal components of each language contained in a base file
• Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components.
• Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and
number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental
conditions within the same set appear equally often.
• All stimuli compiled through R scripts
• Present framework facilitates reproducibility and inspection of stimuli, and allows extensions
• Parallel lists of stimuli used to enable some of the controls
• Open-source software OpenSesame used to present the stimuli and collect responses
• Reproducible, testable, reusable materials available at https://osf.io/wbjyr
Stimuli ahead
• Example of stimuli presented next include different mini-languages.
• Mini-languages were distributed between groups. Each participant
saw one mini-language only.
• Semantic information, particularly using pictures, helps in artificial
language learning. It boosts performance, reduces perceived effort
and increases enjoyment (Wendebourg et al., 2025).
• Introduced, trained on and tested on in Session 2
• Maintained across subsequent sessions
Gender agreement
Training in gender agreement
Training in gender agreement
Locative filler during training
1. Correct
2. Gender agreement violation
3. Number agreement violation
4. Gender and number agreement violation
5. Semantic violation (i.e., opposite adjective)
Test on gender agreement - Session 2
Match image to one of five sentences
1. Correct
2. Gender agreement violation
3. Number agreement violation
4. Gender and number agreement violation
5. Semantic violation (i.e., opposite adjective)
If accuracy < 80%, training and test are repeated.
Test on gender agreement - Session 2
Match image to one of five sentences
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Differential object marking
• Introduced, trained on and tested on in Session 3
• Maintained across subsequent sessions
Training in differential object marking
Locative filler during training
Test on differential object marking - Session 3
Match image to one of five sentences
1. Correct
2. DOM violation (i.e., object noun without DOM)
3. Article with number violation
4. Misplaced article
5. Noun with semantic violation (i.e., noun different from image)
Test on differential object marking - Session 3
Match image to one of five sentences
1. Correct
2. DOM violation (i.e., object noun without DOM)
3. Article with number violation
4. Misplaced article
5. Noun with semantic violation (i.e., noun different from image)
If accuracy < 80%, training and test are repeated.
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Verb-object number agreement
Training in verb-object number agreement
Test on verb-object number agreement
Test on verb-object number agreement
If accuracy < 80%, training and test are repeated.
Examples of conditions of interest
• zer watch are yellowejur and zer pencil too Gender agreement violation
• Jessica chose fi je street and fi ze roof too. Correct differential object marking
• Thomas chose je key but not je backpack. Violation of differential object
marking (missing fi)
∅ ∅
Examples of control conditions
• zer watch are yellowezu and zer pencil too Number violation (missing r)
• Jessica provided fi zekey and fi zewall too Article misplacement
• Ole bestilte fi jevegg og fi zetak ogsaa. Article misplacement
∅
Lab sessions
• Instructions written in the language corresponding
to each artificial language group (e.g., in Norwegian
for the Mini-Norwegian group).
• Sufficient written instructions to avoid linguistic
influence through spoken explanations.
Preliminary results
~ 23 participants per mini-language group by Session 5
~ 11 participants per mini-language group by Session 6
- Data collection will continue over the next few months.
Accuracy of grammaticality judgements
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Event-related potentials
To be presented next…
• Midline medial region: generally representative of other regions in
the current data.
• Per grammatical property
• Per session
Gender agreement
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Differential object marking
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Verb-object agreement
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
P600-like effect for misplaced articles
• Control effect is informative.
• Data is sensitive enough to detect such a large effect,
suggesting data and preprocessing are sound.
• This effect can be compared with the effects of interest,
even though smaller effects are expected for the latter.
Analysis of ERPs for gender agreement
• Data filtered to grammatical and ungrammatical conditions only.
• Categorical predictors numerically recoded in logical ways.
• Session: 0, 1, 2, 3
• Grammaticality: -0.5, 0.5
• Dependent and independent variables z-scored (Brauer & Curtin, 2018)
• Trial-by-trial mixed-effects model incl. baseline (Alday, 2019).
• Per time window (200–500, 300–600, 400–900 ms).
• Per macro-region (lateral or midline electrodes).
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning
Further analyses and hypotheses
• Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session)
• Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time)
• Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020)
+ 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement
• Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants)
+ 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Training only in the new property
• Experiment part contains both properties intermixed
+ 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement
• Same mechanism as in the previous session
+ 1 week: Session 5. Retest of executive functions (home-based session)
+ 4 months: Session 6. Retest of all grammatical properties (Morgan-Short et al., 2012)
• Session ends with control tests on the relevant properties in the natural languages
Refresher on the Sessions
Executive functions and rs-EEG
• Primarily methodological analyses focussed on longitudinal stability.
• Analysed first as independent variables, and second as dependent variables.
Longitudinal role of executive functions and rs-EEG
• Independent-variable analysis: longitudinal stability (i.e., test-retest reliability) of the
variables (for similar analyses, see Fuhs et al., 2014; Samuels et al., 2016; Swanson, 2015).
• First analysis: longitudinal stability of the executive functions and rs-EEG on their own.
• Second analysis: longitudinal stability of the executive functions and rs-EEG as predictors of
language learning and morphosyntactic transfer over time.
Longitudinal effects on
executive functions and rs-EEG
• Dependent-variable analysis: whether cognitive enhancements in each executive function
(incl. rs-EEG) induced by language training are consistent with the baseline role of each
executive function (incl. rs-EEG).
• Cognitive enhancements analysed relative to the effect of each executive function (incl. rs-
EEG) as a predictor of language-learning performance following first exposure—i.e., in the
first test on the artificial language.
• Analysis intended to increase the methodological basis for the selection of measures to study
training-induced cognitive enhancements (see Grossmann et al., 2023; Kliesch et al., 2022;
Meltzer et al., 2023).
• Pre-post effects not analysed in absolute terms due to lack of control group (Sala & Gobet,
2017).
Language learning:
Analyses and hypotheses
Language learning
• Hypothesis 1: greater executive functions (overall, incl. rs-EEG) → better language learning
• Exploratory analysis: relative importance of the four executive function measures
• Hypotheses to be set a priori where possible
• Hypothesis 2: greater executive functions (overall, incl. rs-EEG) → greater longitudinal
improvements in language learning due to better accumulation of knowledge
• Hypothesis 3: longitudinal retests in the grammatical properties → better language learning
Morphosyntactic transfer:
Analyses and hypotheses
Standardised numeric predictions
• Effect sizes standardised between 0 and 10
• Visualisation of numerous comparisons across conditions and models
• Pave the way towards computational models with numeric predictions
Property Artificial lang. L2SFM CEM LPM TPM
L2 default prop. by prop. prop. by prop. full transfer
Gender
agreement
Mini-Norwegian 0 10 5-10 10
Mini-English 10 10 0-5 0-2
Differential
object marking
Mini-Norwegian 0-3 0-3 0-2 0-2
Mini-English 0-3 0-3 0-3 0-3
Verb-object
number agreem.
Mini-Norwegian 0-3 3 0-6 0-5
Mini-English 0-3 3 0-3 0-3
Standardised numeric predictions
• Effect sizes standardised between 0 and 10
• Visualisation of numerous comparisons across conditions and models
• Pave the way towards computational models with numeric predictions
Norway site predictions
Property Group Artificial lang. L2SFM CEM LPM TPM
L2 default prop. by prop. prop. by prop. full transfer
Gender
agreement
L1 Eng, L2 Spa
Mini-Spanish 10? 10 5-10 10
Mini-English 10? 10 5-7 0
L1 Spa, L2 Eng
Mini-Spanish 0 10 5-10 10
Mini-English 0 10 0-5 0
Differential
object
marking
L1 Eng, L2 Spa
Mini-Spanish 8? 8 5-8 8
Mini-English 8? 8 0-5 0-2
L1 Spa, L2 Eng
Mini-Spanish 0 8 5-8 8
Mini-English 0 8 0-5 0-2
Verb-object
number
agreement
L1 Eng, L2 Spa
Mini-Spanish 0-5? 0-3 0-4 0-3
Mini-English 0-5? 0-3 0-2 0-2
L1 Spa, L2 Eng
Mini-Spanish 0-3 0-3 0-4 0-3
Mini-English 0-3 0-3 0-3 0-2
Spain site predictions
Executive functions and morphosyntactic transfer
• Hypothesis 1: greater executive functions (overall, incl. rs-EEG) → greater precursors of
transfer (N2, P3)
• Hypothesis 2: greater executive functions (overall , incl. rs-EEG) → greater signatures of
transfer (P600)
Longitudinal effects in morphosyntactic transfer
• Hypothesis 1: any signatures of transfer (esp. P600) more likely to occur in later sessions.
• Hypothesis 2: any signatures of transfer (esp. P600) should persist in subsequent sessions.
Thank you
Questions and feedback very welcome.
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Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning

  • 1. Unpacking ERP Responses in Artificial Language Learning Pablo Bernabeu in collaboration with Christina Athanasiadi, Gabriella Silva, Stella Pischinger, My Ngoc Giang Hoang, Vincent deLuca, Jason Rothman, Claudia Poch, Iva Ivanova, Jorge González Alonso LaBL
  • 2. Morphosyntactic transfer • Initial heuristics • Cognitive economy • Facilitative or non-facilitative
  • 3. Morphosyntactic transfer • Initial heuristics • Cognitive economy • Facilitative or non-facilitative • Third language (L3) context • transfer source(s) selected • information guiding the selection • time course of the selection
  • 4. Morphosyntactic transfer • Initial heuristics • Cognitive economy • Facilitative or non-facilitative • Third language (L3) context • transfer source(s) selected • information guiding the selection • time course of the selection LESS Project Linguistic Economy through transfer Source Selectivity
  • 5. Transfer in L3 acquisition Sources
  • 6. Transfer in L3 acquisition L2 by default L1 and/or L2 Sources
  • 7. Transfer in L3 acquisition L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012) • L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages L2 by default L1 and/or L2 Sources
  • 8. Transfer in L3 acquisition L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012) • L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004) • Property-by-property and only facilitative L2 by default L1 and/or L2 Sources
  • 9. Transfer in L3 acquisition L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012) • L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004) • Property-by-property and only facilitative Linguistic Proximity Model (Westergaard et al., 2017) • Property-by-property, with facilitative and non-facilitative outcomes L2 by default L1 and/or L2 Sources
  • 10. Transfer in L3 acquisition L2 Status Factor Model (Bardel & Falk, 2012) • L2 by default. Declarative memory for L2 and subsequent languages Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004) • Property-by-property and only facilitative Linguistic Proximity Model (Westergaard et al., 2017) • Property-by-property, with facilitative and non-facilitative cases Typological Primacy Model (Rothman, 2011) • Full transfer from one language, based on overall structural similarity L2 by default L1 and/or L2 Sources
  • 11. Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 12. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 13. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages Much more artificial than other lab studies? Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody versus humans. Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 14. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages Much more artificial than other lab studies? Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody versus humans. Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 15. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages Much more artificial than other lab studies? Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody versus humans. Compare experimental paradigms to language in natural contexts. Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 16. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages Much more artificial than other lab studies? Consider Buzz Lightyear versus Woody versus humans. Compare experimental paradigms to language in natural contexts. Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 17. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages • Consistency with natural language Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 18. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages • Consistency with natural language • Acquired by statistical learning (Hudson Kam & Newport, 2005; Kidd, 2012; Monaghan et al., 2023) • Similar processing signatures (Friederici et al., 2002; Uddén & Männel, 2018) Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 19. • Confounds when using natural languages: age of acquisition, frequency of use, proficiency level, morphological salience, etc. • Workaround: artificial languages • Consistency with natural language • Acquired by statistical learning (Hudson Kam & Newport, 2005; Kidd, 2012; Monaghan et al., 2023) • Similar processing signatures (Friederici et al., 2002; Uddén & Männel, 2018) • An extensive training in the artificial language could be necessary for standard syntactic signatures (notably, P600) to appear in ERPs (González Alonso et al., 2020; Pereira Soares et al., 2022). Morphosyntactic transfer in L3 acquisition
  • 20. González Alonso et al. (2020) • Participants: L1 Spanish, L2 English • Artificial language groups: Mini-Spanish (n = 26), Mini-English (n = 24) • Grammatical property: gender agreement between nouns and predicative adjectives in copular sentences. Example: • Mini-Spanish: Jer mochil son carejur | Jer mochil son baratejur • Mini-English: Jer bag are expensivejur | Jer bag are cheapejur • Translation: The bags are expensive | The bags are cheap • Session phases: vocabulary pre-training → grammatical training → test (min. 80%) → ERP experiment → gender assignment task in Spanish
  • 21. Je bag is cheapeju Nouns Nouns González Alonso et al. (2020) Artificial languages
  • 22. González Alonso et al. (2020) Pre-training
  • 23. González Alonso et al. (2020) Training
  • 24. González Alonso et al. (2020) Test
  • 25. González Alonso et al. (2020) Experiment
  • 26. González Alonso et al. (2020) Gender assignment task in Spanish
  • 27. González Alonso et al. (2020) Hypotheses (based on Rothman et al., 2015) under the assumption that transfer would happen before the ERP measurement.
  • 28. González Alonso et al. (2020) Results • Mini-Spanish group: broadly distributed 300–600 ms positivity, most consistent with attention-related P300. • No (N400)–P600 • Interpretation: allocation of attentional resources in preparation for the selection of transfer source(s). In Mini-Spanish, larger focus on word-final gender morphology, consistent with Spanish.
  • 29. Pereira Soares et al. (2022) Materials
  • 30. Pereira Soares et al. (2022) Case morphology Adjective position Language combination TPM LPM/SM TPM LPM/SM L1 Italian—L1 German (L2 English)—L3 Mini-Latin No effect (N400)-P600 (N400)-P600 (N400)-P600 L1 German—L2 English—L3 Mini-Latin No effect (N400)-P600 No effect No effect Hypotheses (based on Rothman et al., 2015) under the assumption that transfer would happen before the ERP measurement.
  • 31. Pereira Soares et al. (2022) Results • From the abstract: […] “N200/N400 deflection for the HSs in case morphology and a P600 effect for the German L2 group in adjectival position. None of the current L3/Ln models predict the observed results, which questions the appropriateness of this methodology.”
  • 32. Our study • Sites: Tromsø and Madrid • Several groups per site • Six sessions • Three executive functions • Three grammatical properties • Several parts per session
  • 33. Grammatical properties, examples, and presence in natural languages Gender agreement Zer watch are yellowezur and … in Spanish and Norwegian Differential object marking Jessica provided fi ze key and … in Spanish Verb-object number agreement John cleanedevo fi zer fikey and… in none of these languages
  • 34. Wrap-up buffer: … and ze watch too Sentence wrap-up effects: Real? Dogma? Real? • Just and Carpenter (1980) • Stowe et al. (2018) • Desbordes et al. (2023) • Meister et al. (2022)
  • 35. Wrap-up buffer: … and ze watch too Sentence wrap-up effects: Real? Dogma? Real? • Just and Carpenter (1980) • Stowe et al. (2018) • Desbordes et al. (2023) • Meister et al. (2022)
  • 36. Property Artificial lang. Gender agreement Mini-Norwegian Mini-English Differential object marking Mini-Norwegian Mini-English Verb-object number agreem. Mini-Norwegian Mini-English Property Group Artificial lang. Gender agreement L1 Eng, L2 Spa Mini-Spanish Mini-English L1 Spa, L2 Eng Mini-Spanish Mini-English Differential object marking L1 Eng, L2 Spa Mini-Spanish Mini-English L1 Spa, L2 Eng Mini-Spanish Mini-English Verb-object number agreement L1 Eng, L2 Spa Mini-Spanish Mini-English L1 Spa, L2 Eng Mini-Spanish Mini-English
  • 37. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) Sessions
  • 38. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) + 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement • Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants) Sessions
  • 39. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) + 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement • Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants) + 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Training only in the new property • Experiment part contains both properties intermixed Sessions
  • 40. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) + 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement • Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants) + 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Training only in the new property • Experiment part contains both properties intermixed + 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Same mechanism as in the previous session Sessions
  • 41. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) + 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement • Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants) + 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Training only in the new property • Experiment part contains both properties intermixed + 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Same mechanism as in the previous session + 1 week: Session 5. Retest of executive functions (home-based session) Sessions
  • 42. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) + 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement • Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants) + 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Training only in the new property • Experiment part contains both properties intermixed + 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Same mechanism as in the previous session + 1 week: Session 5. Retest of executive functions (home-based session) + 4 months: Session 6. Retest of all grammatical properties (Morgan-Short et al., 2012) • Session ends with control tests on the relevant properties in the natural languages Sessions
  • 43. Creation of the artificial languages • Cognates avoided: lexicons tailored to Norwegian and Spanish sites. • Content words (n, adj, adv, v): translated across the two artificial languages in each site, and ideally across the three mini-languages. • Must be picturable (González Alonso et al., 2020; Wendebourg et al., 2025) • Adjectives paired by meaning, mostly by antonymy. • Morphemes: same across the two artificial languages in each site, and ideally across the three mini-languages. • Design and materials described in González Alonso et al. (2025).
  • 44. Stimulus creation: Phonological and semantic challenges SPA_noun ENG_noun NOR_noun habitación bedroom soverom mochil bag bag nuez walnut valnøtt perch hanger henger raiz root rot taz cup kopp ventan window vindu aguacate avocado avokado cuchil knife kniv gor hat hatt reloj watch klokke zapat shoe sko blue blaa white hvit first foerst last sist good bra bad daarlig easy lett malet suitcase koffert mes table bord etiquet label merkelapp
  • 45. Creation of the artificial languages • Modular framework formed of interoperable components • Minimal components of each language contained in a base file • Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components. • Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental conditions within the same set appear equally often.
  • 47. Creation of the artificial languages • Modular framework formed of interoperable components • Minimal components of each language contained in a base file • Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components. • Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental conditions within the same set appear equally often. • All stimuli compiled through R scripts
  • 48. All scripts are run from a core script.
  • 49. Creation of the artificial languages • Modular framework formed of interoperable components • Minimal components of each language contained in a base file • Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components. • Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental conditions within the same set appear equally often. • All stimuli compiled through R scripts • Present framework facilitates reproducibility and inspection of stimuli, and allows extensions • Parallel lists of stimuli used to enable some of the controls • Open-source software OpenSesame used to present the stimuli and collect responses
  • 50. Creation of the artificial languages • Modular framework formed of interoperable components • Minimal components of each language contained in a base file • Linguistic and visual stimuli finally presented are created by assembling minimal components. • Several controls exerted on the stimuli to prevent spurious effects. For instance, gender and number are counterbalanced across experimental conditions. Similarly, words and experimental conditions within the same set appear equally often. • All stimuli compiled through R scripts • Present framework facilitates reproducibility and inspection of stimuli, and allows extensions • Parallel lists of stimuli used to enable some of the controls • Open-source software OpenSesame used to present the stimuli and collect responses • Reproducible, testable, reusable materials available at https://osf.io/wbjyr
  • 51. Stimuli ahead • Example of stimuli presented next include different mini-languages. • Mini-languages were distributed between groups. Each participant saw one mini-language only. • Semantic information, particularly using pictures, helps in artificial language learning. It boosts performance, reduces perceived effort and increases enjoyment (Wendebourg et al., 2025).
  • 52. • Introduced, trained on and tested on in Session 2 • Maintained across subsequent sessions Gender agreement
  • 53. Training in gender agreement
  • 54. Training in gender agreement
  • 56. 1. Correct 2. Gender agreement violation 3. Number agreement violation 4. Gender and number agreement violation 5. Semantic violation (i.e., opposite adjective) Test on gender agreement - Session 2 Match image to one of five sentences
  • 57. 1. Correct 2. Gender agreement violation 3. Number agreement violation 4. Gender and number agreement violation 5. Semantic violation (i.e., opposite adjective) If accuracy < 80%, training and test are repeated. Test on gender agreement - Session 2 Match image to one of five sentences
  • 59. Differential object marking • Introduced, trained on and tested on in Session 3 • Maintained across subsequent sessions
  • 60. Training in differential object marking
  • 62. Test on differential object marking - Session 3 Match image to one of five sentences 1. Correct 2. DOM violation (i.e., object noun without DOM) 3. Article with number violation 4. Misplaced article 5. Noun with semantic violation (i.e., noun different from image)
  • 63. Test on differential object marking - Session 3 Match image to one of five sentences 1. Correct 2. DOM violation (i.e., object noun without DOM) 3. Article with number violation 4. Misplaced article 5. Noun with semantic violation (i.e., noun different from image) If accuracy < 80%, training and test are repeated.
  • 66. Training in verb-object number agreement
  • 67. Test on verb-object number agreement
  • 68. Test on verb-object number agreement If accuracy < 80%, training and test are repeated.
  • 69. Examples of conditions of interest • zer watch are yellowejur and zer pencil too Gender agreement violation • Jessica chose fi je street and fi ze roof too. Correct differential object marking • Thomas chose je key but not je backpack. Violation of differential object marking (missing fi) ∅ ∅
  • 70. Examples of control conditions • zer watch are yellowezu and zer pencil too Number violation (missing r) • Jessica provided fi zekey and fi zewall too Article misplacement • Ole bestilte fi jevegg og fi zetak ogsaa. Article misplacement ∅
  • 71. Lab sessions • Instructions written in the language corresponding to each artificial language group (e.g., in Norwegian for the Mini-Norwegian group). • Sufficient written instructions to avoid linguistic influence through spoken explanations.
  • 72. Preliminary results ~ 23 participants per mini-language group by Session 5 ~ 11 participants per mini-language group by Session 6 - Data collection will continue over the next few months.
  • 77. Event-related potentials To be presented next… • Midline medial region: generally representative of other regions in the current data. • Per grammatical property • Per session
  • 90. P600-like effect for misplaced articles • Control effect is informative. • Data is sensitive enough to detect such a large effect, suggesting data and preprocessing are sound. • This effect can be compared with the effects of interest, even though smaller effects are expected for the latter.
  • 91. Analysis of ERPs for gender agreement • Data filtered to grammatical and ungrammatical conditions only. • Categorical predictors numerically recoded in logical ways. • Session: 0, 1, 2, 3 • Grammaticality: -0.5, 0.5 • Dependent and independent variables z-scored (Brauer & Curtin, 2018) • Trial-by-trial mixed-effects model incl. baseline (Alday, 2019). • Per time window (200–500, 300–600, 400–900 ms). • Per macro-region (lateral or midline electrodes).
  • 98. Further analyses and hypotheses
  • 99. • Session 1. Individual differences (home-based session) • Working memory (digit span), selective attention (Stroop) and implicit learning (serial reaction time) • Language History Questionnaire (LHQ3; Li et al., 2020) + 1 week: Session 2. Gender agreement • Session begins with resting-state EEG (eyes-open, eyes-closed counterbalanced across participants) + 1 week: Session 3. Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Training only in the new property • Experiment part contains both properties intermixed + 1 week: Session 4. Verb-object agreement + Differential object marking + Gender agreement • Same mechanism as in the previous session + 1 week: Session 5. Retest of executive functions (home-based session) + 4 months: Session 6. Retest of all grammatical properties (Morgan-Short et al., 2012) • Session ends with control tests on the relevant properties in the natural languages Refresher on the Sessions
  • 100. Executive functions and rs-EEG • Primarily methodological analyses focussed on longitudinal stability. • Analysed first as independent variables, and second as dependent variables.
  • 101. Longitudinal role of executive functions and rs-EEG • Independent-variable analysis: longitudinal stability (i.e., test-retest reliability) of the variables (for similar analyses, see Fuhs et al., 2014; Samuels et al., 2016; Swanson, 2015). • First analysis: longitudinal stability of the executive functions and rs-EEG on their own. • Second analysis: longitudinal stability of the executive functions and rs-EEG as predictors of language learning and morphosyntactic transfer over time.
  • 102. Longitudinal effects on executive functions and rs-EEG • Dependent-variable analysis: whether cognitive enhancements in each executive function (incl. rs-EEG) induced by language training are consistent with the baseline role of each executive function (incl. rs-EEG). • Cognitive enhancements analysed relative to the effect of each executive function (incl. rs- EEG) as a predictor of language-learning performance following first exposure—i.e., in the first test on the artificial language. • Analysis intended to increase the methodological basis for the selection of measures to study training-induced cognitive enhancements (see Grossmann et al., 2023; Kliesch et al., 2022; Meltzer et al., 2023). • Pre-post effects not analysed in absolute terms due to lack of control group (Sala & Gobet, 2017).
  • 104. Language learning • Hypothesis 1: greater executive functions (overall, incl. rs-EEG) → better language learning • Exploratory analysis: relative importance of the four executive function measures • Hypotheses to be set a priori where possible • Hypothesis 2: greater executive functions (overall, incl. rs-EEG) → greater longitudinal improvements in language learning due to better accumulation of knowledge • Hypothesis 3: longitudinal retests in the grammatical properties → better language learning
  • 106. Standardised numeric predictions • Effect sizes standardised between 0 and 10 • Visualisation of numerous comparisons across conditions and models • Pave the way towards computational models with numeric predictions
  • 107. Property Artificial lang. L2SFM CEM LPM TPM L2 default prop. by prop. prop. by prop. full transfer Gender agreement Mini-Norwegian 0 10 5-10 10 Mini-English 10 10 0-5 0-2 Differential object marking Mini-Norwegian 0-3 0-3 0-2 0-2 Mini-English 0-3 0-3 0-3 0-3 Verb-object number agreem. Mini-Norwegian 0-3 3 0-6 0-5 Mini-English 0-3 3 0-3 0-3 Standardised numeric predictions • Effect sizes standardised between 0 and 10 • Visualisation of numerous comparisons across conditions and models • Pave the way towards computational models with numeric predictions Norway site predictions
  • 108. Property Group Artificial lang. L2SFM CEM LPM TPM L2 default prop. by prop. prop. by prop. full transfer Gender agreement L1 Eng, L2 Spa Mini-Spanish 10? 10 5-10 10 Mini-English 10? 10 5-7 0 L1 Spa, L2 Eng Mini-Spanish 0 10 5-10 10 Mini-English 0 10 0-5 0 Differential object marking L1 Eng, L2 Spa Mini-Spanish 8? 8 5-8 8 Mini-English 8? 8 0-5 0-2 L1 Spa, L2 Eng Mini-Spanish 0 8 5-8 8 Mini-English 0 8 0-5 0-2 Verb-object number agreement L1 Eng, L2 Spa Mini-Spanish 0-5? 0-3 0-4 0-3 Mini-English 0-5? 0-3 0-2 0-2 L1 Spa, L2 Eng Mini-Spanish 0-3 0-3 0-4 0-3 Mini-English 0-3 0-3 0-3 0-2 Spain site predictions
  • 109. Executive functions and morphosyntactic transfer • Hypothesis 1: greater executive functions (overall, incl. rs-EEG) → greater precursors of transfer (N2, P3) • Hypothesis 2: greater executive functions (overall , incl. rs-EEG) → greater signatures of transfer (P600)
  • 110. Longitudinal effects in morphosyntactic transfer • Hypothesis 1: any signatures of transfer (esp. P600) more likely to occur in later sessions. • Hypothesis 2: any signatures of transfer (esp. P600) should persist in subsequent sessions.
  • 111. Thank you Questions and feedback very welcome.
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