Lab Project Survey Administration InstructionsStep-By-Step Instr.docx

Lab Project Survey Administration Instructions
Step-By-Step Instructions for Survey Administration in Person
and Online (Part of Phase 2)
A. In Person Administration
You may administer the survey in person to groups such as a
Sunday School class, a group of family members, friends,
coworkers, and so on AS LONG AS their anonymity can be
assured. This means that you, as the researcher, cannot pair
results with any one individual, and no identifying information
of any kind must appear on the survey. If administering the
survey in person, follow these steps:
1. Download the survey form from the PSYC 355 Course
Content Assignment Instructions area; print as many copies as
you think you will need.
2. Ask for volunteers who are at least 15 years old who would
like to participate in a short anonymous survey; be sure that
they have a quiet area, a writing surface, and a writing utensil.
It is asked that you NOT administer this survey to strangers (for
example, at a shopping mall) as this would require additional
training and procedures.
3. Read the written disclosure and directions at the top of the
survey aloud to participant(s). For your benefit, they are
repeated here:
Disclosure: I am asking you to complete this survey as part of
the requirements for my Statistics in Psychology course. Your
answers will remain completely anonymous. No personal
information about you will be linked to this survey. Do not put
your name or any other identifying information on the survey.
The results of this survey will be used only for educational
purposes and will not be published or released to the public.
You must be 15 years old or older in order to complete this
survey.
Directions: For the following questions, mark the answers that
most reflect your understanding of general Christian belief.

4. Ask if there are any questions and then give the instructions
to begin.
5. When participants have completed the survey, instruct them
to fold it in half and place it in a large envelope that you will
have on hand. Thank them for their participation.
If you have any questions regarding these procedures, contact
your instructor.
B. Online Administration
Online administration of the survey requires creating a free
account on www.surveymonkey.com. This web service will
ensure that your surveys are submitted anonymously and can
reach people through one of several ways. You may choose to
either email people a link to your online survey, or you may
choose to post your survey link on Facebook (or both).
Administering your survey online requires more time at the
beginning in that you must create the survey on surveymonkey
yourself (using the following instructions), but it may save time
and ultimately gain many more responses than the in-person
method if carried out correctly. It is also excellent practice for
future research projects as online surveys are used quite often.
Creating the Online Survey:
1. Download the survey form from the PSYC 355 Course
Content Assignment Instructions area. You may want to print it
out or leave it open on your computer. You will need to refer to
it in order to create your survey.
2. Go to www.surveymonkey.com and set up a free account. On
the home page under “Basic Plan”, click “Sign Up FREE.” It
will take you through the steps of creating a username and
password.
3. Once your account is set up, it may take you through a short
survey yourself; then, you will eventually see the option to
“Create Survey.” When you click on this button, it takes you to
a dialogue box. In this box, be sure to select “Create a New
Survey.” Type in the survey title you see on the survey form
(Survey of Popular Belief). Under “Category,” choose
“Community.” Then, click “Let’s Go!”

4. The next screen that appears is where you will begin to enter
the questions and answer choices for the survey. The survey
will appear all on one page, so there will be no need to add
pages.
5. In the left hand menu under “Builder,” choose “Multiple
Choice” as a question type. Hover over the choice and you will
see a box appear that says “Add.” Click on “Add.”
6. Type in the text of the first question exactly as it appears on
your downloaded survey form (be sure the “Edit” tab is
selected). There is no need to type in the question number; the
program will add that for you. The first text box will look like
this: I believe in a personal God.
7. In the text boxes under “Answers,” you will add the question
response choices one by one into their own text box. First, be
sure to delete any extra responses that appear by default by
clicking on the red “X” until there is only one text box that
appears. Delete any default text that may appear; then, type in
the first answer choice and click the green “+” button. Continue
in the same way: type the second answer choice in the new text
box that appears and so on until you have added all five
choices. Type them on the survey form exactly as they appear
below:
Strongly agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Strongly disagree
8. Click “Save” to save the completed question. If you need to
make any changes, click “Edit” (this will appear when you
hover over a question in the survey). You do not need to change
any items under the other tabs (“Options”, “Logic,” etc.).
9. After you finish the first question, go back to the Multiple
Choice button on the left and click “Add” as you did before.
This will add a second question. Complete questions 2–9 as you
did the first one.
10. For question 10, choose the question type “Single Textbox.”

Delete any default wording and then type the question text in as
usual. Click on the “Options” tab for the question. Click in the
checkbox next to “Validate Answer for a Specific Format” and
then select “a whole number” under “Answer should be.” Set
the limits to between “0” and “400”. Then, click “Save.” The
question will appear with a single textbox underneath it where
respondents can enter their number for times attending church
as a whole number between 0 and 400.
11. After you have added all of the questions, click on “Done”
at the bottom of the dialogue box. This will save your survey.
You may now preview your survey if you wish by clicking the
“Preview and Test” button.
When you are ready to post your survey, click on the big blue
“Next” button at the top right of the working area.
Sending and Administering the Online Survey:
There are several options available through surveymonkey for
getting your survey out to people near and far. The two methods
recommended for this course are creating a survey web link
and/or posting your survey on Facebook.
When you finish creating your survey, click on the “Next”
button as mentioned above. This will take you to a menu of
choices where the first one listed is the web link method.
1. Web Link Method: Surveymonkey automatically creates a
web link for your survey that is reserved just for you and your
respondents. You will see this when you get to the page with the
menu as it is the default choice. A text box appears that
contains the web link to your survey (it will begin with http://).
You can then copy and paste this web link into an email that
you can send to as many people as you like. These instructions
must appear somewhere in your email:I am asking you to
complete this survey as part of the requirements for my
Statistics in Psychology course. Your answers will remain
completely anonymous. No personal information about you will
be linked to this survey. Please do not put your name or any
other identifying information on the survey. The results of this
survey will only be used for educational purposes and will not

be published or released to the public. You can personalize the
email if you would like (e.g., mention which course you are
taking at which university, etc.).
Respondents simply click on the link, complete the survey, and
click “Submit” when they are done. The results automatically
post to your surveymonkey account.
2. Facebook Method:
a) You can embed the link directly into your Facebook page by
scrolling down to “More Ways to Send” and clicking on
“Facebook.”
b) A new page will appear titled Facebook Wall Collector,
previewing what your Facebook post will look like. Click on the
“Edit Message” button and add the following text after the
sentence “Your feedback is important”:I am asking you to
complete this survey as part of the requirements for my
Statistics in Psychology course. Your answers will remain
completely anonymous. No personal information about you will
be linked to this survey. This must appear in the Facebook post.
c) Click “Save Changes” and then click on “Post to Facebook”;
follow any other instructions that appear. Your survey link must
appear on your Facebook page.
You are almost done! Regardless of the collection method
you’ve chosen, you must now set your survey settings to allow a
maximum number of responses. On the collector page (under the
“Collect Responses” tab [where you probably already are]),
there is a blue menu to the left of the page. Click on the choice
labeled “Change Settings.” Under “Allow Multiple Responses,”
click “Yes”; under “Allow responses to be edited,” click the
first “Yes” (that allows answers to be changed but does NOT
allow respondents to re-enter once they are finished). Under
“Display Survey Results,” click “No.” Scroll to the bottom
under “Save IP address in results” and click “No.” Then, go
back to the top of the page and click “Save Settings” (on the
right). Your survey is complete, and you may log out.
You may choose to use both of the above methods (email and
Facebook) to reach as many people as possible. If you have any

questions or encounter any problems, please contact your
professor. The surveymonkey.com website has a Help menu and
plenty of tutorials if you need them. Finally, please refer to the
general lab outline in addition to this document when
completing this phase. Happy data collecting!
Lab Project Overview and Instructions
It is very important that students of statistics know how to
choose the correct analysis for a given research question,
collect the data, run the test, interpret the results, and present
them in written form. This lab will require you to apply what
you have learned over several weeks in the course, collect data,
choose and run the correct analysis, interpret results, and
present the findings in a short Results section in current APA
style. (Results sections are covered in both of the course texts
within each chapter.)
The lab is divided into phases, with certain tasks due at
different times throughout the course. It is very important to
turn work in on time at each of the due dates, as the later
sections of the lab depend on work performed in the earlier
sections.
Research Question and Background
An excerpt (Quarles, 2011) from the Baptist Message website
presents selected results of a survey given to entering college
freshmen every year at Louisiana College. This instrument
measures the orthodoxy of Christian beliefs, or, in other words,
how well a person understands the basic doctrines of the
Christian faith. Quarles comments that, although many students
who take the survey report attending church regularly, the
number of students who understand basic Christian doctrine is
surprisingly low. In this lab, the intention is to research this
issue further by directly examining the following research
question: Is there a relationship between frequency of church

attendance and the level of understanding of basic Christian
doctrine?
Directions: For the following questions, mark the answers that
most reflect your understanding of general Christian beliefs.
1. I believe in a personal God.
· Strongly agree
· Agree
· Neither agree nor disagree
· Disagree
· Strongly disagree
2. Jesus Christ was God in a full sense.
· Strongly agree
· Agree
· Disagree
3. Jesus Christ really rose from the dead.
· Strongly agree
· Agree
· Disagree
4. People are born good.
· Strongly agree
· Agree
· Disagree
5. Jesus Christ’s death was a sacrifice that paid for the sins of
humankind.
· Strongly agree
· Agree
· Disagree

LAB PROJECT SURVEY
Disclosure: I am asking you to complete this survey as part of
the requirements for my statistics in a psychology course. Your
answers will remain completely anonymous. No personal
information about you will be linked to this survey. Please do
not put your name or any other identifying information on the
survey. The results of this survey will be used only for
educational purposes and will not be published or released to
the public. You must be 15 years old or older in order to
complete this survey.
O R I G I N A L P A P E R
Savant Syndrome: Realities, Myths and Misconceptions
Darold A. Treffert
Published online: 6 August 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract It was 126 years ago that Down first described
savant syndrome as a specific condition and 70 years ago
that Kanner first described Early Infantile Autism. While as
many as one in ten autistic persons have savant abilities,
such special skills occur in other CNS conditions as well
such that approximately 50 % of cases of savant syndrome

have autism as the underlying developmental disability and
50 % are associated with other disabilities. This paper sorts
out realities from myths and misconceptions about both
savant syndrome and autism spectrum disorders (ASD) that
have developed through the years. The reality is that low
IQ is not necessarily an accompaniment of savant syn-
drome; in some cases IQ can be superior. Also, savants can
be creative, rather than just duplicative, and the skills
increase over time on a continuum from duplication, to
improvisation to creation, rather than diminishing or sud-
denly disappearing. Genius and prodigy exist separate from
savant syndrome and not all such highly gifted persons
have Asperger’s Disorder. This paper also emphasizes the
critical importance of separating ‘autistic-like’ symptoms
from ASD especially in children when the savant ability
presents as hyperlexia (children who read early) or as
Einstein syndrome (children who speak late), or have
impaired vision (Blindisms) because prognosis and out-

come are very different when that careful distinction is
made. In those cases the term ‘outgrowing autism’ might
be mistakenly applied when in fact the child did not have
ASD in the first place.
Keywords Savant syndrome � Autism � Autism
spectrum disorder � Hyperlexia � Einstein syndrome
Realities
Savant Syndrome Defined
Savant syndrome is a rare but spectacular condition in
which persons with developmental disabilities, including
but not limited to autism, or other CNS disorders or disease
have some spectacular ‘islands of genius’ that stand in
jarring juxtaposition to overall limitations. (Treffert 2010)
The condition can be present from birth and evident in
early childhood (congenital) or develop later in life after
CNS injury or disease (acquired). It affects males 4–6 times
more frequently than females. Typically the skills occur in
five general areas—music, art, calendar calculating,

mathematics or mechanical/visual-spatial skills. Other
skills occur less frequently including language (polyglot),
unusual sensory discrimination, athletics or outstanding
knowledge in specific fields such as neurophysiology, sta-
tistics, navigation or computers, for example. Skills are
usually single skills, but multiple skills can occur as well.
Whatever the skill it is always associated with massive
memory of a habit or procedural type—very narrow but
exceedingly deep within the confines of the special skill. In
some cases massive memory is the special skill.
Savant Syndrome is Not a New Disorder (Nor is
Autism)
It is over 200 years ago since the first case of savant syn-
drome appeared in a scientific journal in Germany (Moritz
1783). And it is 126 years since Dr. J. Langdon Down first
D. A. Treffert (&)
Agnesian HealthCare, 430 East Division Street, Fond du Lac,
WI 54935, USA
e-mail: [email protected]

123
J Autism Dev Disord (2014) 44:564–571
DOI 10.1007/s10803-013-1906-8
described savant syndrome as a distinct condition. (Down
1887). In his 1887 lectures Down described ten cases of
savant syndrome, including a boy who had memorized The
Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire verbatim and could
recite it backward or forward. Interestingly, in those same
lectures Down described a form of mental retardation later
named Down’s syndrome, and he described as well a form
of ‘‘developmental retardation’’ that unmistakably con-
sisted of cases of what we now would term early onset and
late onset autistic disorder. (Treffert 2006) And in Kanner’s
description of early infantile autism cases in 1944 there are
several individuals who would now be considered cases of
savant syndrome.
Down coined the term ‘idiot savant’. He did not intend

that term be degrading or insulting. At the time ‘idiot’ was
an accepted scientific word for persons with an IQ below
25 and ‘savant’ was derived from the French word savoir,
meaning ‘to know’. Because of its pejorative connotation, a
1988 paper suggested it was time to discard that archaic
term and substitute ‘savant syndrome’ instead. (Treffert
1988) Then in 1989 the movie Rain Man made the term
‘‘autistic savant’’ household words.
Not All Savants are Autistic, and Not All Autistic
Persons are Savants
Rain Man was a marvelous movie. It was accurately and
sensitively done. Yet some persons came away from the
movie assuming that, like Raymond Babbitt, all savants are
autistic. Not so. Approximately one in ten persons with
autism has savant skills; so nine out of ten do not.
Approximately 1 out of 1,400 persons with mental retar-
dation or CNS deficits other than autism do have savant
skills so such abilities are not limited to autistic disorder.

(Saloviita 2000) Hence not all autistic persons are savants,
and not all savants are autistic.
Savant Skills Represent a Spectrum of Abilities
While admittedly a subjective scale at this point, savant
skills lie on a spectrum of abilities. Most common are
splinter skill savants who have obsessive preoccupation
with and memorization of music & sports trivia, birthdays,
license plate numbers, historical facts, train or bus sched-
ules, navigation abilities, or maps for example. Talented
savants are those in whom musical, art or other special
abilities are more conspicuous not only in contrast to
individual limitations, but also in contrast to peer group
abilities whether disabled or not. And prodigious savant is
an extremely high threshold term reserved for those
extraordinarily rare individuals in whom the special skill is
so outstanding that were it to be seen in a non-impaired
person such a person would be termed a ‘‘prodigy’’ or
‘‘genius’’.

The Acquired Savant: ‘‘Accidental Genius’’
In 1923 Minogue reported a case in which musical genius
appeared in a three-year old child following meningitis. In
1980 Brink described the case of Mr. Z who demonstrated
savant mechanical skills and traits at age nine after a bullet
wound to the left brain produced muteness, deafness and
left sided paralysis, but precipitated the newly surfaced
savant skills. Dorman in 1991 published a case in which an
8 year old boy began to show exceptional calendar calcu-
lating skills following a left hemispherectomy.
But it was Miller’s reports on 12 individuals with fronto-
temporal dementia who developed exceptional savant art
and musical skills that really brought the ‘acquired savant’
to prominent attention. (Miller et al. 1996, 1998, 2000)
Miller had done SPECT imaging on these 12 patients, and
he also did SPECT imaging on a 9 year old autistic, artistic
savant. In these instances there was left anterior temporal
dysfunction and evidence of what Kapur called ‘‘para-

doxical functional facilitation’’–dysfunction in one area of
the brain which uncovered, or facilitated ‘paradoxical’
function in some other area of still intact brain capacity
(Kapur 1996).
Since that time there have been numerous reports of
what might be called ‘‘acquired savant syndrome’’ fol-
lowing a cerebral insult from stroke, a blow to the head,
dementia or other CNS disease or injury accompanied by
the emergence of savant skills, sometimes at a prodigious
level (Treffert 2010). In most of these cases there was some
sort of ‘trade-off’ of cognitive or other abilities for the new
found savant skills. Yet in other cases, more aptly called
‘accidental genius’ (following being struck by lightning in
one instance) there has been no trade off at all with the
emergence of new found skills. These instances raise many
interesting questions about dormant capacity within us all,
and raise the even more challenging question of how to tap
those buried abilities without enduring some CNS catas-

trophe. These cases of acquired savant syndrome are pre-
sented in much more detail on the savant syndrome web
site at www.savantsyndrome.com.
The Most Important Question of All: How do They
do It?
There have been many theories put forth to try to explain
savant syndrome ranging from early heredity theories to
present day Quantum theory. (Treffert 2010). Some of the
neuropsychological theories such as weak central coher-
ence, mind blindedness are interesting as they apply to the
autistic savant. But 50 % of savants are not autistic. The
J Autism Dev Disord (2014) 44:564–571 565
123
http://www.savantsyndrome.com
role of heredity is no doubt a contributor and the search for
a savant ‘gene’ is underway, one study finding such a gene,
but another not confirming that finding. Compensatory
learning, reinforcement and repetition-compulsion may

also play a role, but then, if those dynamics produce savant
syndrome, why wouldn’t that apply to all persons with
autism or other CNS limitations?
The theory I favor is that what I have come to call the
‘‘three R’s’’ and reflects the process Kapur termed ‘‘para-
doxical functional facilitation’’ in 1996 in which one area
of the brain in released from the inhibiting influence of
some other brain area. In the case of savants, both con-
genital and acquired, there is brain damage in one area,
frequently the left hemisphere, with recruitment of still
intact brain tissue in another area of the brain, rewiring of
circuitry to that new area, and release of dormant capacity,
through a disinhibiting process, of information and skills
already stored in that newly recruited area.
It is genetic memory—the genetic transfer of knowledge
and skills—that accounts for the already stored dormant
capacity tapped by the recruitment, rewiring and release. I
address genetic memory much more fully in Islands of

Genius as well, and on the savant syndrome web site at
www.savantsyndrome.com. Genetic memory is based on
the fact that some savants, particularly those severely
limited in other ways, clearly ‘‘know things they never
learned’’. The only possible way to know things one never
learned—sometimes at complex levels—is for that
knowledge to be factory installed, genetically transmitted.
But there is one other important element that contributes
to the ‘‘how do they do it?’’ question. That is the role of the
family or other caregivers, teachers or mentors in first
discovering the special gift in the savant, then tenderly
nurturing and encouraging that gift, and supporting and
reinforcing it by praise coupled with copious unconditional
love.
Some Mysteries Remain
There are many scientific mysteries still about savant
syndrome. But two are especially intriguing. First is the
conspicuous regularity in which the triad of mental

impairment (often from autism) ? impaired vision ?
musical genius occurs. Savant syndrome is rare but the
frequency of this triad is very conspicuous and dispropor-
tionate throughout the history of savant cases combining
blindness and mental disability with prodigious musical
skills. The first of such persons was Thomas Bethune,
better known as ‘‘Blind Tom’’, who was born in 1850 and
gave his first public piano concert at age 8. From then on he
became an international celebrity and was the most cele-
brated black concert artist of the nineteenth century. His
repertoire was in the thousands of pieces including many of
his own compositions, the first of which he created at age
five.
Since that time a number of such cases with this triad are
glaringly over-represented in savant syndrome, in itself a
rare condition. Leslie Lemke in the United States, Derek,
Paravicini in the United Kingdom and Hikari Oe in Japan
are present day representatives of this amazing combina-

tion of ability and disability. In addition to those examples,
a number of other such cases are documented in detail in
Islands of Genius. The savant syndrome web site provides
further video evidence and documentation of this extraor-
dinary triad of mental impairment ? blindness ? musical
genius.
A second mystery is the why calendar calculating, an
obscure skill in neurotypical persons, is seemingly almost
universally present in persons with savant syndrome. This
ability is a clear example of how savants, sometimes
severely impaired, innately ‘‘know things they never
learned’’. Yes, there are formulas for calendar calculating.
And yes, if any person puts his or her mind to it, he or she
can learn (laboriously) how to calendar calculate. But
savants seem to have this algorithm or formula ‘uncon-
sciously’ inscribed or inculcated in their brain and in most
such individuals there simply has not been any ‘study’ of
the calendar nor the ‘learning’ of any formula. Why cal-

endar calculating? And why is that so prominent in savant
syndrome but generally not seen in other brain diseases or
disorders? Some imaging studies are underway with cal-
endar calculating savants, comparing them to neurotypical
‘expert’ calendar calculators and control groups.
Myths and Misconceptions
Savants are Not ‘Creative’
Some observers, while extolling the eidetic-like ability and
memory of savants, point out that in contrast to such
astonishing imitative ability, savants, as a group are not
very creative. In fact I was one of those observers who
wrote just that in the original 1988 version of Extraordi-
nary People:Understanding Savant Syndrome. I raised the
question there ‘‘Is the savant creative?’’ I answered it this
way: ‘‘In my experience, not very’’.
I was wrong and have corrected that perception in my
later writings. What changed my mind? Some additional
years of observation. There is always a tremendous

advantage in having a longitudinal view of a patient and his
or her ‘natural history’ of illness or disorder, compared to a
one-time, snapshot consultation. And now, having the
opportunity to observe the ‘natural history’ of how the
savant skills emerge and develop over many years, I have
noted predictable and replicable sequence of steps that
566 J Autism Dev Disord (2014) 44:564–571
123
progresses from imitation, to improvisation, to creation in
savant syndrome. Let me expand on that, using Leslie
Lemke as an example.
Leslie Lemke’s ability to store and replicate music, even
after only a single hearing, was spectacular. Indeed at age
14 he was able to play back Tchaikovsky’s First Piano
concerto flawlessly having heard it for the first time as a
theme song to a television movie.

Over time, however, Leslie began to show improvisa-
tional skills in a addition to replication abilities. For
example at a 1989 concert a young girl came up to the
stage in the challenge portion of the concert and played
‘‘Mississippi Hotdog’’. Leslie listened and then, when
asked, dutifully played back the piece exactly as he had
heard it. But toward the end of the piece he began to look a
bit restless, and seemed more excited and more eager to
play. After the initial playback of Mississippi Hotdog was
completed, flawlessly as usual, Leslie then launched into a
5 min improvisation which could be called ‘‘Variations on
a Theme of Mississippi Hotdog.’’ He changed pitch,
changed tempo and demonstrated convincingly that he
does indeed have innate access to the ‘rules of music’,
confirmed by a number of professional musicians who have
observed him.
Adding to the improvisation skill now is creation and
composing of entirely new pieces. One such song he calls

‘‘Down Home on the Farm in Arpin’’, and another he
names ‘‘Bird Song’’. In that latter piece he duplicates, by
whistling softly as he plays his new tune, the bird songs he
hears as he sits for hours outside his farm home.
That same sequence from replication to improvisation to
creation occurs in other savants whether musicians or
artists. The artists begin their ‘career’ with striking replicas
of what they have seen and stored, usually requiring no
model or constant reference piece. Then some improvisa-
tion begins to appear—a telephone pole deleted here, or a
new tree there—slightly different from the original. Then
comes creation of entirely new pieces, maybe now free-
form or in an entirely different art style.
So the savant can be creative. Some savants prefer to
stay with replication, but many have gone beyond literal
copying, as stunning as that can be, to improvisation and
then creation of something entirely new.
These clinical impressions regarding creativity in the

savant have been bolstered by several formal research
projects. A 1987 study by Hermelin, O’Connor and Lee
looked at musical inventiveness in five musical savants
compared to six non-savant children who had musical
training over a period of 2 years but who had not been
exposed to compositional or improvisational instruction.
Five tasks were used to grade for ‘‘musical inventiveness’’.
On those tests the savant group was superior to the control
group. Similarly, on tests of musical competence—timing,
balance and complexity—the savants (with a mean IQ of
59) were also superior to the control group.
Hermelin and her co-workers indicated this study was
consistent with earlier findings—that a series of separate
intelligences, of which music is but one, exist in each
person rather than a single, consistent intelligence that
permeates all the skills and abilities of each person. With
respect to music, they concluded that savants were able to
show some creativity and improvisation in addition to

mimicry.
Hermelin et al. (1989) conducted a study of improvi-
sations by Leslie Lemke compared to a professional, non-
savant musician after each had heard the same musical
pieces, one lyric (Grieg) and one a-tonal (Bartok). Leslie’s
improvisations were described as ‘‘virtuoso embellish-
ments with a considerable degree of musical inventiveness
and pianistic virtuosity.’’ That study concluded that ‘‘both
subjects’ attempts at improvisation show a high degree of
generative musical ability, and what distinguishes them
from each other is not so much a differential degree of
musicianship but rather their own, different musical pref-
erences as well as their respective personality characteris-
tics.’’ In improvisational style on the Bartok, a-tonal piece,
both musicians resembled each other as well.
In summary, savants can be creative. Most savants travel
along a route of first replication, then improvisation, and
finally creation. As we learn more about the brain from the

study of savants, we may also learn much more about talent
and creativity itself through the unique window into the
brain and special skills savant syndrome provides.
The ‘‘Nadia’’ Effect and the ‘‘Dreaded Trade-Off’’
In 1977 Dr. Lorna Selfe described the case of Nadia, a
prolific childhood artist, whose special abilities disap-
peared after she was sent away to school to increase lan-
guage acquisition, socialization abilities and daily living
skills. With the publication of Dr. Selfe’s 2011 book—
Nadia Revisited—we now have the benefit of long term
follow-up on Nadia. Selfe describes the loss of skills this
way: ‘‘In the years following my first study, and throughout
her school days, Nadia was given intensive help with lan-
guage development and her ability to communicate
improved with the production of two/three word sentences.
She also started to draw like an infant so that, for a period,
two styles coexisted and sometimes on the same piece of
paper. Gradually and inexorably she lost the ability to draw

realistically. Unlike some savant artists such as Stephen
Wiltshire, who has maintained the strength of his drawing
ability, Nadia’s ability appeared to peter out. She is now
middle-aged and lives in a specialist care home but for
many years she has simply refused to draw.’’ But, in spite
of the loss of art skills, Selfe points out, importantly, that
123
even though now Nadia is not interested in art and is totally
dependent on others in that supervised setting there is also
the ‘‘optimistic story of the love and care of the family that
raised her and of the people who now care for Nadia. She is
in the safe and competent hands of dedicated staff who
devote themselves to the care of people who are unable to
look after themselves.’’
We don’t seem to know exactly what did happen with
Nadia and why those special skills disappeared. But what I

do know is that in the many, many savants with whom I
have worked, or know about, such a ‘‘dreaded trade-off’’,
or loss of skills, does not occur as the savant gets older or
when exposed to more formal education and training. To
the contrary, in my experience vigorously ‘‘training the
talent’’, whatever that special skill is, leads, in and of itself,
to increased language, social and daily living skills without
any ‘‘dreaded trade-off’’ of special skills. So Nadia’s
experience is the exception, not the rule.
Putting aside the fear of a ‘‘dreaded trade-off’’ is
important because parents, teachers or therapists are
sometimes reluctant to venture forth with more formal
education or training efforts lest the ‘‘Nadia’’ effect occur.
The good news is that such a fear is, in my experience,
unfounded and should not prevent presenting the savant
with more formal education and training within his or her
area of specialty, as well as in a more general educational
sense. That being the case, parents and teachers can con-

tinue not only to applaud and reinforce the special skills as
they surface, but can confidently add teaching and training
in a more formal sense as well without fear of loss of talent,
ingenuity or enthusiasm on the part of the savant.
Savant Syndrome is Always Associated with Low IQ
Perhaps stemming from Down’s original description
regarding low IQ and the presence of savant skills, a
misconception continues that low IQ is a necessary
accompaniment of savant syndrome. That in fact is not the
case. While it is true that most savants have measured IQ’s
between 50 and 70, in some instances IQ can be as high as
125, or even higher. Thus an IQ level above 70 does not
‘disqualify’ someone from having savant syndrome.
One reason that many savants, or many autistic persons,
have IQ scores below 70 is that IQ measurement depends
so heavily on verbal scales, and many autistic individuals,
including those with savant syndrome, have language
(verbal) deficits as an intrinsic part of the underlying

disorder.
A second reason for low IQ scores among savants is the
fact that IQ tests measure only one facet of ‘‘intelligence’’,
something termed ‘‘IQ’’. Savants tend to do poorly on that
particular measure of ‘‘intelligence’’. But savants point out
forcefully that there are multiple forms of ‘‘intelligence’’
and IQ measures only one such ‘‘intelligence’’. IQ tests do
measure something defined as ‘‘IQ’’. But IQ tests fail to
measure some of the other forms of ‘‘intelligence’’ that
savants possess in greater or lesser measure as well. Some
of the savants are profoundly disabled in capacities as
measured by IQ, but yet they are astoundingly ‘intelligent’
within their ‘‘island of genius’’.
There is much debate among psychologists regarding
single v. multiple intelligence theories. But savant syn-
drome, with sometimes extraordinary ability co-existing
with profound disability in the same individual argues
forcefully for the concept of multiple intelligence. And the

fact of multiple intelligences has profound implications not
just for better understanding and approaching savant syn-
drome, but also for implementing more effective, individ-
ualized and targeted education efforts for all segments of
the population.
Thirdly, in all developmental disabilities, and savant
syndrome, one has to make a distinction between ‘‘actual
retardation’’, as classified by IQ scores, from ‘‘functional
retardation’’—instances in which persons with presumably
normal or high IQ (if it could be accurately measured)
function at levels more consistent with sub-normal IQ. In
such instances, either the language and verbal deficits, or
behavioral traits and symptoms, prevent accurate mea-
surement of ‘‘IQ’’. These individuals, whether savants or
not, ‘‘function’’ as if ‘‘retarded’’, but their abilities in cer-
tain other areas of function belie a below average IQ score.
That is termed ‘‘functional retardation.’’
Leslie Lemke provides an example of how misleading

IQ levels can be as a single measure of intelligence. Leslie
has a measured IQ of 58 on the WAIS-R test, based solely
on verbal scores; performance tests were not done because
such testing relies heavily on vision, and Leslie is blind.
Other tests were carried out as well including the 4th edi-
tion of the Stanford-Binet; the Tactual Performance Test;
the American Association for Mental Deficiency Adaptive
Behavioral Scale; and the Animal List Selective Remind-
ing Test. By looking at the scores on these tests as a whole,
the neuropsychologist concluded Leslie was functioning in
the moderately retarded range of intelligence, defined as an
IQ level between 35 and 55.
Yet a videotape of one of Leslie’s concerts challenges
the accuracy of such a low level of intelligence figures. At
this particular concert Leslie was asked to play a piece he
had never heard before with the other pianist, rather than
waiting for the piece to conclude and then play it back after
hearing it as he usually does. The other pianist began

playing. Leslie waited about 3 seconds and then did indeed
play the piece with the other pianist, separated only by
those 3 seconds. In that three second delay Leslie was
taking in what he heard, processing it, and simultaneously
outputting the music as he played along with the other
123
pianist. Leslie was parallel processing, just as some very
intelligent, but rare, interpreters are able to translate what a
speaker is saying into another language simultaneously,
rather than having the speaker pause from time to time
while the interpreter ‘catches up’.
Leslie was parallel processing. That would not be pos-
sible if the IQ level of 35–55 was an accurate barometer of
his over-all intelligence. He exceeds that level by far with
the parallel processing of music which signals that more
than a single ‘intelligence’ was at work during that com-

plex performance.
In summary, measured IQ levels in savants can range
from sub-normal to exceptional and low IQ is not a pre-
requisite to being classified as a ‘savant’. While many
savants have measured IQ levels below 70, some have
measured IQ’s above normal which can range as high as
125 or above. In assessing IQ scores, one has to differen-
tiate’actual’ retardation from ‘functional’ retardation
All ‘‘Geniuses’’ and ‘‘Prodigies’’, Past and Present are
Really ‘‘Aspies’’
With increased interest in autism and Asperger’s, and
especially with the visibility given to the extraordinary skills
seen in savant syndrome, it seems popular these days to
apply the diagnosis of Asperger’s disorder particularly to
anyone considered to be a ‘genius’ or ‘prodigy’ past or
present. Names such as Einstein, Rembrandt, Mozart,
Jefferson and many others are bandied about in such dis-
cussions. It is difficult enough to make accurate diagnoses of

autism or Asperger’s disorder in real life, with face-to-face
interviews and comprehensive testing, let alone trying to
apply post-mortem diagnoses, sight unseen. Retrospective
medical diagnoses are always problematical and suspect.
And then there are present-day prodigies and geniuses.
Some, outrageously bright, but not autistic children, have
composed multiple symphonies by age seven, or have
mastered instruments, sometimes multiple instruments, by
age three. Others show astonishing artistic, mathematical,
prose or poetry skills well beyond their years. If children,
we call them prodigies. They are neither autistic, nor
Aspergers. If adults, we call them geniuses. They also are
neither Asperger’s nor autistic. Prodigies and geniuses
have special, spectacular abilities in absence of any
underlying disability. Typically, rather than there being
simply one ‘‘island’’of genius as is often the case with
savants, whatever the skills of the prodigy or genius, they
are associated with a high measured IQ in all areas of

functioning.
In short, not every gifted child, nor every ‘absent
minded professor’, has Asperger’s disorder. Instead,
‘‘prodigy’’ and ‘‘genius’’ do exist as independent conditions
separate from any underlying disability or disorder The
temptation to classify all prodigies and geniuses as having
autism or Asperger’s seems to be part of the disease de jour
phenomenon quite rampant these days and needs to be
resisted in favor of careful analysis lest continued ‘diag-
nosis creep’ deletes all meaningful classification, all the
disorders lose their specificity, and the ‘spectrum’ engulfs
us all.
The beginning of wisdom is to call things by their right
name. Asperger’s, autism, and savant syndrome surely do
exist. But so do the categories of ‘‘normal’’, ‘‘gifted’’,
‘‘prodigy’’ and ‘‘genius’’. The important thing is to know
the difference lest every parent of a gifted child for
example, whether mildly gifted or profoundly gifted, fear

their child is autistic.
‘‘Outgrowing’’ Autism: Separating ‘Autistic-Like’
Traits from Autistic Disorder in Children Who Read
Early, Speak Late, or are Blind
I get many ‘‘I’ve got a son or daughter who……..’’ emails
from the savant syndrome web site in which parents describe
various accelerated skills in their children and inquire whe-
ther those might be forms of savant syndrome, and if so, how
should those special skills, and that child, be approached
educationally and otherwise. Among those many inquiries
are children who read early (hyperlexia) or speak late
(Einstein Syndrome). Often children in both those groups are
automatically, and mistakenly, assumed to be autistic when
in fact they only have ‘autistic-like’ behaviors and traits with
very different causes and outcomes than Autistic Disorder.
They tend to ‘outgrow’ their autism (their choice of terms),
which was not autism in the first place.
Based on a number of such cases brought to my atten-
tion separating ‘‘autistic-like’’ behaviors and traits from

‘‘Autistic Disorder’’ in children who read early, or speak
late, or who are blind, is a critical differential diagnosis
with vast causal, treatment and outcome ramifications.
Hyperlexia I, II and III
Some neurotypical children simply read early. They may
be reading, instead of the teacher, to their nursery school
class, or reading at a 7th grade level at age 3 for example.
There are no associated autistic or autistic-like traits or
behaviors. They are entirely ‘normal’ (neurotypical) chil-
dren. Eventually their classmates catch up with reading
skills but in the meantime the advanced, precocious read-
ing ability at such an early age draws considerable atten-
tion. I describe several such examples on the ‘‘Hyperlexia’’
posting on the savant syndrome web site at www.
savantsyndrome.com I refer to this type of early reading
ability as Hyperlexia I.
123

Hyperlexia II is when early reading ability presents as a
‘splinter skill’ as part of an Autistic Spectrum Disorder.
These children read voraciously along with astonishing
memory for what they read. They often have other mem-
orization abilities sometimes linked with fascination with
numbers or calendar calculating skills. These children
show other characteristic language, social and behavioral
symptoms seen in autistic spectrum disorder, including
traits such as withdrawal, poor eye contact, lack of interest
in seeking or giving affection, insistence on sameness, and
obsessive compulsive behavior, for example. They usually
carry a formal diagnosis of Autistic Disorder, Asperger’s
Disorder, or pervasive developmental disorder (PPD/NOS)
with intense fascination with words and numbers present-
ing as a ‘splinter skill’.
Hyperlexia III is a less frequently recognized form of

early reading ability. It is not an autistic spectrum disorder
even though there are some ‘‘autistic-like’’ traits and
behaviors that gradually fade as the child gets older. Some
times this is referred to as ‘‘outgrowing autism’’. These
children read early and have striking memorization abilities
sometimes coupled with precocious abilities in other areas
as well. They may show unusual sensory sensitivity, ech-
olalia, pronoun reversals, intense need for sameness, spe-
cific fears or phobias, have lining/stacking rituals and
demonstrate strong visual and auditory memory. Unlike
children with ASD, however, they are often very outgoing
and affectionate with family, even though reserved and
distant with peers and would be playmates. They do make
eye contact and can be very interactive with persons close
to them, especially adults. These children present as being
very bright, inquisitive and precocious overall. Indeed
these ‘autistic-like’ traits and behaviors do fade as the child
gets older, but in the meantime parents are exposed to

unnecessary fear and dread because the diagnosis of
‘‘autism’’ has been prematurely and inappropriately applied
without ‘‘hyperlexia III’’ being considered in the differen-
tial diagnosis. Space precludes an extensive discussion of
Hyperlexia III, but the savant syndrome website as www.
savantsyndrome.com provides a number of example of
such cases with respect to characteristics and outcome.
Einstein Syndrome: Children Who Speak Late
In his 1997 book Late Talking Children Thomas Sowell
pointed out how often ‘‘autistic-like’’ symptoms, as
opposed to Autistic Disorder itself, appeared in children
with delayed speech based on parental reports in a group of
46 such children. In a follow-up book 4 years later—The
Einstein Syndrome:Bright Children Who Talk Late—
Sowell expanded that group to 239 late talking children
who were exceptionally late in beginning to speak but were
also exceptionally bright. (Sowell 2001). His book is
replete with examples. As with Hyperlexia III, Sowell

found in his correspondence with parents that many of the
children with delayed speech had been given a diagnosis of
ASD along the way but that the ‘‘autistic-like’’ symptoms
in these children were transient, and like with the Hyper-
lexia III children, those traits and behaviors faded over
time. He recommended careful professional evaluation for
children who speak late by clinicians familiar with the
various parameters and conditions involved with such
children, sparing parents unnecessary worry, concern
and pessimism that always accompanies a diagnosis of
‘‘autism’’. This condition is also discussed in more detail
on the savant syndrome website.
Blindisms
Teachers and parents of visually impaired children often
refer to what are called ‘‘blindisms’’ in such children. Ek
and co-workers point out that ‘‘blindisms’’—stereotypical
movements, language problems and certain other behav-
iors—are common in children with congenital or other

types of blindness. (Ek et al. 1998). Hobson described the
similarities in development during pre-school age
(3–4 years) between blind children and those with autism
(Hobson 1993). In both groups impairments in symbolic
play, confusion in the use of language and stereotypes were
frequent. Many of the autistic features in the young, blind
child without cerebral damage disappeared with age. As the
child acquired a better understanding of the surrounding
world, and with the development of language, a basis for
sharing experiences and feelings with other people devel-
oped. Hobson noted ‘‘blindness seems to delay rather than
prevent development in these respects.’’ In 2010 Hobson
and Lee did an 8 year follow-up study on nine congenitally
blind and seven sighted children who met formal diag-
nostic criteria for autism. Follow-up of the nine congeni-
tally blind children with ‘autism’ revealed that, in
adolescence, only one such child satisfied the criteria for
that disorder. In contrast, all of the seven sighted children

still did meet the Autistic Disorder criteria. For the group
with what turned out to be autistic-like symptoms, in the
title of his report Hobson uses the interesting term
‘‘reversible autism’’.
Autism, autistic-like symptoms and blindisms can be
confused with each other in visually impaired children. But
just as with children who read early or speak late, differ-
entiation between Autistic Disorder and ‘‘autistic-like’’
symptoms is critical with these children if parents are to be
spared unnecessary distress from an autism diagnosis
improperly applied and, equally important, if the right
treatment is to be applied to the right patient.
123
Summary
With all the emphasis by some on the autism ‘epidemic’

and with it the need for early identification and a prolif-
eration of programs, it is important to remember that not
every child who reads at 18 months, draws at 2 years,
hums back all the melodies he or she hears, or likes to line
up railroad cars, resists certain foods, insists on routine,
memorizes license plates and birthdays, has certain fear
and phobias or is very late in speaking is on the autistic
spectrum. If one looks up ‘‘hyperlexia’’ on the internet,
though, most often the site links hyperlexia to autism. That
simply is not so in all cases as pointed out above. That
same link to autism is likewise often made for children who
speak late, or are blind.
Again, not so in all cases. While early identification of
autism in affected children is important, those efforts need
to be balanced with sensible caution lest parents be
unnecessarily frightened and overwhelmed by premature,
and erroneous, diagnoses. Except in truly ‘classic’ cases,
often some time of watchful observation needs to elapse

until the ‘natural history of the disorder’ reveals the real
diagnosis. Such ‘watchful observation’, diagnostic caution
and separation of ‘autistic-like’ behaviors from Autistic
Disorder can provide example of what some have called
‘‘reversible autism’’.
References
Brink, T. L. (1980). Idiot savant with unusual mechanical
ability: An
organic explanation. American Journal of Psychiatry, 137,
250–251.
Dorman, C. (1991) Exceptional calendar calculating ability after
early
left hemispherectomy. Brain and Cognition 15, 26–36 London:
Churchill.
Down, J.L. (1887). On some of the mental affections of
childhood and
youth. London, Churchill.
Ek, U., Fernello, E., Jacobson, L., & Gillberg, C. (1998).
Relation
between blindness due to retinopathy and autistic spectrum

disorders: A population study. Developmental Medicine and
Child Neurology, 40, 297–301.
Hermelin, B., O’Connor, N., & Lee, S. (1987). Musical
inventiveness
of five idiot-savants. Psychological Medicine, 17, 685–694.
Hermelin, B., O’Connor, N., Lee, S., & Treffert, D. A. (1989).
Intelligence level and musical improvisational ability. Psycho-
logical Medicine, 19, 447–457.
Hobson, R.P. (1993). Autism and the development of the mind.
Hove:
Lawrence Erlbaum.
Hobson, R. P. (2010). Reversible autism in congenitally blind
children? A controlled study Journal of Child Psychology and
Psychiatry, 51(11), 1235–1241.
Kanner, L.:217-25055-58 (1944) Early infantile Autism Journal
of
Pediatrics 25, 200–217.
Kapur, N. (1996). Paradoxical functional facilitation in brain-
behavior research. Brain, 119, 1775–1790.

Miller, B., et al. (1996). Enhanced artistic creativity with
temporal
lobe degeneration. Lancet, 348, 1744–1745.
Miller, B., et al. (1998). Emergence of artistic talent in
frontotemporal
dementia. Neurology, 51, 978–982.
Miller, B., et al. (2000). Functional correlates of musical and
visual
ability in frontotemporal dementia. British Journal of Psychia-
try, 176, 458–463.
Minogue, B. M. (1923). A case of secondary mental deficiency
with
musical talent. Journal of Applied Psychology, 7, 349–357.
Mortiz, K. P. (1783). Gnothi Sauton oder magazin der
erfahrungs-
seelenkunde als ein lesebuch fur gelehrte and ungelehrte.
Berlin,
Germany: Mylius.
Selfe, L. (1977). Nadia: A case of extraordinary drawing ability
in an
Autistic child. London: Academic Press.
Selfe, L. (2011). Nadia revisited: A longitudinal study of an

Autistic
Savant. New York: Psychology Press.
Sowell, T. (1997). Late talking children. New York: Basic
Books.
Sowell, T. (2001). The Einstein syndrome: Bright children who
talk
late. New York: Basic books.
Treffert, D.A. (1988). The idiot savant: A review of the
syndrome.
American Journal of Psychiatry 145563–145572.
Treffert, D.A. (1989). Extraordinary people: Understanding
savant
syndrome. Lincoln, Nebraska: iUniverse.com.
Treffert, D. A. (2006). Dr. Down and ‘‘developmental
disorders’’.
Autism and Developmental Disabilities, 36, 965–966.
Treffert, D. A. (2010). Islands of genius: The bountiful mind of
the
Autistic acquired and sudden savant. London: Jessica Kingsley.
123
Savant Syndrome: Realities, Myths and

MisconceptionsAbstractRealitiesSavant Syndrome
DefinedSavant Syndrome is Not a New Disorder (Nor is
Autism)Not All Savants are Autistic, and Not All Autistic
Persons are SavantsSavant Skills Represent a Spectrum of
AbilitiesThe Acquired Savant: ‘‘Accidental Genius’’The Most
Important Question of All: How do They do It?Some Mysteries
RemainMyths and MisconceptionsSavants are Not ‘Creative’The
‘‘Nadia’’ Effect and the ‘‘Dreaded Trade-Off’’Savant Syndrome
is Always Associated with Low IQAll ‘‘Geniuses’’ and
‘‘Prodigies’’, Past and Present are Really
‘‘Aspies’’‘‘Outgrowing’’ Autism: Separating ‘Autistic-Like’
Traits from Autistic Disorder in Children Who Read Early,
Speak Late, or are BlindHyperlexia I, II and IIIEinstein
Syndrome: Children Who Speak
LateBlindismsSummaryReferences

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