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Chapter 07 - Pathways of Cellular Respiration
7-1
Copyright © 2014 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of
McGraw-Hill Education.
Chapter 07
Pathways of Cellular Respiration
Multiple Choice Questions
1. Which of the following are the end products for cellular respiration?
A. glucose and carbon dioxide
B. glucose and water
C. glucose and oxygen
D. oxygen and carbon dioxide
E. carbon dioxide and water
At the end of cellular respiration, glucose has been oxidize to carbon dioxide, and water has been produced as a result of
chemiosmosis.
Blooms Level: 1. Remember
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.01.01 Recognize that the overall breakdown of glucose is a redox equation.
Section: 07.01
Topic: Cellular Respiration
2. What are the reactants involved in cellular respiration?
A. glucose and water
B. carbon dioxide and water
C. oxygen and glucose
D. carbon dioxide and glucose
E. water and oxygen
In cellular respiration, the reactants are oxygen and glucose.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01

7-2
3. Which of the following are coenzymes which assist in cellular respiration?
A. FAD and RuBP
B. NAD+
and FAD
C. NAD+
and RuBP
D. NAD+
and ATP synthase
E. FAD and ATP synthase
The two coenzymes most crucial for cellular respiration are NAD+
and FAD. These coenzymes are reduced as glucose as
oxidized, and they carry energy to the electron transport chain for ATP production.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.01.02 Explain the function of NAD and FAD during cellular respiration.
Section: 07.01
4. The order of the major pathways and reactions of cellular respiration is
A. glycolysis-preparatory reaction-Krebs cycle electron transport chain.
B. electron transport chain-glycolysis-preparatory reaction-Krebs cycle.
C. glycolysis-electron transport chain-preparatory reaction-Krebs cycle.
D. Krebs cycle-glycolysis-preparatory reaction-electron transport chain.
E. glycolysis-preparatory reaction-Krebs cycle-electron transport chain.
Cellular respiration begins with glycolysis. The end product of glycolysis is then prepared for the Krebs cycle. The final
pathway, which produces the most ATP, is the electron transport chain.
Blooms Level: 4. Analyze
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.01.03 Identify the four phases of cellular respiration and the location of each within the cell.
Section: 07.01

7-3
5. Which of the following phases takes place entirely outside the mitochondria and is
considered to be anaerobic?
A. electron transport chain
B. preparatory reaction
C. glycolysis
D. Krebs cycle
E. chemiosmosis
Glycolysis occurs entirely in the cytoplasm and does not require the presence of oxygen.
Blooms Level: 2. Understand
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
6. The conversion of pyruvate into a 2-carbon acetyl group is carried out during which of the
following phases?
C. glycolysis
D. Krebs cycle
E. chemiosmosis
The conversion of pyruvate into a 2-carbon acetyl group is known as the preparatory reaction because it prepares the end
product of glycolysis for entry into the Krebs cycle.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.02.01 List the inputs and outputs of glycolysis.
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.02

7-4
7. As a result of glycolysis, one molecule of glucose is broken into two molecules of
A. pyruvate.
B. NADH.
C. acetyl CoA.
D. FADH2.
E. ATP.
In glycolysis, the six-carbon sugar glucose is broken into two three-carbon pyruvate molecules.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.02
8. Which of the following is an input for glycolysis?
A. 2 pyruvate
B. 2 NADH
C. 2 FADH2
D. 2 ATP
E. 2 acetyl CoA
The input of two ATP molecules is necessary in order for the breakdown of glucose in glycolysis to begin. During glycolysis,
NADH and more ATP molecules are produced. The end product of glycolysis of one glucose molecule is two pyruvate
molecules.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.02

7-5
9. The molecule NAD+
is said to have an oxidative role in glycolysis because it accepts
A. phosphate atoms.
B. oxygen atoms.
C. carbon dioxide molecules.
D. electrons and hydrogen ions.
E. pyruvate molecules.
The role of NAD+
in glycolysis is to accept electrons and hydrogen ions as glucose as oxidized. Because oxidation and
reduction always occur together, glucose oxidation could not occur in the absence of NAD+
.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.02.03 Distinguish between the energy-investment steps and the energy-harvesting steps of glycolysis.
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.02
10. When an enzyme is used to convert ADP into ATP it is referred to as
A. enzyme ATP synthesis.
B. active site ATP synthesis.
C. substrate-level ATP synthesis.
D. enzyme ADP synthesis.
E. substrate-level ADP synthesis.
By definition, the binding of inorganic phosphate to ADP is called substrate-level ATP synthesis. This is an enzyme-
catalyzed process.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.02.02 Explain substrate-level ATP synthesis.
Section: 07.02

7-6
11. Pyruvate is converted to a two-carbon acetyl group attached to coenzyme A (CoA), and
carbon dioxide is given off during which phase of cellular respiration?
A. chemiosmosis
C. electron transport chain
D. anaerobic respiration
E. glycolysis
This reaction is called the preparatory reaction because it prepares the end product of glycolysis for entry to the Krebs cycle.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.03.02 Determine the end products of the preparatory reaction and state which one enters the Krebs cycle.
Section: 07.03
12. Which of these is an inaccurate description of the preparatory reaction?
A. It connects glycolysis to the Krebs cycle.
B. Carbon dioxide is given off.
C. Pyruvate is converted to a two-carbon acetyl group.
D. NAD+
is converted to NADH.
E. The reaction occurs once per glucose molecule.
The preparatory reaction must occur twice per glucose molecule; one for each of the two pyruvate molecules that come out of
glycolysis.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.03

7-7
13. This figure shows the structure of the mitochondrion. What does "b" represent?
A. outer membrane
B. inner membrane
C. intermembrane space
D. matrix
E. cristae
The matrix is the semifluid substance enclosed within the inner membrane of the mitochondrion.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.05.01 Describe the organization of mitochondrial cristae and how mitochondria produce ATP with water as a side
product.
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.05

7-8
14. This figure shows the structure of the mitochondrion. What does "a" represent?
A. outer membrane
B. inner membrane
C. cristae
D. matrix
E. intermembrane space
The mitochondrion has two membranes, an inner membrane and an outer membrane. The outer membrane is smooth, but the
inner membrane has deep folds called cristae, like the one indicated by "a."
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.05
15. What material(s) are put into the Krebs Cycle?
A. acetyl groups
B. carbon dioxide
C. NADH
D. FADH2
E. ATP
The most important inputs for the Krebs cycle are the two acetyl groups, attached to coenzyme A, that are produced as each
glucose molecule passes through glycolysis and the preparatory reaction. All the other answer choices listed here are outputs
of the Krebs cycle.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.03

7-9
16. What role do NADH and FADH2 play in the process of cellular respiration?
A. They help break down glucose.
B. They carry electrons to the electron transport chain.
C. They oxidize pyruvate.
D. They produce ATP.
E. They assist in making acetyl groups.
During glycolysis, the preparatory reaction, and the Krebs cycle, the coenzymes NAD+
and FAD are converted to their
reduced forms, NADH and FADH2, which carry electrons to the electron transport chain.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.04.01 List and explain the outputs of the Krebs cycle.
Section: 07.04
17. Which part of cellular respiration produces the greatest amount of ATP?
A. glycolysis
B. fermentation
C. Krebs cycle
D. electron transport chain
E. preparatory reaction
Although small numbers of ATP are produced by glycolysis and the Krebs cycle, most ATP molecules are produced due to
the workings of the electron transport chain. The preparatory reaction yields no ATP. Fermentation is a process separate from
cellular respiration, and generally yields no ATP beyond those produced by glycolysis.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.06.01 Calculate the total energy (ATP) yield per glucose molecule breakdown.
Learning Outcome: 07.07.01 Compare and contrast fermentation to glycolysis.
Section: 07.06
Section: 07.07

7-10
18. What is the significance of the cristae in the mitochondria?
A. increase surface area, therefore increasing glycolysis
B. increase surface area, therefore increasing the Krebs cycle
C. increase surface area, therefore increasing the preparatory reaction
D. increase surface area, therefore increasing fermentation
E. increase surface area, therefore increasing the electron transport chain
Since the cristae increase the surface area of the inner membrane, they increase the space available for electron transport
chain carriers.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05
19. Which of the following would be involved in a study of carriers in the electron transport
chain?
A. pyruvate molecules
B. acetyl groups
C. cytochrome molecules
D. NADH molecules
E. FADH2 molecules
Cytochromes are carriers of the electron transport chain. They are capable of being quickly and repeatedly reduced and
oxidized.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05

7-11
20. What role does oxygen play in cellular respiration?
A. It acts as the final electron acceptor in the electron transport chain.
B. It acts as a coenzyme in the electron transport chain.
C. It acts as an input for the Krebs cycle.
D. It acts as an input for glycolysis.
E. It acts as an intermediate between glycolysis and the Krebs cycle.
The role of oxygen in cellular respiration is to serve as the ultimate electron acceptor at the end of the electron transport
chain.
Blooms Level: 3. Apply
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.04
21. Which of the following is a product of a part of metabolism other than the electron
transport chain in cellular respiration?
A. NAD+
B. oxygen
C. ATP
D. FAD
E. water
Oxygen is not a product of the electron transport chain; rather, it is a reactant in the formation of the chain's final product:
water.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05

7-12
22. Once NADH and FADH2 have delivered their electrons and hydrogen ions to the electron
transport chain, they
A. pick up water molecules.
B. are shipped out of the mitochondria to be used by other organelles.
C. pick up carbon dioxide molecules.
D. pick up more hydrogen ions.
E. pick up oxygen molecules.
NADH and FADH2 become oxidized when they drop off their electrons and hydrogen ions at the electron transport chain.
They are then ready to be reduced again in earlier stages of cellular respiration.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.05
True / False Questions
23. During the electron transport chain ATP is made through the process of chemiosmosis.
TRUE
This ATP-producing process is called chemiosmosis because it is powered by the flow of hydrogen ions moving down their
concentration gradient through the ATP synthase complexes located in the mitochondrial cristae.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05
Multiple Choice Questions

7-13
24. In the electron transport chain, electrons are passed from one carrier to another, providing
energy to accomplish which of the following?
A. convert NAD+
to NADH
B. convert FAD to FADH2
C. convert ADP to ATP
D. pump hydrogen ions into the matrix
E. pump hydrogen ions out of the matrix
The energy from the electrons passing through the electron transport chain is used to pump hydrogen ions out of the matrix
and into the intermembrane space of the mitochondrion.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05
25. The ATP which is made during the electron transport chain is made at which site?
A. ATP reductase
B. ATP cytochrome complex
C. ATP cytochrome oxidase
D. ATP synthase complex
E. ATP coenzyme
As hydrogen ions flow down their concentration gradient through the ATP synthase complex, ADP is joined to inorganic
phosphate to produce ATP.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05

7-14
26. What would be the immediate result if the hydrogen ion concentration in the
intermembrane space and the matrix reached equilibrium?
A. The conversion of NAD+
to NADH would stop.
B. Most ATP production would stop.
C. The conversion of FAD to FADH2 would stop.
D. Glycolysis and the Krebs cycle would stop.
E. Most ATP production would increase.
The flow of hydrogen ions down their concentration gradient through ATP synthase is what accomplishes most ATP
production in the cell. Without a concentration gradient, most ATP production would cease.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05
27. What is the net yield of ATP from glycolysis of one glucose molecule?
A. 0 ATP
B. 4 ATP
C. 2 ATP
D. 6 ATP
E. 10 ATP
In glycolysis, 2 ATP are invested and 4 are harvested; thus, the net yield is 2 ATP.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.02

7-15
28. In which of the following events of cellular respiration is no ATP produced?
B. glycolysis
C. Krebs cycle
D. preparatory reaction
E. chemiosmosis
The preparatory reaction yields no ATP. Its only role is to link glycolysis with the Krebs cycle.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05
29. During the process of cellular respiration, what is the total number of ATP produced per
glucose molecule?
A. 36 or 38
B. 32 or 34
C. 28 or 30
D. 24 or 26
E. 20 or 24
The total number of ATP molecules produced by cellular respiration is 36 or 38.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.06
30. What would be the result if oxygen became unavailable to the cell?
A. Glycolysis would stop.
B. The Krebs cycle would stop.
C. The electron transport chain would stop.
D. The preparatory reaction would stop.
E. Substrate-level ATP synthesis would stop.
The electron transport chain would stop because it depends on oxygen to serve as the final electron acceptor.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.07

7-16
31. In animals, under anaerobic conditions, pyruvate is converted to which of the following
molecules?
A. glucose
B. lactate
C. NAD+
D. ATP
E. alcohol
In animal cells that are deprived of oxygen, fermentation of pyruvate yields lactate.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.07.02 Explain why fermentation is a benefit to the body.
Section: 07.07
32. What is the benefit of converting pyruvate to lactate when oxygen is not available?
A. It allows the electron transport chain to continue.
B. It allows chemiosmosis to continue.
C. It allows the electron transport chain to produce oxygen.
D. It allows substrate-level ATP synthesis to continue.
E. It allows the Krebs cycle to produce oxygen.
Fermentation of pyruvate to lactate under low-oxygen conditions allows a small amount of ATP to continue to be produced
via glycolysis, which involves substrate-level ATP synthesis.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.07

7-17
33. Which of the following statements is true about fermentation?
A. It produces more ATP then cellular respiration with oxygen.
B. It doesn't need enzymes.
C. It occurs without oxygen.
D. It produces pyruvate as its end product.
E. It is very efficient.
Fermentation does not require oxygen.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.07
34. When someone is out of breath after vigorous exercise, they are experiencing
A. carbon dioxide debt.
B. ATP debt.
C. pyruvate debt.
D. lactate debt.
E. oxygen debt.
We continue to breathe heavily for a time after vigorous exercise because we are in oxygen debt; we have run out of oxygen
for cellular respiration and our cells are forced to use less efficient fermentation instead.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.07
35. What molecule would be of least interest in a study of fermentation?
A. carbon dioxide
B. lactate
C. ATP
D. oxygen
E. alcohol
Like glycolysis, fermentation does not use or produce oxygen.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.07

7-18
36. Degradative reactions which break down molecules are referred to as
A. deamination.
B. anabolism.
C. catabolism.
D. fermentation.
E. cellular respiration.
Degradative reactions break down molecules and collectively participate in catabolism.
Gradable: automatic
Learning Outcome: 07.08.01 Understand the relationship between protein, carbohydrate, and fat metabolism.
Section: 07.08
Topic: Metabolism
37. If the carbon skeleton of an amino acid loses an amino group the carbon skeleton has
undergone
A. anabolism.
B. glycolysis.
C. fermentation.
D. substrate breakdown.
E. deamination.
The carbon skeleton of amino acids can enter glycolysis, be converted to acetyl CoA, or enter the Krebs cycle directly. The
carbon skeleton is produced when an amino acid undergoes deamination, removal of the amino group.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.08
Topic: Metabolism

7-19
38. Of the following statements, which is true in common for proteins, carbohydrates, and
lipids as they are catabolized?
A. They all undergo the electron transport chain.
B. They all undergo glycolysis.
C. They all undergo the preparatory reaction.
D. They all need carbon dioxide to be broken down.
E. They all produce the same amount of energy.
As all these molecules are oxidized, their electrons and hydrogen ions are transferred to NADH and FADH2, which go to the
electron transport chain.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.08
Topic: Metabolism
39. Which of the following molecules produces the most energy when degraded?
A. amino acids
B. proteins
C. polysaccharides
D. lipids
E. monosaccharides
Because lipids are such energy-rich molecules, they are used for long-term energy storage in the body.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.08
Topic: Metabolism

7-20
40. If you follow a low-fat, high-carbohydrate diet, it is likely you will
A. experience no change in body weight because your body will not receive enough lipids to
synthesize fat.
B. lose weight because you must consume lipids in order to synthesize fat.
C. gain weight because intermediates from cellular respiration can be converted to fat.
D. gain weight because you will retain water.
E. lose weight because you will become dehydrated.
Consuming large amounts of carbohydrates results in a surplus of fuel for cellular respiration. The excess G3P from
glycolysis and acetyl groups from the preparatory reaction are used to form fatty acids, necessary for fat synthesis.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07B
Topic: Metabolism
41. Cyanide is a poison that binds to the final carrier in the electron transport chain. Why does
this property make cyanide deadly?
A. Cyanide prevents the reduction of oxygen and stops the electron transport chain.
B. Cyanide inhibits the reduction of NAD+
and FAD.
C. Cyanide blocks the channel through the ATP synthase complex.
D. Cyanide causes ATP hydrolysis.
E. Cyanide inhibits the formation of lactate from pyruvate.
The function of the last carrier of the electron transport chain is to reduce oxygen to water. When this does not occur,
electrons cannot be released from the chain. The electron transport chain shuts down, and the cell loses its main source of
ATP.
Gradable: automatic
product.
Section: 07.05

7-21
42. One molecule has gone through glycolysis and the preparatory reaction. The net number
of ATP molecules produced so far is
A. zero.
B. one.
C. two.
D. six.
E. 36 or 38.
Glycolysis requires an input of two ATP molecules and produces four ATP molecules, so its net yield is two ATP molecules.
No ATP molecules are produced by the preparatory reaction.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.03
43. The carbon dioxide we exhale results from the oxidation of
A. oxygen.
B. water.
C. coenzyme A.
D. glucose and other organic molecules.
E. NADH and FADH2.
Glucose and other organic molecules such as proteins and fats, are oxidized by cellular respiration, creating carbon dioxide as
a waste product.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01

7-22
44. In the overall reaction for cellular respiration, _____ is oxidized, and _____ is reduced.
A. glucose, water
B. oxygen, glucose
C. oxygen, water
D. glucose, carbon dioxide
E. glucose, oxygen
In the redox equation for cellular respiration, glucose is oxidized and oxygen is reduced.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
45. When did ATP make its appearance on the planet Earth?
A. 0.5 billion years ago
B. 1.5 billion years ago
C. 2.5 billion years ago
D. 3.5 billion years ago
E. 4.5 billion years ago
ATP was present 3.5 billion years ago when life on Earth began.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01

7-23
46. How much of the available energy stored in glucose is converted to ATP?
A. 68%
B. 7%
C. 26%
D. 50%
E. 39%
An ATP phosphate bond has an energy content of 7.3 kcal, and if 36 ATP are produced during glucose breakdown, the yield
is 263 kcal. Therefore, 263/686, or 39%, of the available energy is usually transferred from glucose to ATP. The rest of the
energy is lost in the form of heat.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.06
47. If a baker wants to make bread, which of the following organisms must be used to make
the dough rise?
A. Saccharomyces cerevisiae
B. Lactobacillus
C. Acetobacter aceti
D. Streptococcus thermophilus
E. Aspergillus
Baker’s yeast, Saccharomyces cerevisiae, is added to bread for the purpose of leavening—the dough rises when the yeasts
give off CO2.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.02
Section: 07.04
Section: 07A

7-24
48. Which of these would result from something other than increased aerobic exercise?
A. Increased lung efficiency
B. Increased heart efficiency
C. Decreased number of mitochondria in cells
D. Burning short term energy stores
E. Burning long term energy stores
Skeletal muscles change with repeated aerobic exercise; their blood supply and the number of mitochondria in the cells
increase.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
Section: 07B
49. The best fat burning exercise would be
A. short and aerobic.
B. short and anaerobic.
C. long and aerobic.
D. long and anaerobic.
E. watching television.
Prolonged aerobic exercise burns fat. If oxygen runs out, as occurs when exercise is extremely vigorous, cells switch to
fermentation, which is anaerobic, and fat burning decreases.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.08
Section: 07B

7-25
50. This figure shows the relationship between the chloroplast and the mitochondrion. What
does "a" represent?
A. carbon dioxide
B. water
C. water
D. carbohydrates
E. ATP
Photosynthesis in the chloroplast releases oxygen, and aerobic respiration in the mitochondrion requires oxygen.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.08
Topic: Photosynthesis

7-26
does "c" represent?
A. carbon dioxide
B. carbohydrates
C. ADP
D. ATP
E. oxygen
Cellular respiration in mitochondria produces carbon dioxide, which is used in chloroplasts for photosynthesis.
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.08
does "b" represent?
A. photosynthesis
B. Calvin cycle
C. glycolysis
D. cellular respiration
E. carbon fixation
Cellular respiration occurs in the mitochondrion; this process is represented by "b."
Gradable: automatic
Section: 07.01
Section: 07.08

Exploring the Variety of Random
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Address. The same firmament cannot hold two such planets, and
therefore, when I see you there, I am perfectly certain that the
impression I derive from this audience is an erroneous one, and that
I am not going to deliver a Rectorial Address. Well, sir, we welcome
you here for every reason. We are glad to see you in your place as
Chancellor. We are glad to see you on any plea in Edinburgh; and
what I am happy to think of is this: that we can ensure you in that
chair for the next fifty minutes what, perhaps, you can obtain
nowhere else, a period of unbroken repose, untroubled by
colleagues, untroubled by Cabinets, undisturbed even by boxes or
telegrams; and if you, sir, will take my advice, you will take
advantage of that repose. But, gentlemen, if I can explain why the
Rector is not here, and why the Chancellor is, it is perhaps more
difficult to explain to myself why I am here. It is partly, no doubt,
because in an unwary moment I accepted this responsible office,
which has such onerous duties. But it is also due to another
circumstance,—that, when we were last in this Hall, you invited me,
somewhat clamorously, to address you. I am a person, however,
accustomed to walk in the established order of things: I could not
interrupt the programme. It would neither have been dulce nor
decorum for me to speak on that occasion. But to-night I am here to
respond to that invitation. To-night, it is perhaps decorum that I
should speak; and if it can ever be dulce to make a speech, it is
dulce on this occasion. But, at any rate, let us be quite clear in our
understanding. I am not going to deliver a Rectorial Address—
nothing so elaborate, nothing so educational. Simply, I trust, it will
be a short speech on common-sense lines, and without rising to the
heights of the other occasion to which I have alluded.
E
The Right Hon. Arthur Balfour, M.P., who was
in the chair.

Now, sir, with a view to the adequate performance of my
functions to-night, I have been reading the address of my
predecessor, our friend Professor Masson, and as I am quite sure
that you have all read Professor Masson’s address too, it will not be
necessary on this occasion to condescend upon details. You know
more than I do about the constitution of these Societies, and you
may perhaps be able—which I am not—to decide as to their relative
antiquity. But there is one sinister and significant sentence in
Professor Masson’s address to which I commend your attention. He
says that for sixteen years the post of President was vacant, because
no one could be found willing to accept the responsibility of
delivering the Presidential Address. Now, if that does not move your
compassion for the person who has that courage, your hearts must
be harder than adamant. There is another sentence which produced
a great awe and effect upon my mind. It is said that the Societies
had done much good work which did not seem affected materially
by the absence or the presence of their President, and as specimen
of that good work he said that no less than twenty thousand essays
had been delivered to the Societies in the course of their existence.
Twenty thousand essays! That is a hard saying. Twenty thousand
essays, blown into space! And it leads further to this appalling
calculation, that if a gentleman hearing of the Associated Societies
had determined to improve his mind by reading these essays, and
had determined to read one every day before breakfast, it would
have been sixty years before he had accomplished the task. Now,
that to me, I confess, is not the precious fact in connection with
these Societies. What to me is precious is this, that they garnered up
so much of what is illustrious, both in regard to memories and to
men in connection with Edinburgh. Take, for example, the Dialectic
Society, which was founded in 1787. Well, how brilliant was
Edinburgh in 1787! A race was growing up in your schools and in
your universities which was destined afterwards, through the means
of the Edinburgh Review, to influence largely both the taste and the
policy of these islands. They were at that time pretty young, the
most of them. Cockburn—Lord Cockburn—was being flogged every
ten days at the High School, every ten days according to a minute

and pathetic calculation that he has left behind him. Jeffrey—Lord
Jeffrey—was at that time entering Glasgow University in his
fourteenth year; and as for Lord Brougham, he was at that moment
commencing a career of conflict by a struggle with a master of his
class, in which, I need hardly say, Brougham came off victorious.
Dugald Stewart was lecturing at that time, not merely to Edinburgh,
but to the kingdom, and almost to the world at large, and Edinburgh
was the centre to which all the intellect of Great Britain might,
without exaggeration, be said to have gravitated. At that time the
English universities were slumbering. Jeffrey had indeed taken a
taste of Oxford, but liked it not. His biographer carefully says that
“his College was not distinguished by study and propriety alone.”
This shocked Jeffrey, and he left it. But in any case these were the
golden days of Edinburgh. It was then unrivalled as an intellectual
centre, unrivalled in a sense that it can never be again. Some will
say that all that is gone. Well, as for the intellectual supremacy, that
could not survive in the general awakening of the world. But what I
also fear has gone, is the resident, inherent originality which then
distinguished our city. Railways and the Press have made that
impossible; for, after all, true originality can scarcely exist but in the
backwaters of life. The great ocean of life smooths and rolls its
pebbles to too much the same shape and texture. Those famous
judges of whom we read, with something between a smile and a
tear,—Braxfield and Eskgrove and Newton and Hermand,—are just
as impossible in these days as the black bottles with which they
stimulated their judicial attention on the bench. They are as
impossible as that cry of “Gardez-loo” which meant so much to the
passer-by on the streets. Well, after all, we must take the rough with
the smooth, and the good with the bad. “Gardez-loo” itself was only
the symbol of hideous physical impurities, which we none of us
should regret; and perhaps even some of those social glories, over
which we are so accustomed to gloat in the past, might not have
been entirely agreeable had we to realize them in the present. Take
these old judges whom I mentioned. They are very picturesque and
interesting figures; but I am not sure that any of us could have
faced them in the character of a defendant or an accused person

without a qualm, more especially if we were opposed to them in
politics, and even—if tradition lies not—even if we were their
opponents at chess. And if we were in that unfortunate and perhaps
discreditable position, we should go and seek our legal adviser, not,
as now, in the decorous recesses of Queen Street or of George
Street, but, as Colonel Mannering went to seek him, at Clerihugh’s,
enjoying “high jinks” in the midst of a carousal, from which he could
hardly tear himself for matters of the most vital import to his client.
Well, of course it is impossible to read Lord Cockburn’s
“Memorials of His Time”—and I hope that you all do read it, and
read it at least once a year, because no resident of Edinburgh can
properly enjoy his city without reading Lord Cockburn once a year—
it is impossible to read Lord Cockburn without seeing that he was an
optimist. But even he says of the Edinburgh of his time—which he
says was so unrivalled—even he describes it as “always thirsty and
unwashed.” Well, I am not quite sure when I read that description if
we should have thought the Edinburgh of 1787 as delightful as he
did. I hardly venture to risk myself in this line of conjecture. Should
we all have appreciated Jeffrey as much as he did? That must
remain in the realms of the unknowable and the unknown. But there
is worse behind. There is even treason talked about the divine Sir
Walter Scott. In that very delightful book which furnishes so much
leisurely reading for the Scotsman or the Scotswoman, or for
anybody,—I mean “Memoirs of a Highland Lady,”—I came upon this
sentence, which I have never since been able to digest. It says
about Sir Walter Scott, “He went out very little,” and, when he did
go, that “he was not an agreeable gentleman, sitting very silent,
looking dull and listless unless an occasional flash lit up his
countenance. It was odd, but Sir Walter never had the reputation in
Edinburgh that he had elsewhere.” Gentlemen, I veil my face; I
cannot get over that, till I remember that a prophet is never a
prophet in his own country, and there may have been people, even
in Edinburgh, who did not think of Sir Walter as we do. But I do not
mention all these disagreeable considerations as sheer iconoclasm
and blasphemy. No, gentlemen, it is in a very different spirit that I

lay them before you. I lay them before you as with a sort of inward
groan. They are to me a sort of philosophic potsherd with which I
scrape myself. It is in the attempt to comfort myself for living in the
Edinburgh of the end of the nineteenth century, and not in the
Edinburgh of the eighteenth or the seventeenth or the sixteenth
centuries, that thus I endeavor to recall these things, and console
myself anew.
Well, I think then there are some circumstances which we should
bear in mind before we give way to the wish to exchange new
Edinburgh for old Edinburgh. At any rate, there are some
circumstances that should discount our enthusiasm. But, indeed, in
any case it would not be possible for us of the Associated Societies
to concentrate all our interest in Edinburgh as our forefathers did. In
the first place, our students, our members, are by no means all
Scotsmen. They come from England, and from all over the world.
They come here, many of them, to learn arts which they mean to
practise and to exercise elsewhere, so that it would be impossible for
them to remain in Edinburgh; if they did, indeed, I think that some
professions in Edinburgh would be somewhat glutted and
overstocked. But, in the second place, there is the railroad, which
equally prevents it—the railroad, which has so profoundly stirred up
our people, which has so inspired them with the fever of travel,
makes concentration in our old capital impossible. By thousands are
the strangers that it brings in and takes out of Edinburgh every day,
and indeed, as regards its effect on our town, it is something like
that of the pipes which convey the water of some hushed and inland
loch away to the boisterous strife of cities, and again away from the
cities to the eternal ocean. The students of that Edinburgh which
was once so difficult to reach and to leave are now whirled away
into a thousand whirlpools of civilization; they can no longer huddle
around and try to blow up the embers of that ancient Edinburgh
which we can only revive in imagination. But of Edinburgh as it
exists—the historical, the beautiful, the inspiring—I trust they have
taken and are taking a deep draught and a long memory. They are
here at the most critical and the most fruitful period of their lives;

and sure am I that, whether they wish it or not, they will bear away
from this place a seal and a mark and a stamp which can leave them
only with life itself.
But, gentlemen, I go a little further in this sense, and I believe
that even if the students could remain in Edinburgh and concentrate
themselves here, it would be bad for Edinburgh and bad for
Scotland, but bad also for the Empire. We in Scotland wish to
continue to mould the Empire as we have in the past—and we have
not moulded it by stopping at home. Your venerable Principal is an
instance in point. And we have even a nearer object-lesson in two
returning Viceroys from Canada and from India: Aberdeen—from
Canada, where he is by and by to be replaced by a Minto; and Elgin
—the second Elgin—from India. Well, I say then that it is not the
Edinburgh of Cockburn alone that I wish you to bear in your
thoughts to-night, but rather the Edinburgh which has dispersed her
sons all over the Empire, the assiduous mother and foster-mother of
the builders of our Empire. From the time of Dundas, who almost
populated India with Scotsmen, that has always been the function of
Scotland; and I look, then, to my colleagues of the Associated
Societies not merely as going forth to their several professions and
callings in life, but as going forth as potential empire-builders, or at
least as empire-maintainers.
You will, gentlemen, when you go forth from these learned
precincts and enter upon the actual business of life—you will have in
the course of your lives to help to maintain and to build that Empire.
You may think that it may be in a small and insignificant manner, not
more than the coral insect within the coral reef. But recollect that the
insect is essential to the reef; and it is not for any man of himself to
measure what his direct utility may be to his country. I will tell you
why you must in your way exercise those functions. The British
Empire is not a centralized empire. It does not, as other empires,
hinge on a single autocrat or even on a single Parliament, but it is a
vast collection of communities spread all over the world, many with
their own legislatures, but all with their own governments, and,
therefore, resting, in a degree which is known in no other state of

which history has record, on the intelligence and the character of the
individuals who compose it. Some empires have rested on armies,
and some on constitutions. It is the boast of the British Empire that
it rests on men. For that reason it is that I speak to you to-night as
men who are to have your share in the work of the Empire, small or
great, humble or proud. That is—unless you go absolutely
downwards—your irresistible and irrevocable function. Now, it is
quite true that your share in that work may not be official, but even
then I would ask, why not? There never was in the history of Great
Britain, or, I suspect, of the world, so great a call as now upon the
energies and intelligence of men for the public service, and that call,
as you, sir, know, is increasing daily. Within Great Britain in my own
memory the change in that respect has been very remarkable. What
was called the governing class—and which is to some extent the
governing class still—when I was a boy had very simple public
functions in comparison with those which devolve upon the present
race. They went into Parliament as a rule, and they had Quarter
Sessions. But Parliament in those days was a very different business
from what it is now, and Quarter Sessions—were Quarter Sessions.
The burden of Parliament has now indefinitely and almost hopelessly
increased, as you, sir, I doubt not, would be willing to depose on
oath, if necessary. That takes up for these islands some five hundred
and seventy more or less trained intelligences. Then there is the
House of Lords, which takes up some—I am not sure of the figures—
some five or six hundred more. I do not wish to claim that the
House of Lords takes up the whole time of its members; I merely
wish to point out that that, again, takes a part of the time, at any
rate, of some five or six hundred more of our governing class. Then
there is a new institution—the London County Council. That is a
body whose work is not less absorbing than that of the House of
Commons. It lasts much longer; it is much more continuous, and
though not nearly so obtrusive, it is quite as arduous. Well, that
consists of a small body of a hundred and thirty-eight members, who
must all, who should all, be highly qualified for the function of
governing a nation which is not smaller than many self-governing
kingdoms. Then there are the great municipalities—great and small.

These, no doubt, have to some extent always existed, but not in
their present form. A new spirit has been breathed into these
somewhat dry bones. The functions of a municipality are sought by
men of the highest intelligence; they are not merely sought by men
of the highest intelligence, but absorb a very great proportion of the
time of these men. They are changed altogether in spirit and in
extent. And it is notable now to remark how many men in business
plead as a just excuse from entering either the House of Commons
or municipal work that they cannot spare the time from the
necessary prosecution of their business which would enable them to
join in those absorbing avocations. The municipalities of to-day—I
know not how many men whose time they absorb, but they are very
different from the municipalities of my boyhood, and I suspect that if
a Town Councillor of forty or fifty years ago were to present himself
in a Town Council of to-day, he would regard their work with
astonishment, and they perhaps might look at him with some
surprise. Then there are County Councils, District Councils, Parish
Councils—all bodies new within the last few years—not all of them
absorbing the whole time of their members, but requiring, at any
rate, the services of many trained intelligences to keep their work in
proper order, and without arrears. Then there are the Government
Departments, which swallow up more and more men, and pass them
on very often to higher employments. Their work is indefinitely and
incalculably increasing. I will give you one symptom. The Foreign
Office this year has obtained one new Under-Secretary; and the
addition of an Under-Secretary is a cry of distress indeed. Well, the
Colonial Office, I see from the papers, is also about to demand an
Under-Secretary, and what that means of increase in the subordinate
departments is more than I can rightly calculate. But in truth,
gentlemen, the whole matter is typified in the constitution of the
Cabinet. The present Cabinet requires nineteen men to do what was
done by half-a-dozen in the days of Mr. Pitt.
Why do I quote these figures? I quote them to show the
enormous drain that the State makes on our intelligent population,
besides the drain that it makes both for military and naval purposes.

Napoleon was said to drain his population for his warlike purposes.
We may be said, if not to drain, at least to skim ours very frequently
for the purpose of administration. Now what I have been telling you
relates to Great Britain alone. There is, besides, Ireland. Well, I am
not going to touch on Ireland. In the first place, it is a different
system of administration, and one with which I am not so
conversant; and, in the second place, this is at present a harmonious
meeting, and I have discovered that there is no topic so likely to
terminate the harmony of a meeting as that of the administration or
the government of Ireland. I pass beyond that. Outside Great Britain
and Ireland there is an enormous drain on our population for
administrative purposes. There is India, which takes so many of our
young men and trains them so incomparably for every sort of
administrative work. There is Egypt, which, is, of course, on a
different footing, but which is also very large in her requirements.
There is Africa,—not self-governing Africa, but the rest of our Africa,
—with its territories, its spheres of influence, and so on, all requiring
men to mould them into shape, not necessarily men belonging to
the Civil Service or men of formula, but muscular Christians, who are
ready to turn their hands to anything. Then, besides that and
beyond that there are the outer Britains, if I may so call them, the
great common-wealths outside these Islands which own the British
Crown—whether Crown Colonies, in which case they require
administrators, or self-governing Colonies, in which case they require
the whole appurtenance of Parliament, Courts of Law, Ministers, and
so forth. Then, outside that again, there are our Diplomatic and
Consular services. Well, I do not suppose there ever was in the
history of the World half the demand that there is at this hour within
the British Empire for young men of ability and skill and training to
help to mould that Empire into shape. Never were there so many
paths of distinction open within that Empire; while to those who
would share in that task of empire-building, and who would do it,
not with the hope of amassing much riches, but in a high missionary
spirit, never was there such an opportunity as opens at the present
moment.

Of course, the base of all this tremendous work of Government
is our unparalleled Civil Service. Our Civil Service is our glory and our
pride. It is the admiration of all foreigners who see it, but it is, and I
think I can appeal to you, sir—it is much more the admiration of
those who as political Ministers are called upon to witness its
working from within. They constitute the wheels and the springs on
which moves the great Juggernaut Car of the State, and if these
were once to get out of order, it would be an evil day indeed for
Great Britain. But I confess, in my day dreams I have sometimes
wished to add to them one other department. I have sometimes
wished that there was a department entirely devoted to training
young men for the task of administration—men who would
afterwards be ready to go anywhere and do anything at a moment’s
notice—be ready to go out and administer Uganda, for example, at a
week’s notice, ready to go and report anywhere on
maladministration with the skill of an expert, able to investigate any
subject and report upon it, not in the sense of Royal Commissions,
but in a summary and a business-like manner. I should like them, as
I say, to go at a word from their superior to any part of the Empire,
and be able to do anything, as the militant orders of monasticism
used to do—and do now, for aught I know—at the command of their
superiors; to be, in fact, a sort of general staff of the Empire. I
believe if that could be done it would be an incalculable gain; though
I know it is a dream. But then I also know that it is not a bad thing
sometimes to dream dreams. Of course, to some extent this function
is performed by the Treasury. The Treasury, from its necessary
contact with all the other Departments, owing to its being alone able
to furnish them with that financial staff of life without which they
could not get on, a staff of life which could only be obtained from
the Treasury—not always with a smile—does furnish to the other
Departments men who are competent to do most things, and to
undertake most duties. But that, unfortunately, has been already
discovered. Already men have been constantly taken from the
Treasury, and if that process be continued much longer that
Department will, I fear, be left in what I believe is scientifically called
an anæmic condition. Well, gentlemen, I admit that this is a

digression as well as a dream, but my point is this, that there never
was so great a demand as now for trained intelligence and trained
character in our public service, and I should like to think that we of
the Associated Societies will bear our part in it.
Most of you, I suppose, have already chosen the professions
that you mean to pursue, and I should by no means wish to see, as
the result of what I have said, a general exodus from Edinburgh to
the somewhat forbidding portals of the Civil Service examiners. That
is not my object, but I venture to point out that official duty is only a
very small part of public duty, and that public work is by no means
incompatible with other professions and other callings. I do not
suppose I need remind you that Walter Scott was a sheriff, and that
Robert Burns was an exciseman. But how often have I seen
professional men clutch at an opportunity of serving their country,
whether on a commission or on a committee, or something of that
kind—clutch at it though knowing that it will involve a great waste of
time, and therefore a great loss of money—clutch at it as an honor
which they cannot sufficiently prize. And I confess, when I see the
enormous abilities that are given to our Civil Service and to our
public service, either for no remuneration at all, or for remuneration
incalculably smaller than the same abilities would have earned in any
other calling or profession, I am inclined to think that the public
spirit in this country was never higher nor brighter than it is at
present. Let me tell you two curious stories which happened within
my experience or knowledge with regard to this anxiety to serve the
public. A friend of mine who had a high post in the Civil Service was
asked, not so very long ago, to undertake some task which was
peculiarly congenial to him, and for which he was peculiarly fitted;
but he refused it without hesitation, and he gave as his reason this.
He said, “When I was appointed to my present post at a very ample
remuneration I knew nothing of the work, and it was some years
before I could learn the work, to do it to my satisfaction. Now I have
learned it, I am in a position in some way to repay the State for
what it has done for me, and I shall not leave my post till I feel I
have in some degree discharged that debt.” Well, now, a much

longer time ago, before I can remember, there was one of the
greatest and the wealthiest, and at the same time one of the most
dissipated of the English nobility, who, after a life spent, as I say, in
a very frivolous manner, was suddenly seized and bitten with the
anxiety to occupy some public post under his government, and do
some public work; and he applied to the Minister of the day for
some quite subordinate post, as he wished to do something to
redeem his life. Well, the post was refused, and his life was
unredeemed. I give that to you as a specimen, not so uncommon as
it may seem, of the anxiety of men, who had not done much in their
youth, as they approached middle life to be of some use to their
country before they die. And, after all, gentlemen, we are bound to
remember this—that we owe something to our country besides rates
and taxes. Other countries have compulsory military service. We are
released from that; and if only on that consideration I think that we
should be prepared to do something for the country which has done
so much for us. And even if there is no public work ready to your
hand, there are innumerable ways in which we can serve our
country, however humbly and however indirectly. I only mention in
passing the Volunteer movement. But there are social methods,
literary methods, ay, and even athletic methods, because I am one
of those who believe that one of the subordinate methods of welding
the Empire together, and even of welding the English-speaking races
together, is by those Inter-Colonial athletic contests, and athletic
contests with the United States, which are developing so much in
these days. But what I want to impress upon you is this, that if you
keep before you the high motive of serving your country, it will
ennoble the humblest acts that you do for her. The man who breaks
stones on the road, after all, is serving his country in some way. He
is making her roads better for her commerce and her traffic. And if a
man asks himself sincerely and constantly the question—“What can I
do, in however small a way, to serve my country?”—he will not be
long in finding an answer.
Now, I will tell you what I consider the irreducible minimum of
this service—the irreducible minimum. It is that you should keep a

close and vigilant eye on public and municipal affairs; that you
should form intelligent opinions upon them; that you should give
help to the men who seem to you worthy of help, and oppose the
men whom you think worthy of opposition and condemnation. That I
believe to be the irreducible minimum of the debt of a British citizen
to his country, and I believe it to be very important to the country.
There is no such bad sign in a country as political abstention. I do
not want you all to be militant politicians; I do not want it for your
sake, or for the country’s sake. But an intelligent interest does not
mean a militant interest, though it, at any rate, means the reversal
of apathy. We are told that there is a good deal of political apathy in
these days. I do not know whether that is so or not, because I have
no means of judging. But if there is political apathy, I think the cause
of it is not far to seek. Our forefathers, with their defective news
agencies or channels, were able to concentrate their mind on one
particular subject at a time, and give it all their energy and all their
zeal. For example, for some twenty years they were locked in that
great war with Napoleon and the French Revolution, which absorbed
all their energies, and when that war ceased there came an era of
great single questions, on which they were able to concentrate all
their attention. But now that is all changed. The telegraph brings
you into communication with every quarter of the globe. Every day
brings you news of some exciting character from every quarter of
the universe, and under this constant and varying pressure the
intelligence of men is apt to be dazed, and blunted, and dulled. And
yet we know that when, as now, the attention of the country is
concentrated on a single point, there is as little apathy as need be.
But I should not appeal even on these grounds to you,
gentlemen, if I did not hold a somewhat higher and broader
conception of the Empire than seems to be held in many quarters. If
I regarded the Empire simply as a means of painting so much of the
world red, or as an emporium for trade, I should not ask you to work
for it. The land hunger is apt to become land fever, and land fever is
apt to breed land indigestion, while trade, however important and
desirable in itself, can never be the sole foundation of an empire.

Empires founded on trade alone must irresistibly crumble. But the
Empire that is sacred to me is sacred for this reason, that I believe it
to be the noblest example yet known to mankind of free, adaptable,
just government. If that was only your or my opinion it might
perhaps be not very well worth having, but it derives singular
confirmation from outside. When a community is in distress or under
oppression, it always looks first to Great Britain; while in cases which
are quite unsuspected, I think, by Great Britain at large, and which
are, as a rule, only known to Ministers, they constantly express the
wish in some form or other to be united to our country, and to enjoy
our government. And, on the other hand, for the most part, in those
territories which, for one reason or another, we have at various
times ceded, we may, I think, in almost every case see signs of
deterioration, and signs of regret on the part of the inhabitants for
what they have lost. I ask you, then, gentlemen, to keep this motive
before you of public duty and public service, for the sake of the
Empire, and also on your own account. You will find it, I believe, the
most ennobling human motive that can guide your actions. And
while you will help the country by observing it, you will also help
yourselves. Life in itself is but a poor thing at best; it consists of only
two certain parts, the beginning and the end—the birth and the
grave. Between those two points lies the whole area of human
choice and human opportunity. You may embellish and consecrate it
if you will, or you may let it lie stagnant and dead. But if you choose
the better part, I believe that nothing will give your life so high a
complexion as to study to do something for your country. And with
that inspiration I would ask you to blend some memory of this
Edinburgh so sacred and so beautiful to us, not, perhaps, the
Edinburgh of Cockburn or Jeffrey or Brougham, but an Edinburgh yet
full of noble men and wise teachers, that you will bear away some
kindling memory of this old grey city, which, though it be not the
capital of the Empire, is yet, in the sense of the sacrifices that it has
made, and the generations of men that it has given to the Empire, in
the truest, the largest, and the highest sense an Imperial City.

Concepts of Biology 3rd Edition Mader Test Bank

ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.
Note 1, p. 10.—The allusion is to the preliminary proceedings of
the trial—in which some days were devoted to legal fencing about
witnesses and challenged jurors.
Note 2, p. 12.—The gentleman thus elegantly arraigned was
William Saurin (1757?-1839). Saurin was sprung from a French
Huguenot family settled in Ireland. He was a lawyer of considerable
ability, but one who had not risen rapidly. He seems to have been a
fairly honest, bigoted Protestant; moreover, the duties he was called
to perform during his long term (1807–1822) as Attorney-General
were such as to bring him almost officially into sharp friction with
the Catholic population. Consequently he was cordially hated by
them. He was openly charged with using his position to repress
Catholic agitation; and, later than this trial, it was publicly known
that he had written to Lord Norbury, urging that as a Judge on
circuit he should attempt to influence grand juries in favor of the
Government. These are grounds palpable enough for a basis to
O’Connell’s accusations; but these were the ethics of the time. After
a perusal of this speech, it will not surprise the reader to learn that
before the Magee trial was over O’Connell had gone so far as to
threaten the Attorney-General with personal violence.
Note 3, p. 21.—The Catholic Committee of Dublin was an
organization for the purpose, so to speak, of agitation by resolution.
These resolutions were framed and passed at meetings. The
influences thus set in motion O’Connell had tried to enlarge and
make more national in their scope by adding to the Committee
members from other parts of the country than Dublin. Now the
Convention Act of 1793 had made representation by delegation,

such as was here contemplated, illegal; and the Government was
quick to avail itself of the statute. There was much trouble, and of
course the question was had to the courts, where, in the test-case of
Dr. Sheridan, O’Connell and the Committee lost. Chief-Justice
Downes declared (1811) that the proposed reorganization of the
Committee fell under the provisions of the Act. Thenceforward all
agitation permissible was to be conducted by a non-delegated
Catholic Board. In view of these facts O’Connell’s statement in the
text cannot be accepted literally. Perhaps it may be called
rhetorically true.
Note 4, p. 29.—His Grace the Duke of Richmond and Lennox—
fourth of that title, and descendant of Charles II. by the French
mistress, La Kerouaille—was a personage more picturesque than the
majority of the great in name who fill the pages of “Burke’s
Peerage.” Throughout, his life (1764–1819) was romantically
different from that of the average nobleman. As a youth he was a
notable duelist, and in 1789 had an encounter with the Duke of York
wherein half-royal blood came near to shedding royal. So impetuous
a temperament obviously led the Duke to the profession of arms, in
which he attained some prominence. The Lord-Lieutenancy of
Ireland was his during the period 1807–1813; and in these years he
had for chief secretary the then plain Colonel Wellesley. He left
Ireland for the wars; and thus it was that on the eve of Waterloo the
Duke and Duchess of Richmond gave at Brussels the historic ball
before the battle—an event which has permanently linked the name
of Richmond with history. For chance, doubly gracious,
commemorated the occasion in the famous verses of Byron, and the
enduring prose of “Vanity Fair.” The next day the Duke was glad to
serve on the battlefield under his former secretary. The end of this
nobleman was no less striking than his life. Removed to Canada, he
died a pitiful death of hydrophobia, induced by a fox-bite.
Note 5, p. 65.—Here the speaker is at some pains to press first
the charge of inconsistency against the Attorney-General: he then
goes on to consider the cases of Walter Cox, a Protestant and

publisher of the Irish Magazine, and of the author of a book called
“The Statement of the Penal Laws,” both imprisoned for libel.
Note 6, p. 100.—A short excursus on the manner of selecting
juries. The ingenious rhetorical device which follows in this selection,
after the break, should be noted. The parallelism between Ireland
and Portugal is carried as far as it could well go: and argument by
persuasion has seldom been more effectively attempted.
Note 7, p. 106.—A Portuguese coin, of gold, and valued at eight
dollars. So called from the medallion on it of King John.
Note 8, p. 116.—The note of O’Connell’s son and editor, so
characteristic, is worth preserving: “And slaves, hypocrites, and
bigots they proved themselves, by finding a verdict for the Crown.”
Note 9, p. 133.—In the short passage here omitted Lord
Palmerston deprecates certain aspersions laid by a member of the
Opposition upon the Queen’s Advocate, the legal adviser of the
Foreign Office.
Note 10, p. 144.—References respectively to the grievances of
Mr. Finlay—not born in Scotland, as the speaker asserts, but of
Scotch descent—and of Don Pacifico, a Jew from Gibraltar, whose
cases are soon to be discussed at length.
Note 11, p. 151.—George Finlay has titles to fame other than his
connection with the rather sordid cause célèbre of Don Pacifico. As
remarked above, he was not born in Scotland, but at Faversham,
Kent, Dec. 21, 1799; and passed the greater part of his long life far
from the north. While pursuing the study of Roman Jurisprudence at
Göttingen, about 1821, he met a Greek student from whose
conversation he was led to set out for Greece, like many another
young Englishman of the epoch, prepared to take part in the war for
independence then bursting forth. Arrived in Greece, also like many
other English Phil-Hellenes he had the usual encounter with Lord
Byron (in his case at Cephalonia), who communicated to him the
well-known failure of his illusions concerning the Greek character.
More than the ordinary run of Phil-Hellenes Finlay seems to have

impressed himself upon the poet; and they spent much time
together at Athens and Mesolonghi. Finlay was soon in the thick of
the insurrection, and accompanied the chieftain Odysseus on an
expedition into the Morea, during which he saw much to confirm
Lord Byron’s pessimistic views. Nevertheless, at the close of the war,
his practical sympathy with Greece manifested itself in the purchase
of an estate in Attica, from which he hoped to be of use to the
country by the extension of economic and civil improvements. This
hope he soon considered to be useless: but his money was locked
up in his land purchases, and, as he himself said, there was nothing
else to do but to study. With the exception of a few absences, the
remainder of his life was spent in Greece, where he accomplished no
small service to the country of his residence, and one of great
importance to the world. The former lay in his severe, but justifiable,
criticisms, in the form of pamphlets or newspaper correspondence,
of palpable errors in Greek politics and administration. These
censures, often translated into the Greek papers, after a time really
bore fruit, and, strangely enough, did not arouse the touchy Greek
character to resentment against the critic. His service to the world
was the composition of a monumental history of Late, Byzantine,
and Modern Greece, definitively published, in 1877, by the Clarendon
Press. The work covers the least known and most confusing period
of Greek history, known previously in English almost solely by the
picturesque, but rather un-oriented pages of Gibbon. Of it Dr.
Richard Garnett, in the “National Dictionary of Biography,” says:
“Finlay is a great historian of the type of Polybius, Procopius, and
Machiavelli, a man of affairs, who has qualified himself for treating
of public transactions by sharing in them, a soldier, a statesman, and
an economist.” In a word, the book is much more minute than
Gibbon; and, due doubtless to Finlay’s thorough understanding of
the Greek race, it is luminous on matters of social description, where
Gibbon preserves a large silence. Compared with the other Phil-
Hellenes Finlay was less the military adventurer, like Trelawney and
Sir Richard Church, than the practical friend of Greece, like the
American Dr. Howe. The camps of Europe could and did supply to
the Greek cause an abundance, not always disinterested, of the

former class; but it is probable that the wrecked and distracted
country, when it began the task of civilizing itself, owed far more to
men of Finlay’s stamp. He died at Athens, Jan. 26, 1875.
Note 12, p. 160.—“Against the hundred.” The reference is to a
peculiarity of the English common law, by which a district, originally
containing a literal hundred of families, was entitled a “Hundred.” For
offences committed within these precincts the inhabitants, or
“Hundredors,” as they were called, were held civilly responsible. The
division was probably of Germanic origin, having been established
among the Franks by Clotaire, among the English by King Alfred.
Note 13, p. 165.—Lazzaroni, originally the name of the beggars
and idlers who sought refuge at the Hospital of S. Lazarus in Naples,
came to be the generic term applied to that class of irresponsible
and half-criminal riffraff in Italy who in France are called the canaille.
Note 14, p. 184.—The little Ionian republic, seven-isled, or
Heptanēsos, was formally taken under the protection of England in
1815. This protectorate endured until the accession (1863) of
George, the present King of the Hellenes, when, at the request of
the islanders, the republic was incorporated with Hellas proper, to
which ethnically and geographically it belonged. During the period of
the protectorate England was represented by a series of Lord High
Commissioners, of whom the first, Sir Thomas Maitland, familiarly
known in the Levant as “King Tom,” was in many respects a
character. His palace, still a prominent feature of the town of Corfu,
is of almost baronial splendor; to the south of the Esplanade the
grateful Ionians erected in 1816 a small circular temple in his honor.
Corfu, the island, is probably the most famous of the group, having
been, as the ancient Kérkura, a Corinthian colony, one of the inciting
causes of the Peloponnesian War. Antiquity also somewhat fancifully
identified it with the Homeric Scheria, the abode of Alkinoos and the
matchless Nausikaa, naming its neighbor Ithaka—that other
Odyssean isle. It is to be said that the latter identification is less
fanciful than the former.

Note 15, p. 188.—This Baronet was Sir James Robert George
Graham (1792–1861), long, although with some fluctuation, a
prominent member of the Whig party. Although he held some high
offices during the first half of the century, his fame was but
evanescent. He was never a Whig at heart, it would seem. Haughty
in manner and aristocrat to the bone, his high talents were
neutralized by his personal unpopularity. Like Robert Lowe, but in a
greater degree, he failed of the success which he might reasonably
have expected. A prevalent artificiality of mind was also a bar to his
ambitions.
Note 16, p. 194.—Ten years after Pitt’s death the Congress of
Vienna had united the Belgian provinces, formerly under the rule of
Austria, with Holland, in order that this new-made kingdom of the
Netherlands might be a “buffer-state” against the encroachment of
France on the north. To Belgium, prevailingly Catholic, and to
Holland, as prevailingly Protestant, the alliance was alike distinctly
distasteful. In particular, the Catholic bishops of the Belgians had
objected at the outset to religious toleration under a Protestant king.
In language and customs much of Belgium was essentially French:
the Flemish element was in those days much subordinated. In
Holland the Protestant House of Orange, and, in Belgium, the
Church, were the figureheads that symbolized the real political
incongruity between the Netherlands, North and South. The events
of July, 1830, at Paris were followed by a sympathetic outbreak at
Brussels, August 25th, which commenced a real insurrection that
ended in the dissolution of the short-lived Kingdom. In the confusion
of European politics that arose from this disturbance, England and
France by close combination brought a kind of order out of chaos,
averted a European war, and by a Conference at London in January,
1831, defined the frontiers of the now disjunct states of Belgium and
Holland. But there had to be a King of Belgium. In his selection
much difficulty arose. The Duc de Nemours, second son of Louis
Philippe, was elected by the Gallicizing Belgians. This election was
vetoed by the London Conference. The matter was finally settled by
the choice of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, with the provision that

he should make a daughter of Louis Philippe his Queen. Over the
disposition of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg there was further
trouble, and even the threat of war. Nominally, it belonged to
Holland; sentimentally, it was Belgian—and French. While the
Conference was debating the question the King of Holland led an
army of fifty thousand men into Belgium. France responded to
Leopold’s appeal with another army. Then both armies were recalled.
Finally the Conference and Leopold agreed that the duchy should be
divided between the countries. But the King of Holland still held out
in the citadel of Antwerp, apparently caring little for either Prince or
Conference. In doing so, he soon found himself arrayed against a
French army corps on land, and in the river Scheldt a British fleet.
Even then a bombardment of the citadel was necessary to dislodge
him. This was in 1832. It was not until 1839 that the ensuing war of
words resulted in the signing of a formal treaty of peace between
Holland and Belgium.
Note 17, p. 194.—In the passage omitted Lord Palmerston
defends the policy of England towards Portugal. The transactions
here commented on are to be regarded as the second act of co-
operation which sprung from the entente cordiale established
between England and France at the time of the Belgian arrangement
above referred to. A summary of the Portuguese matters follows. In
1826, by the influence of Canning, the dispute about the succession
to the Crown of Portugal came to a temporary settlement by the
acceptance by Don Miguel of the Constitution. This Don Miguel, a
younger son of John, the former King, had been opposed to the
liberal tendencies of the times. At the death of his father, Pedro, the
Crown Prince, was already installed as Emperor of Brazil. So it was
arranged that Miguel should marry, when she came of age, his
niece, Maria, then with her father in Brazil; and meanwhile should
act as Regent. He soon threw off the mask. In June, 1828, he
dissolved the Cortes, summoned instead the medieval “Estates,” and
deliberately proclaimed himself King. Then came a brutal campaign
of proscription against the Constitutional party. Such as escaped
these terrors took refuge in England, and in the Azores, which still

held out for the Constitutionalists. But in England, now under the
Duke of Wellington’s dominance, it was no longer on the cards to
encourage the growth of liberalism on the continent. Indeed, an
attitude of absolute neutrality was maintained, and the former
intervention of Canning was deplored. So matters wagged until the
events of 1830 brought a change over the Anglo-Portuguese
relations. Don Miguel, in the exercise of his despotic powers, grew
insolent enough to worry even English and French subjects at
Lisbon. Their governments enforced satisfaction by naval squadrons
despatched to the Tagus. For England, Lord Palmerston, as Foreign
Secretary of Earl Grey’s Ministry, obtained an indemnity and a public
apology. For France, her admiral went so far as to appropriate the
best vessels of Miguel’s navy. Shortly after, Pedro crossed from Brazil
to contest the rights of his daughter to the throne. The attitude of
England had so completely swerved that, on Pedro’s arrival in
London (July, 1831), he was permitted to raise troops and to employ
in his service various officers of the English navy. From the
rendezvous of his forces at Terceira, in the Azores, he proceeded
against Oporto, which at once yielded to him. On his part, Don
Miguel marched against that city. After the destruction of Don
Miguel’s navy by his fleet under the English Captain Napier, Pedro
made decisive gains, and entered Lisbon, July 28, 1833. Don Miguel,
however, was not yet beaten, for the continental governments
favorable to absolutism were in the way of sending him assistance
both in troops and money. At this moment the whole business was
at first sight complicated, but in reality, so far as Portugal was
concerned, brought to a speedy issue by the Carlist troubles of the
neighboring kingdom of Spain. Don Carlos, the brother of King
Ferdinand, based his claim to the throne on the theory that the Salic
Law, recently repealed in favor of Isabella, child of the King’s old
age, by the so-called Pragmatic Sanction, was illegally repealed, the
Spanish Succession since 1713 having been faithful to that
ordinance. Temporarily Don Carlos had gone into Portugal. Most
naturally he had attached himself to Miguel, as a personage whose
position was so comparable to his own. Meanwhile in Spain the
Queen Regent, Maria Cristina, had allied herself with the Liberals;

had called into office a Liberal Minister, Martinez de la Rosa; and had
caused a constitution to be granted to the country (April 10, 1834).
Her Government also opened negotiations not only with Portugal,
but with England and France, as the next parties interested, with the
view of an alliance which should rid, once and for all, the Peninsula
of insurrections and leaders of insurrections. Thus on April 22, 1834,
the above Powers signed, at London, a Quadruple Treaty, according
to which Spain was to send an army into Portugal against Don
Miguel; Portugal, if she could, to drive Don Carlos from her territory;
England to aid with a fleet; and France to co-operate, if further co-
operation were necessary, by any means agreeable to all concerned.
And, with regard to Portugal, this programme was executed with
precision. No later than May 22, 1834, Don Miguel threw up the
game, accepted, instead of the Crown, a large pension, and
promised to relieve the Peninsula forever of his presence. Not so
with Don Carlos. He refused the conditions. At the time, however, he
could do nothing but take a proffered passage to London, whither he
conveyed his plottings and still undiscouraged dreams of the Spanish
Crown. Of which, more hereafter. As for Portugal, there was another
outbreak in 1847, concerning which Lord Palmerston found it
necessary this time neither to support the Liberal faction nor to
acquiesce in the Ministry of the Opposition leader, Señor Cabral, but
to keep a balance between both. This apparent inconsistency the
speaker explains by the statement that it was only by such conduct
that England could preserve at all a Portuguese Liberal party.
Note 18, p. 197.—The question of the Spanish Succession and
the quelling of the Carlist revolt here entered on demands further
elucidation. It will be remembered that Don Carlos, after the
Quadruple Treaty of 1834, had gone to England. Arrived there, he
was really in an anomalous position. It has been said that he carried
his dreams with him into exile. Now he had made no promises
further to observe the stipulations of the treaty, and—rather
curiously—he was not even held by the English authorities as a
prisoner of war. What, then, was more natural than that after a short
time he should quit England, run through France in disguise, and

bob up at the Carlist headquarters in the Basque Province of
Navarre? It was at once evident to the world that, so far as the
suppression of the Spanish Pretender went, the Quadruple Treaty
was nil. For various reasons, the Basque provinces had been from
the outset the hotbed of Carlism; and from this centre a vigorous
and, for a time, successful war was waged for Don Carlos. We say
deliberately, “waged for” him: because, like another famous
Pretender, Don Carlos was a figure singularly incapacitated for
leadership or hero-worship. His political abilities were meagre; and
of his personal courage there was more than a doubt. And yet, with
the perverse good luck that also waited upon another Pretender, he
was fortunate in his supporters. Chief among these was
Zumalacarregui, a general of marked strategic talent, who made a
pretty fight for his worthless master. Except for the advantages of a
mountainous country for base and a devoted population about him,
the Carlist leader had little to work with; but he made the throne of
Cristina tremble. The struggle endured—a civil war that became
notable for its peculiarly Spanish atrocities—until the Government
was forced to appeal to France for aid. It should be stated that after
the flight of Carlos from England an article had been added to the
Quadruple Treaty to the effect that France should prevent troops and
contraband of war from crossing the Pyrenees, and that England
should cut off aid to the Carlists by sea. This was not enough to
stifle the uprising. The appeal to France met with a certain hesitation
on the part of that Government. Louis Philippe now feared to irritate
those Powers who were more or less openly sympathetic with
Carlism. England was sounded to see if she would stand for a joint
responsibility with France in the matter of intervention. Lord
Palmerston replied negatively. The hesitation of France then ceased.
The answer was returned to Spain that no military assistance could
be given. By this time the Queen Regent had become unpopular;
and moderate men, as a relief from practical anarchy, were
beginning to turn toward Don Carlos. His prospects looked decidedly
bright. But the inspired fatuity that was seemingly the birthright of
the Pretender did not allow him to profit by his golden moment. He
would hear of nothing short of absolutism; instead of listening to

compromise, he made a feint of marching on Madrid; and, after
being soundly beaten by the Government General, Espartero,
escaped into Portugal, Sept. 14, 1839, having racked Spain with a
civil war of six years’ duration, with no gain even to himself. So the
revolt collapsed. Cristina had been ousted from the Regency by the
popular hero Espartero. Next Espartero was driven into exile by his
own party. Cristina then came back to Madrid, where her daughter
Isabella, made of age by a legal fiction, although only a girl of
fourteen, was crowned (November, 1843) Queen of Spain, with a
Ministry of the Moderado party, under General Narvaez.
Note 19, p. 208.—“While the Carlist War was still continuing,
Lord Palmerston had convinced himself that Louis Philippe intended
to marry the young Queen Isabella, if possible, to one of his sons.
Some years later this project was officially mentioned by Guizot to
the English statesman, who at once caused it to be understood that
England would not permit the union.... Louis Philippe now suggested
that his youngest son, the Duke of Montpensier, should wed the
Infanta Fernanda, sister of the Queen of Spain. On the express
understanding that this marriage should not take place until the
Queen should herself have been married and have had children, the
English Cabinet assented to the proposal. That the marriages should
not be simultaneous was treated by both governments as the very
heart and substance of the arrangement, inasmuch as the failure of
children by the Queen’s marriage would make her sister, or her
sister’s heir, inheritor of the throne. This was repeatedly
acknowledged by Louis Philippe and his Minister, Guizot, in the
course of communications which extended over some years.
Nevertheless, in 1846, the French Ambassador at Madrid, in
conjunction with the Queen’s mother, Maria Cristina, succeeded in
carrying out a plan by which the conditions laid down at London,
and accepted at Paris, were utterly frustrated. Of the Queen’s
Spanish cousins, there was one, Don Francisco, who was known to
be physically unfit for marriage. To this person it was determined by
Maria Cristina and the French Ambassador that the young Isabella
should be united, her sister being simultaneously married to the

Duke of Montpensier.”—Fyffe, “Modern Europe,” vol. ii., pp. 504, 505,
New York, 1877.
When the news of this astounding piece of bad faith was
communicated to Louis Philippe, at the first blush he was inclined to
repudiate it; but Guizot persuaded him to delay a while. And now
Lord Palmerston had returned to office and suggested a Prince of
Saxe-Coburg as a consort for the Spanish Queen—in which
suggestion Guizot immediately detected a chance to indict England
for disloyalty to the House of Bourbon. It may be said that this
objection was puerile. But what happened was that on October 10,
1846, the poor Queen and her sister were simultaneously married at
Madrid, as per programme of Maria Cristina and the French
Ambassador.
Of this performance Fyffe says (p. 506): “Few intrigues have
been more disgraceful than that of the Spanish marriages; none
more futile. The course of history mocked its ulterior purposes; its
immediate results were wholly to the injury of the House of Orleans.
The cordial understanding between France and Great Britain, which
had been revived after the differences of 1840, was now finally
shattered. Louis Philippe stood convicted before his people of
sacrificing a valuable alliance to dynastic ends; his Minister, the
austere and sanctimonious Guizot, had to defend himself against
charges which would have covered with shame the most hardened
man of the world.”
All of which goes to affirm the familiar lesson taught by history
that, in the long run, intrigue does not pay. As to the charge met in
this speech that Great Britain led to the downfall of Louis Philippe,
Lord Palmerston’s answer is easily adequate.
Note 20, p. 211.—Lord Palmerston here deals, categorically and
at some length, with England’s actions with respect to Switzerland.
There had arisen in that country a serious dispute about the
expulsion of the Jesuits. The minority, composing the seven Catholic
cantons, in order to oppose this expulsion had organized itself into a
Sonderbund, or Separate League, an association that the majority

contended was in itself contrary to the Acts of Confederation. The
friction was so intense between the factions that there seemed no
exit but civil war. At this juncture Lord Palmerston wrote to the
British Chargé d’Affaires in Switzerland a despatch, the substance of
which he was to communicate to the Swiss authorities. In this
despatch Lord Palmerston entreats the majority to use moderation
against the Catholic cantons, pointing out that a forcible suppression
of the Sonderbund will mean civil war, with the strong probability of
foreign interference. And that, he says, would end in “essentially
impairing the political independence of the country.” The Swiss
Minister replied that civil war was deemed inevitable. Then came a
proposal from Paris that the five Powers—England, France, Russia,
Austria, and Prussia—should issue a joint declaration to put an end
to civil war in Switzerland. The speaker shows, point by point, why
England could not assent to this proposal. The main reason was that
if the Swiss Government refused the conditions, it was to be
compelled by force of arms. Coercion England would not agree to.
Instead, she proposed that “the Jesuits should be withdrawn, either
by an act of the Sonderbund cantons themselves or by a consent to
be obtained from the Pope; that the Diet should then declare
formally that it had no aggressive intention against the Sonderbund;
and the Sonderbund, upon receiving this assurance, should dissolve
their Separate League, which was at variance with the Federal
Compact; that both parties should then disarm, and that peace
should thus be permanently restored.”
This fair proposal came to naught, largely through the delays
necessary for coming to an understanding with France, and the
reluctance of Switzerland to take advice, however good. She was left
to settle her own troubles.
Note 21, p. 213.—Here is omitted a minute elucidation of the
British Government’s share in the tumultuous and confused Italian
politics of Lord Palmerston’s time. The speaker mentions and
defends the following cases of British influence: 1. After vainly trying
to dissuade the King of Sardinia from taking up arms against Austria
in the troubles of 1846–48, England did not feel obliged forcibly to

prevent such action. She considered that, ethically wrong, his action
was nevertheless practically forced upon him by the appeal of
Lombardy and the overpowering sentiment of his own subjects. She
also refused to propose to the people of Lombardy (acting for
Austria) a compromise which she felt was less than Lombardy would
accept. 2. The Earl of Minto was really summoned to Rome by the
Pope. Although the English law did not then permit the sending of a
regular Minister to the Papal Court, the Pope wished to have by him
an adviser and quasi moral representative of England. In
Palmerston’s words, he wished that this person “should be entirely in
the confidence of Her Majesty’s Government; that he should be
conversant with the conditions of this country; that he should be a
man of rank; and, if possible, a person who could combine with
these qualifications diplomatic experience.” Palmerston adds: “If a
form of words had been devised which should exactly describe the
Earl of Minto, it could not have been done more correctly.” He was
accordingly requested by his Government to include Rome in a trip
taken ostensibly for recreation. The Earl found plenty to busy himself
with in distracted Italy. While he was at Rome, a civil war began
between Sicily and the King of Naples; and the informal
representative of England was asked by both parties to effect an
arrangement of their differences. While the Earl was in Sicily,
however, the news of the fall of Louis Philippe arrived, and after that
the hotheaded Sicilians would listen to nothing short of
independence. 3. The third case of English interference was the
announcement made to the King of Sardinia that if the Duke of
Genoa were chosen and actually enthroned as King of Sicily, the
English Government would acknowledge him. This promise was
based on the theory, then generally accepted, that the King of
Naples would be unable to recover Sicily. The contrary happened;
and the English proposal, actually made by the Sicilians to the
Sardinian Government, was rejected by the latter.
These things being so, the speaker concludes: “I am justified in
denying that the policy which we pursued in Italy was that of
exciting revolutions, and then abandoning the victims we had

deluded. On the contrary, I maintain that we gave advice calculated
to prevent revolutions, by reconciling opposite parties and conflicting
views. Ours was a policy of improvement and peace; and therefore
the Government deserves not condemnation, but praise.”
Note 22, p. 214.—The Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, so called from
the palace in which it was signed (July, 1833), by Russia and Turkey,
was in many respects an epoch-making document. Its influence was
long felt in the world-forces that thrill with every new agitation of
the Eastern Question. The causes that led to its signing were the
revolt and highly successful campaigns waged against the Sultan by
Mehemet Ali, Viceroy of Egypt, and his son Ibrahim. After the fall of
Acre, Ibrahim overcame the Turkish army sent against him in Syria,
advanced to the north, overcame another army, and had the way
clear for a march to the Bosphorus, when the terrified Sultan called
in the aid of Russia. At his request a Russian squadron came to
Constantinople. It is needless to say that this event was highly
unwelcome both to England and France. France threatened to recall
her ambassador, Admiral Roussin; but the Sultan only appealed to
Russia for troops and more ships. Finally, through the agency of
France, a peace was patched up between the Sultan and his
Egyptian enemies. Although really relieved of his fears by France, it
was to Russia that the Sultan showed the fullest gratitude. The
outcome of this was the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, which arranged
for nothing less than a defensive Russo-Turkish alliance. As for
Russia, she had not only signed a treaty, but executed a coup of the
most important nature. For, by a secret clause, which was soon
made public, Turkey agreed to close the Dardanelles to the warships
of the world when Russia was at war. And, by the very nature of the
clause, Russia, in such a predicament, could use Turkish waters as
her own. The gates of the Dardanelles were to be unlocked for her;
for all others they continued closed. The Russian advantage is
obvious. From this moment the English distrust of Russia increased
daily; and England and France were single in their aim to diminish
Russian influence with the Porte. And the feeling thus aroused had
for its eventual outlet the Crimean War. But at first French

indignation found expression in a marked display of friendly feeling
towards the old rebel, Mehemet Ali. The Sultan had died; but against
his successor the Egyptian now took up arms again. Some signal
victories having been gained by him, the French and English fleets
appeared in the Dardanelles, chiefly as a menace against Russia.
The latter saw that she would have to abdicate from her singularly
advantageous standpoint as the sole protector of Turkey. When
negotiations were opened again between the new Sultan and
Mehemet, the rebel refused to conclude a peace upon reasonable
terms; but France was the only power that remained favorable to his
pretensions. Thus, in the settlement of this matter, France and
England were brought into decided opposition: the former proposing
that to Mehemet and descendants all Syria and Egypt should be
given, a yearly tribute to be paid to the Porte; the latter insisting
that Mehemet should have Egypt alone, that he should evacuate
Northern Syria, and that he should hold Palestine only as life-
governor. Lord Palmerston not only held firm to this, but persuaded
the other Powers to acquiesce in it. Accordingly, on July 15, 1840, a
treaty was signed by the consenting Powers. France, thus left out in
the cold, worked herself into a jealous frenzy, which, however, did
not lead her into actual hostilities. The Allies now proceeded calmly
to crush the bone over which all the dogs of war had been snarling.
With expedition Ibrahim was expelled from Syria; and Mehemet, at
Alexandria, was compelled to compound with Sir Charles Napier, the
English Admiral, by formally submitting to the Sultan; by accepting
merely the hereditary possession of Egypt; and by restoring to the
Sultan the Turkish fleet, which, by the double-dealing of its captain,
had gone over to him. To this arrangement France at last decided to
yield. And now, about the crux of the Dardanelles, a modus vivendi
was arrived at. Russia could not hope to retain the predominant
privileges conferred at Unkiar Skelessi. Along with France, she joined
in the general understanding of the Powers that no warship of any
nation should be allowed to pass these mooted straits—save and
only if Turkey were at war. Thus she had to give up her hope of sea-
power in the Mediterranean; but at the same time her Euxine shores
were safe from all but Turkish attack. And so the flags of Europe to-

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