Essentials of Database Management 1st Edition Hoffer Test Bank
Essentials of Database Management 1st Edition Hoffer Test Bank
Essentials of Database Management 1st Edition Hoffer Test Bank
Essentials of Database Management 1st Edition Hoffer Test Bank
1. Visit https://testbankfan.com to download the full version and
explore more testbank or solutions manual
Essentials of Database Management 1st Edition
Hoffer Test Bank
_____ Click the link below to download _____
https://testbankfan.com/product/essentials-of-database-
management-1st-edition-hoffer-test-bank/
Explore and download more testbank or solutions manual at testbankfan.com
2. Here are some recommended products that we believe you will be
interested in. You can click the link to download.
Essentials of Database Management 1st Edition Hoffer
Solutions Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/essentials-of-database-management-1st-
edition-hoffer-solutions-manual/
Modern Database Management 11th Edition Hoffer Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/modern-database-management-11th-
edition-hoffer-test-bank/
Modern Database Management 12th Edition Hoffer Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/modern-database-management-12th-
edition-hoffer-test-bank/
Modern Database Management 10th Edition Hoffer Solutions
Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/modern-database-management-10th-
edition-hoffer-solutions-manual/
3. Modern Database Management 12th Edition Hoffer Solutions
Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/modern-database-management-12th-
edition-hoffer-solutions-manual/
Modern Database Management 11th Edition Hoffer Solutions
Manual
https://testbankfan.com/product/modern-database-management-11th-
edition-hoffer-solutions-manual/
Essentials of Marketing Management 1st Edition Marshall
Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/essentials-of-marketing-
management-1st-edition-marshall-test-bank/
Concepts of Database Management 8th Edition Pratt Test
Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/concepts-of-database-management-8th-
edition-pratt-test-bank/
Concepts of Database Management 9th Edition Starks Test
Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/concepts-of-database-management-9th-
edition-starks-test-bank/
26. STUDENTS.
performed bears fruit. The words of Luther had
penetrated the minds of his hearers with irresistible
force. Several of those who had daily thronged the castle hall were
subdued by the truth, whose leading conquests were made among
her most decided opponents. Even Poliander, the secretary, familiar
friend and disciple of Eck, was gained to the Reformation, and
began, in 1522, to preach the gospel at Leipsic. John Camerarius,
professor of Hebrew, one of the keenest opponents of the
Reformation, impressed by the words of the mighty teacher, began
to examine the Holy Scriptures more thoroughly; and, shortly after
throwing up his situation, came to Wittemberg to study at the feet of
Luther. He was afterwards pastor at Frankfort and Dresden.
Among those who had taken their place on the seats reserved for
the Court, and accompanied Duke George, was George of Anhalt, a
young prince, twelve years of age, of a family which had
distinguished itself in the wars against the Saracens. At this time he
was studying at Leipsic with his tutor. Great ardour for science, and
a strong attachment to truth, had already become the characteristics
of the illustrious young prince. He was often heard to repeat the
words of Solomon, falsehood ill becomes a prince. The Leipsic
discussion inspired this child with serious reflection, and with a
decided leaning to Luther.[128] Some time after a bishopric was
offered to him. His brother, and all his family, with the view of raising
him to high honour in the Church, urged him to accept it, but he
resolutely declined. His pious mother, who was secretly favourable to
Luther, having died, he became possessed of all the Reformer's
writings. He was constant and fervent in prayer to God, to incline his
heart to the truth; and, often in the solitude of his chamber,
exclaimed, with tears, "Deal mercifully with thy servant, and teach
me thy statutes."[129] His prayers were heard. Carried forward by his
convictions, he fearlessly joined the ranks of the friends of the
gospel. In vain did his guardians, and particularly Duke George,
besiege him with entreaties and remonstrances. He remained
inflexible, and the Duke, half convinced by his pupil's reasons,
27. CRUCIGER.
MELANCTHON'S
CALL.
exclaimed, "I cannot answer him; still, however, I will keep by my
Church—I am too old a dog to be trained." We will afterwards see in
this amiable prince one of the finest characters of the Reformation,
one who himself preached the word of life to his subjects, and to
whom the saying of Dion respecting the emperor Marcus Antoninus,
has been applied, "He was through life consistent with himself, he
was a good man, a man free from guile."[130]
But Luther's words met with an enthusiastic reception, especially
from the students. They felt the difference between the spirit and
life of the doctor of Wittemberg, and the sophistical distinctions, and
vain speculations, of the chancellor of Ingolstadt. They saw Luther
founding upon the word of God, and they saw Dr. Eck founding only
on human traditions. The effect was soon visible. The classes of the
university of Leipsic almost emptied after the discussion. One
circumstance partly contributed to this. The plague threatened to
make its appearance—but there were many other universities—for
example, Erfurt, or Ingolstadt, to which the students might have
repaired. The force of truth drew them to Wittemberg, where the
number of the students was doubled.[131]
Among those who removed from the one university
to the other was a youth of sixteen, of a
melancholy air, who spoke little, and often amid the
conversation and games of his fellow-students
seemed absorbed by his own thoughts.[132] His parents at first
thought him of weak intellect, but they soon found him so apt to
learn, and so completely engrossed by his studies, that they
conceived high hopes of him. His integrity, his candour, his modesty,
and his piety, made him a general favourite, and Mosellanus singled
him out as a model to all the university. He was called Gaspard
Cruciger, and was originally from Leipsic. This new student of
Wittemberg was afterwards the friend of Melancthon, and the
assistant of Luther in the translation of the Bible.
28. LUTHER'S
EMANCIPATION.
The Leipsic discussion produced results still more important, in as
much as the theologian of the Reformation then received his call.
Modest and silent, Melancthon had been present at the discussion
almost without taking any part in it. Till then his attention had been
engrossed by literature, but the discussion gave him a new impulse,
and gained him over to theology. Henceforth his science did homage
to the word of God. He received the evangelical truth with the
simplicity of a child. His audience heard him expound the doctrines
of salvation with a grace and clearness by which all were charmed.
He boldly advanced in this, which was to him a new career; "for,"
said he, "Christ will never leave his people."[133] From this moment
the two friends walked side by side, contending for liberty and truth,
the one with the energy of St. Paul, and the other with the
meekness of St. John. Luther has admirably expressed the difference
of their calling:—"I was born," said he, "to enter the field of battle,
and contend with factions and demons. Hence, my writings breathe
war and tempest. I must root up the trunks, remove the thorns and
the brambles, and fill up the marshes and pools. I am the sturdy
wood-cutter who must clear the passage and level the ground; but
master Philip advances calmly and softly; he digs and plants, sows,
and waters joyously, in accordance with the gifts which God has,
with so liberal a hand, bestowed upon him."[134]
If Melancthon, the quiet sower, was called to the
work by the discussion of Leipsic, Luther, the hardy
wood-cutter, felt his arm strengthened, and his
courage still more inflamed by it. The mightiest result of this
discussion was produced in Luther himself. "Scholastic theology,"
said he, "sunk entirely in my estimation, under the triumphant
presidency of Dr. Eck." In regard to the reformer, the veil which the
School and the Church had hung up in front of the sanctuary was
rent from top to bottom. Constrained to engage in new enquiries, he
arrived at unexpected discoveries. With equal astonishment and
indignation he saw the evil in all its magnitude. While poring over
the annals of the Church, he discovered that the supremacy of Rome
29. LUTHER'S
CHARITY. ECK
ATTACKS
MELANCTHON.
had no other origin than ambition on the one hand, and credulous
ignorance on the other. The narrow point of view under which he
had hitherto looked at the Church was succeeded by one both
clearer and wider. In the Christians of Greece and the East he
recognised true members of the Catholic Church; and, instead of a
visible head, seated on the banks of the Tiber, he adored, as sole
Head of his people, that invisible and eternal Redeemer, who,
according to his promise, is always, and in all parts of the world, in
the midst of those who believe in his name. The Latin Church Luther
no longer regarded as the universal Church. The narrow barriers of
Rome were thrown down; and he shouted for joy when he saw the
glorious domain of Jesus Christ stretching far beyond them.
Henceforth he felt that he could be a member of the Church of
Christ without belonging to the Church of the pope. In particular, the
writings of John Huss made a strong impression on him. To his great
surprise, he discovered in them the doctrine of St. Paul and St.
Augustine, the doctrine to which he had himself arrived, after so
many struggles. "I believed," said he, "and, without knowing it,
taught all the doctrines of John Huss.[135] So did Staupitz. In short,
without suspecting it, we are all Hussites, as are also St. Paul and St.
Augustine. I am confounded at it, and know not what to think.... O
what dreadful judgments have not men merited from God!
Evangelical truth, when unfolded, and published more than a
century ago, was condemned, burned, and suppressed.... Woe! Woe
to the earth!"
Luther disengaged himself from the papacy, regarding it with
decided aversion and holy indignation. All the witnesses, who in
every age had risen up against Rome came successively before him
to testify against her, and unveil some of her abuses or errors. "O
darkness!" exclaimed he.
He was not allowed to be silent as to these sad
discoveries. The pride of his adversaries, their
pretended triumph, and the efforts which they
made to extinguish the light, fixed his decision. He
30. advanced in the path in which God was leading him, without any
uneasiness as to the result. Luther has fixed upon this as the
moment of his emancipation from the papal yoke—"Learn by me,"
said he, "how difficult it is to disencumber oneself of errors which
the whole world confirms by its example, and which, from long
habit, have become a second nature.[136] For seven years I had
been reading, and, with great zeal, publicly expounding the Holy
Scriptures, so that I had them almost entirely by heart.[137] I had
also all the rudiments of knowledge and faith in the Lord Jesus
Christ,—that is to say, I knew that we were not justified and saved
by our works, but by faith in Christ: and I even maintained openly,
that the pope is not head of the Christian Church by divine authority.
And yet ... I could not see the inference, viz.—that certainly and
necessarily the pope is of the devil. For whatever is not of God must,
of necessity, be of the devil."[138] Further on, Luther adds—"I no
longer vent my indignation against those who are still attached to
the pope, since I myself, after reading the Holy Scriptures so
carefully, and for so many years, still clung to the pope with so much
obstinacy."[139]
Such were the true results of the discussion of Leipsic—results far
more important than the discussion itself, and resembling those first
successes which discipline an army and inflame its courage.
31. MELANCTHON'S
DEFENCE.
CHAP. VII.
Eck attacks Melancthon—Melancthon's defence—Interpretation
of Scripture—Luther's firmness—The Bohemian Brethren—
Emser—Staupitz.
Eck abandoned himself to all the intoxication of what he would fain
have passed off as a victory. He kept tearing at Luther, and heaped
accusation upon accusation[140] against him. He also wrote to
Frederick. Like a skilful general, he wished to take advantage of the
confusion which always succeeds a battle, in order to obtain
important concessions from the prince. Preparatory to the steps
which he meant to take against his opponent personally, he invoked
the flames against his writings, even those of them which he had
not read. Imploring the Elector to convene a provincial council, the
coarse-minded doctor exclaimed, "Let us exterminate all this vermin
before they multiply out of measure."[141]
Luther was not the only person against whom he
vented his rage. He had the imprudence to call
Melancthon into the field. Melancthon, who was in
terms of the greatest intimacy with the excellent Œcolampadius,
gave him an account of the discussion, and spoke of Eck in eulogistic
terms.[142] Nevertheless, the pride of the chancellor of Ingolstadt
was offended, and he immediately took up the pen against this
"grammarian of Wittemberg, who, it is true," said he, "was not
ignorant of Latin and Greek, but had dared to publish a letter in
which he had insulted him, Dr. Eck."[143]
Melancthon replied. It is his first theological writing, and displays the
exquisite urbanity which characterised this excellent man. Laying
down the fundamental principles of Hermeneutics, he shows that the
32. LUTHER'S
FIRMNESS,
EMSER.
STAUPITZ.
Holy Scriptures ought not to be explained according to the Fathers,
but the Fathers according to the Holy Scriptures. "How often," says
he, "did not Jerome commit mistakes, how often Augustine, how
often Ambrose; how often do they differ in opinion, how often do
they retract their own errors; ... there is only one volume inspired by
the Spirit of heaven—pure and true throughout."[144]
"Luther," it is said, "does not follow some ambiguous expositions of
the ancients, and why should he follow them? When he expounds
the passage of St. Matthew, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I
will build my Church," he agrees with Origen, who by himself alone
is worth a host; with Augustine in his homily, and Ambrose in his
sixth book on St. Luke, to say nothing of others. What, then, you will
say, do the Fathers contradict each other? Is it surprising that they
should?[145] I believe in the Fathers, because I believe in the Holy
Scriptures. The meaning of Scripture is one, and simple, like
heavenly truth herself. We arrive at it by comparing different
passages together; we deduce it from the thread and connection of
the discourse.[146] There is a philosophy enjoined us in regard to the
Book of God, and it is to employ it as the touch-stone by which all
the opinions and maxims of men must be tried."[147]
It was a long time since these great truths had
been so elegantly expounded. The Word of God
was restored to its proper place, and the Fathers to
theirs. The simple method by which we ascertain
the meaning of Scripture was distinctly traced. The
Word had precedence over all the difficulties and the expositions of
the School. Melancthon furnished the answer to those who, like Dr.
Eck, would envelope this subject in the mists of a remote antiquity.
The feeble grammarian had risen up, and the broad and sturdy
shoulders of the scholastic gladiator had bent under the first
pressure of his arm.
The weaker Eck was, the more noise he made, as if his
rhodomontades and accusations were to secure the victory which he
33. LUTHER ON THE
EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIANS.
had failed to obtain in debate. The monks and all the partisans of
Rome re-echoing his clamour, Germany rang with invectives against
Luther, who, however, remained passive. "The more I see my name
covered with opprobrium," said he in finishing the expositions which
he published, on the propositions of Leipsic, "the prouder I feel; the
truth, in other words, Christ, must increase, but I must decrease.
The voice of the Bridegroom and the bride delights me more than all
this clamour dismays me. Men are not the authors of my sufferings,
and I have no hatred against them. It is Satan, the prince of evil,
who would terrify me. But he who is in us is greater than he who is
in the world. The judgment of our contemporaries is bad; that of
posterity will be better."[148]
If the Leipsic discussion multiplied Luther's enemies in Germany, it
also increased the number of his friends abroad; "What Huss was
formerly in Bohemia, you, O Martin, are now in Saxony," wrote the
brothers of Bohemia to him; "wherefore pray and be strong in the
Lord."
About this time war was declared between Luther and Emser, now a
professor of Leipsic. The latter addressed a letter to Dr. Zach, a
zealous Roman Catholic of Prague, in which his professed object was
to disabuse the Hussites of the idea that Luther was of their party.
Luther could not doubt that under the semblance of defending him,
the learned Leipsicker's real purpose was to fasten on him a
suspicion of adhering to the Bohemian heresy, and he resolved to
tear aside the veil under which his old Dresden host was
endeavouring to shroud his enmity. With this view he published a
letter addressed to the "goat Emser," Emser's arms being a goat.
Luther concludes with a sentiment which well delineates his own
character, "To love all, but fear none."[149]
While new friends and new enemies thus
appeared, old friends seemed to draw off from
Luther. Staupitz, who had been the means of
bringing the Reformer out of the obscurity of the
34. cloister of Erfurt, began to show him some degree of coolness.
Luther was rising too high for Staupitz to follow him.—"You abandon
me," wrote Luther to him. "The whole day I have been exceedingly
grieved on your account, like a child just weaned and weeping for its
mother.[150] Last night," continues the Reformer, "I dreamed of you,
you were keeping aloof from me, and I was sobbing and shedding
tears; then you gave me your hand, and told me to dry up my tears,
for you would return to me."
The pacificator, Miltitz, wished to make a new attempt at
conciliation. But what hold can be had on men while still under the
excitement of the contest? His endeavours led to no result. He
brought the famous rose of gold, but the Elector did not even take
the trouble to receive it in person.[151] Frederick knew the artifices
of Rome, and was not to be imposed upon.[152]
35. BLINDNESS OF
ADVERSARIES.
CHAP. VIII.
Epistle to the Galatians—Christ for us—Blindness of Luther's
Adversaries—First Ideas on the Supper—Is the Sacrament
Sufficient without Faith?—Luther a Bohemian—Eck attacked
—Eck sets out for Rome.
Far from drawing back, Luther uniformly continued
to advance, and at this time struck one of his
severest blows at error, by publishing his first
commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians.[153] It is true, the
second commentary was superior to the first; but still the first
contained a forcible exposition of the doctrine of justification by
faith. Every expression of the new apostle was full of life, and God
employed him to imbue the hearts of the people with divine
knowledge. "Christ gave himself for our sins," said Luther to his
contemporaries.[154] "It was not silver or gold that he gave for us,
nor was it a man or angels. He gave himself—himself, out of whom
there is no true greatness; and this incomparable treasure he gave
... for our sins. Where, now, are those who proudly boast of the
powers of our will? where are the lessons of moral philosophy?
where the power and strength of the law? Our sins being so great
that they cannot possibly be taken away without an immense
ransom, shall we pretend to acquire righteousness by the energy of
our will, by the power of the law, and the doctrines of men? What
will all these cunning devices, all these illusions, avail us? Ah! we will
only cover our iniquities with a spurious righteousness and convert
ourselves into hypocrites, whom no worldly power can save."
But while Luther thus proves that man's only salvation is in Christ,
he also shows how this salvation changes his nature, and enables
him to abound in good works. "The man," says he, "who has truly
36. heard the word of Christ, and keeps it, is immediately clothed with
the spirit of charity. If thou lovest him who has made thee a present
of twenty florins, or done thee some service, or in some way given
thee a proof of his affection, how much more oughtest thou to love
him, who, on thy account, has given not silver or gold, but himself,
received so many wounds, endured a bloody sweat, and even died
for thee; in one word, who, in paying for all thy sins, has annihilated
death, and secured for thee a Father full of love in heaven!... If thou
lovest him not, thy heart has not listened to the things which he has
done; thou hast not believed them; for faith works by love." "This
epistle," said Luther, in speaking of the Epistle to the Galatians, "is
my epistle—I am married to it."
His opponents caused him to proceed at a quicker pace than he
would otherwise have done. At this time Eck instigated the
Franciscans of Juterbock to make a new attack upon him; and
Luther, in his reply,[155] not satisfied with repeating what he had
already taught, attacked errors which he had recently discovered. "I
would fain know," says he, "in what part of Scripture the power of
canonising saints has been given to the popes; and also what the
necessity, or even the utility is, of canonising them?"... "However,"
adds he, ironically, "let them canonise as they will."[156]
These new attacks of Luther remained unanswered. The blindness of
his enemies was as favourable to him as his own courage. They
passionately defended secondary matters, and said not a word when
they saw the foundations of Roman doctrine shaking under his hand.
While they were eagerly defending some outworks, their intrepid
adversary penetrated into the heart of the citadel, and there boldly
planted the standard of truth; and hence their astonishment, when
they saw the fortress sapped, blazing, and falling to pieces amid the
flames, at the moment when they thought it impregnable, and were
hurling defiance at their assailants. Thus it is that great changes are
accomplished.
37. FIRST IDEAS ON
THE LORD'S
SUPPER.
The sacrament of the Lord's supper began, at this
time, to engage Luther's attention. He looked for it
in the mass, but in vain. One day, shortly after his
return from Leipsic, he mounted the pulpit. Let us
mark his words, for they are the first which he pronounced, on a
subject which afterwards divided the Church and the Reformation
into two parties. "In the holy sacrament of the altar," says he, "there
are three things which it is necessary to know; the sign, which must
be external, visible, and under a corporal form; the thing signified,
which is internal, spiritual, and within the mind; and faith, which
avails itself of both."[157] Had the definitions not been pushed
farther, unity would not have been destroyed.
Luther continues. "It were good that the Church should, by a general
council, decree that both kinds shall be distributed to all the faithful;
not, however, on the ground that one kind is insufficient, for faith by
itself would be sufficient." These bold words pleased his audience,
though some were astonished and offended, and exclaimed, "This is
false and scandalous."[158]
The preacher continues. "There is no union closer, deeper, or more
inseparable than that between food and the body which is nourished
by it. In the sacrament, Christ unites himself to us so closely that he
acts in us as if he were identified with us. Our sins attack him. His
righteousness defends us."
But Luther, not deeming it enough to expound the truth, attacks one
of the most fundamental errors of Rome.[159] The Roman Church
pretends that the sacrament operates by itself, independently of the
disposition of him who receives it. Nothing can be more convenient
than such an opinion, since to it, both the eagerness with which the
sacrament is sought, and the profits of the clergy are to be ascribed.
Luther attacks this doctrine,[160] and maintains its opposite[161]—
viz., that faith and a right disposition of heart are indispensable.
38. This energetic protestation was destined to overthrow ancient
superstitions; but, strange to say, it attracted no attention. Rome
overlooked what might have made her scream in agony, and
impetuously attacked the unimportant observation which Luther
threw out at the commencement of his discourse, concerning
communion in two kinds. The discourse having been published in
December, a general cry of heresy was raised. "It is just the doctrine
of Prague unadulterated," was the exclamation at the Court of
Dresden, where the sermon arrived during the Christmas festivals.
"It is written, moreover, in German, in order to make it accessible to
the common people."[162] The devotion of the prince was troubled,
and on the third day of the festival he wrote to his cousin Frederick.
"Since the publication of this discourse, the number of persons who
receive the sacrament in two kinds has received an increase of 6000.
Your Luther, from being a professor of Wittemberg, is on the eve of
becoming a bishop of Prague, and an arch-heretic".... The cry was,
"he was born in Bohemia, of Bohemian parents, he was brought up
at Prague, and trained in the writings of Wickliffe."
Luther judged it right to contradict these rumours in a writing in
which he gravely detailed his parentage. "I was born at Eisleben,"
said he, "and was baptised in St. Peter's church. The nearest town to
Bohemia in which I have ever been, is Dresden."[163]
The letter of Duke George did not prejudice the Elector against
Luther, for a few days after he invited him to a splendid
entertainment which he gave to the Spanish ambassador, and at
which Luther valiantly combated the minister of Charles.[164] The
Elector's chaplain had, by his master's order, requested Luther to use
moderation in defending his cause. "Excessive folly displeases man,"
replied Luther to Spalatin, "but excessive wisdom displeases God.
The gospel cannot be defended without tumult and scandal. The
word of God is sword, war, ruin, scandal, destruction, poison;"[165]
and, hence, as Amos expresses it, "it presents itself like a bear in the
path, and a lioness in the forest. I ask nothing, I demand nothing.
39. ECK'S ATTACK.
There is one greater than I who asks and demands. Whether he
stands or falls, I am neither gainer nor loser."[166]
It was obvious that faith and courage were about
to become more necessary to Luther than ever. Eck
was forming projects of revenge. Instead of the
laurels which he had counted on gaining, he had become a laughing-
stock to all men of intellect throughout the nation.[167] Cutting
satires were published against him. Eck was cut to the very heart by
"An Epistle of Ignorant Canons," written by Œcolompadius, and a
complaint against him probably by the excellent Pirckheimer of
Nuremberg, exhibiting a combination of sarcasm and dignity of
which the 'Provincial Letters' of Pascal alone can give some idea.
Luther expressed his dissatisfaction with some of these writings. "It
is better," said he, "to attack openly than to keep barking behind a
hedge."[168]
How greatly the chancellor of Ingolstadt had miscalculated! His
countrymen abandon him, and he prepares for a journey beyond the
Alps, to invoke the aid of strangers. Wherever he goes he vents his
threatenings against Luther, Melancthon, Carlstadt, and the Elector
himself. "From the haughtiness of his expressions," says the doctor
of Wittemberg, "one would say he imagines himself to be God
Almighty."[169] Inflamed with rage, and thirsting for vengeance, Eck,
having in February, 1520, published a work on the primacy of St.
Peter,—a work devoid of sound criticism, in which he maintained that
this apostle, the first of the popes, resided for twenty-five years at
Rome—set out for Italy in order to receive the reward of his
pretended triumphs, and to forge at Rome, near the papal capitol,
thunders mightier than the frail scholastic arms which had given way
in his hands.
Luther was aware of all the dangers to which the journey of his
antagonist would expose him—but he feared not. Spalatin, alarmed,
urged him to make proposals of peace. "No," replied Luther, "so long
40. as he clamours, I cannot decline the contest. I commit the whole
affair to God, and leave my bark to the winds and waves. It is the
battle of the Lord. How can it be imagined that Christ will advance
his cause by peace? Did he not combat even unto death, and have
not all the martyrs since done the same?"[170]
Such was the position of the two combatants of Leipsic, at the
commencement of the year 1520. The one was stirring up the whole
papacy to strike a blow at his rival, who, on his part, waited for war
as calmly as if he had been waiting for peace. The year on which we
are entering will see the bursting of the storm.
42. COMPETITORS
FOR THE
CHAP. I.
Character of Maximilian—The Competitors for the Empire—
Charles—Francis I—Inclination of the Germans—The Crown
offered to Frederick—Charles is Elected.
A new character was going to appear upon the stage. God saw meet
to place the monk of Wittemberg in presence of the most powerful
monarch who had appeared in Christendom since Charlemagne. He
chose a prince, in the fervid vigour of youth, to whom every thing
presaged a reign of long duration—a prince whose sceptre extended
over a considerable portion both of the old and the new world; so
that, according to a celebrated expression, the sun never set on his
vast dominions—and opposed him to this humble Reformation,
which began with the anguish and sighs of a poor monk, in the
obscure cell of a convent at Erfurt. The history of this monarch and
his reign seems to have been destined to give a great lesson to the
world. It was to show the nothingness of all "the power of man,"
when it presumes to contend with "the weakness of God." Had a
prince, friendly to Luther, been called to the empire, the success of
the Reformation would have been attributed to his protection. Had
even an emperor opposed to the new doctrine, but feeble, occupied
the throne, the triumphant success of the work would have been
accounted for by the feebleness of the monarch. But it was the
proud conqueror of Pavia who behoved to humble his pride before
the power of the Divine Word, that all the world might see how he,
who had found it easy to drag Francis I a captive to Madrid, was
compelled to lower his sword before the son of a poor miner.
The Emperor Maximilian was dead, and the
electors had met at Frankfort to give him a
successor. In the circumstances in which Europe
was placed, this election was of vast importance,
43. IMPERIAL
CROWN.
FRANCIS I.
HENRY VIII.
FREDERICK.
and was regarded with deep interest by all
Christendom. Maximilian had not been a great
prince; but his memory was dear to the people, who took a pleasure
in remembering his presence of mind and good-humoured affability.
Luther often talked of him to his friends, and one day related the
following anecdote.
A beggar had kept running after him asking charity, and addressing
him as his brother; "for," said he, "we are both descended from the
same father, Adam. I am poor," continued he, "but you are rich, and
it is your duty to assist me." At these words the emperor turned
round and said to him—"Hold, there's a penny: go to your other
brothers, and if each gives you as much, you will soon be richer than
I am."[171]
The person about to be called to the empire was not a good-natured
Maximilian. Times were to undergo a change; ambitious potentates
were competing for the imperial throne of the West; the reins of the
empire were to be seized by an energetic hand; profound peace was
to be succeeded by long and bloody wars.
At the assembly of Frankfort, three kings aspired to
the crown of the Cæsars. A youthful prince,
grandson of the last emperor, born at the opening
of the century, and consequently nineteen years of
age, first presented himself. He was named Charles, and was born at
Ghent. His paternal grandmother, Mary, daughter of Charles the
Bold, had left him Flanders and the rich States of Burgundy. His
mother, Joan, daughter of Ferdinand of Arragon and Isabella of
Castile, and wife of Philip, son of the Emperor Maximilian, had
transmitted to him the united kingdoms of Spain, Naples, and Sicily,
to which Christopher Columbus had added a new world, while the
recent death of his grandfather put him in possession of the
hereditary States of Austria. This young prince, who was endowed
with great talents. To a turn for military exercises (in which the
dukes of Burgundy had long been distinguished)—to the finesse and
44. penetration of the Italians—to the reverence for existing institutions
which still characterises the house of Austria, and promised the
papacy a firm defender, he joined a thorough knowledge of public
affairs, acquired under the direction of Chièvres, having from fifteen
years of age taken part in all the deliberations of his cabinet.[172]
These diversified qualities were, in a manner, shrouded under
Spanish reserve and taciturnity. In personal appearance he was tall
in stature, and had somewhat of a melancholy air. "He is pious and
tranquil," said Luther, "and I believe does not speak as much in a
year as I do in a day."[173] Had the character of Charles been
formed under the influence of freedom and Christianity, he would
perhaps have been one of the most admirable princes on record; but
politics engrossed his life, and stifled his great and good qualities.
Not contented with all the sceptres which he grasped in his hand,
young Charles aspired to the imperial dignity. "It is like a sunbeam,
which throws lustre on the house which it illumines," said several,
"but put forth the hand to lay hold of it and you will find nothing."
Charles, on the contrary, saw in it the pinnacle of all earthly
grandeur, and a means of acquiring a magic influence over the spirit
of the nations.
Francis I was the second of the competitors. The young paladins of
the court of this chivalric king were incessantly representing to him
that he was entitled, like Charlemagne, to be the emperor of all the
West, and reviving the exploits of the ancient knights, to attack the
crescent which was menacing the empire, discomfit the infidels, and
recover the holy sepulchre.
"It is necessary," said the ambassadors of Francis to the electors, "it
is necessary to prove to the Dukes of Austria, that the imperial
crown is not hereditary. Besides, in existing circumstances, Germany
has need not of a young man of nineteen, but of a prince who, to an
experienced judgment, joins talents which have already been
recognised. Francis will unite the arms of France and Lombardy to
those of Germany, and make war on the Mussulmans. Sovereign of
45. CHARLES V
ELECTED
EMPEROR.
the duchy of Milan, he is already a member of the imperial body."
These arguments, the French ambassadors supported by four
hundred thousand crowns, which they distributed in purchasing
votes and in festivities, by which they endeavoured to gain over their
guests.
The third competitor was Henry VIII, who, jealous of the influence
which the choice of the electors might give to Francis or Charles,
also entered the lists, but soon left his powerful rivals sole disputants
for the crown.
The electors were not disposed to favour either. Their subjects
thought they would have in Francis a foreign master, and a master
who might deprive the electors themselves of their independence, as
he had lately deprived the nobles of his own dominions. As to
Charles, it was an ancient rule with the electors not to choose a
prince who was already playing an important part in the empire. The
pope shared in these fears. He wished neither the king of Naples,
who was his neighbour, nor the king of France, whose enterprising
spirit filled him with alarm; "Choose rather some one from amongst
yourselves," was his message to the electors. The elector of Trèves
proposed Frederick of Saxony, and the imperial crown was laid at the
feet of Luther's friend.
This choice would have obtained the approbation
of all Germany. Frederick's wisdom, and affection
for his people, were well known. During the revolt
of Erfurt, he had been urged to take the town by
assault, and refused, in order to spare blood. "But it will not cost five
men." "A single man would be too many," replied the prince.[174]
The triumph of the Reformation seemed on the eve of being secured
by the election of its protector. Ought not Frederick to have regarded
the offer of the electors as a call from God himself? Who could have
presided better over the destinies of the empire than a prince of so
much wisdom? Who could have been stronger to oppose the Turks
than an emperor strong in faith? The refusal of the Elector of
46. Saxony, so much lauded by historians, was perhaps a fault. For the
contests which afterwards tore Germany to pieces he is perhaps
partly to blame. But it is difficult to say whether Frederick deserves
censure for his want of faith or honour for his humility. He thought
that even the safety of the empire made it his duty to refuse the
crown.[175] "To save Germany," said this modest and disinterested
prince, "an emperor more powerful than I is requisite."
The legate of Rome seeing that the choice would fall upon Charles,
intimated that the pope withdrew his objections; and on the 28th of
June, the grandson of Maximilian was elected. "God," said Frederick
afterwards, "gave him to us in mercy and in anger."[176] The Spanish
envoys sent a present of thirty thousand gold florins to the Elector of
Saxony, as a mark of their master's gratitude; but the prince refused
it, and charged his ministers not to accept of any present. At the
same time he secured the German liberties by an engagement, to
which the envoys of Charles took an oath in his name. The
circumstances in which the latter prince encircled his head with the
imperial crown seemed still better fitted than the oath to secure the
Germanic liberties, and the success of the Reformation. The young
prince was jealous of the laurels which his rival, Francis I, had
gained at Marignan. The struggle was to be continued in Italy, and in
the meantime the Reformation would doubtless be made secure.
Charles left Spain in May, 1520, and was crowned on the 22nd of
October, at Aix-la-Chapelle.
47. LUTHER'S LETTER
TO THE
EMPEROR.
CHAP. II.
Luther writes to the Emperor—Luther's dangers—Instructions of
Frederick to the court of Rome—Luther's sentiments—
Melancthon's fears—The German nobles favourable to the
Reformation—Schaumburg—Seckingen—Ulric de Hütten—
Luther's Confidence—Luther's Greater Freedom—Faith the
source of Works—What Faith gives—Luther judging his own
writings.
Luther had foreseen that the cause of the
Reformation would soon be brought before the
new emperor; and, when Charles was still at
Madrid, addressed a letter to him, in which he said,
"If the cause which I defend is worthy of being presented before the
heavenly Majesty, it cannot be unworthy of engaging the attention of
a prince of this world. O, Charles! prince of the kings of the earth, I
cast myself as a suppliant at the feet of your most serene majesty,
and beseech you to deign to take under the shadow of your wings,
not me, but the very cause of eternal truth, for the defence of which
God has entrusted you with the sword."[177] The young king of
Spain threw aside this odd letter from a German monk, and returned
no answer.
While Luther was turning in vain toward Madrid, the storm seemed
gathering around him. Fanaticism was rekindled in Germany.
Hochstraten, indefatigable in his efforts at persecution, had
extracted certain theses from Luther's writings, and obtained their
condemnation by the universities of Cologne and Louvain. That of
Erfurt, which had always had a grudge at Luther, for having given
Wittemberg the preference, was on the eve of following their
example. But the doctor, having been informed of it, wrote Lange, in
48. FREDERICK'S
INSTRUCTIONS
TO HIS ENVOY.
terms so energetic that the theologians of Erfurt took fright, and said
nothing. Still, however, there was enough to inflame the minds of
men in the condemnation pronounced by Cologne and Louvain. More
than this; the priests of Misnia who had espoused Emser's quarrel
said openly (such is Melancthon's statement) that there would be no
sin in killing Luther.[178] "The time is come," said Luther, "when men
think they will do Jesus Christ service by putting us to death." The
murderous language of the priests did not fail of its effect.
"One day," says a biographer, "when Luther was in
front of the Augustin convent, a stranger, with a
pistol hid under his arm, accosted him, and said,
Why do you walk about thus quite alone?" "I am in
the hands of God," replied Luther; "He is my strength and my
shield." "Thereupon," adds the biographer, "the stranger grew pale,
and fled trembling."[179] About the same time Serra Longa, the
orator of the conference of Augsburg, wrote to the Elector, "Let not
Luther find any asylum in the states of your highness, but, repulsed
by all, let him be stoned to death in the face of heaven. This would
please me more than a gift of ten thousand crowns."[180]
But the sound of the gathering storm was heard, especially in the
direction of Rome. Valentine Teutleben, a noble of Thuringia, vicar of
the Archbishop of Mentz, and a zealous partisan of the papacy, was
the representative of the Elector of Saxony at Rome. Teutleben,
ashamed of the protection which his master gave to the heretical
monk, could not bear to see his mission paralysed by this imprudent
conduct; and imagined that, by alarming the Elector, he would
induce him to abandon the rebel theologian. Writing to his master,
he said, "I am not listened to, because of the protection which you
give to Luther." But the Romans were mistaken if they thought they
could frighten sage Frederick. He knew that the will of God and the
movements of the people were more irresistible than the decrees of
the papal chancery. He ordered his envoy to hint to the pope that,
far from defending Luther, he had always left him to defend himself,
that he had moreover told him to quit Saxony and the university,
49. LUTHER'S
FEELINGS.
MELANCTHON'S
FEARS.
that the doctor had declared his readiness to obey, and would not
now be in the electoral states had not the legate, Charles de Miltitz,
begged the prince to keep him near himself, from a fear that in other
countries he would act with still less restraint than in Saxony.[181]
Frederick did still more; he tried to enlighten Rome. "Germany,"
continues he, in his letter, "now possesses a great number of learned
men distinguished for scholarship and science; the laity themselves
begin to cultivate their understanding, and to love the Holy
Scriptures. Hence, there is great reason to fear that, if the equitable
proposals of Doctor Luther are not accepted, peace will never be re-
established. The doctrine of Luther has struck its roots deep in many
hearts. If, instead of refuting it by passages from the Bible, an
attempt is made to crush him by the thunders of ecclesiastical
power, great scandal will be given, and pernicious and dreadful
outbreaks will ensue."[182]
The Elector, having full confidence in Luther,
caused Teutleben's letter to be communicated to
him, and also another letter from cardinal St.
George. The Reformer was moved on reading
them. He at once saw all the dangers by which he
was surrounded, and for an instant his heart sank. But it was in such
moments as these that his faith displayed its full power. Often, when
feeble and ready to fall into despondency, he rallied again, and
seemed greater amid the raging of the storm. He would fain have
been delivered from all these trials; but, aware of the price that
must have been paid for repose, he spurned it with indignation. "Be
silent!" said he, "I am disposed to be so, if I am allowed—that is to
say, if others are silent. If any one envies my situation he is welcome
to it. If any one is desirous to destroy my writings, let him burn
them. I am ready to remain quiet, provided gospel truth is not
compelled to be quiet also.[183] I ask not a cardinal's hat; I ask
neither gold, nor aught that Rome esteems. There is nothing which I
will not concede, provided Christians are not excluded from the way
50. SCHAUMBURG.
SECKINGEN.
ULRIC VON
HUTTEN
of salvation.[184] All their threatenings do not terrify—all their
promises cannot seduce me."
Animated by these sentiments, Luther soon resumed his warlike
temperament, preferring the Christian combat to the calmness of
solitude. One night was sufficient to revive his desire of
overthrowing Rome. "My part is taken," wrote he next day. "I
despise the fury of Rome, and I despise her favour. No more
reconciliation, nor more communication with her for ever.[185] Let
her condemn and burn my writings! I, in my turn, will condemn and
publicly burn the pontifical law, that nest of all heresies. The
moderation which I have shown up to this hour has been useless,
and I have done with it!"
His friends were far from feeling equally tranquil. Great alarm
prevailed at Wittemberg. "We are waiting in extreme anxiety," said
Melancthon. "I would sooner die than be separated from Luther.[186]
Unless God come to our assistance we perish." Writing a month
later, in his anxiety, he says, "Our Luther still lives, and God grant he
long may; for the Roman sycophants are using every mean to
destroy him. Pray for the life of him who is sole vindicator of sound
theology."[187]
These prayers were not in vain. The warnings
which the Elector had given Rome, through his
envoy, were not without foundation. The word of
Luther had been every where heard, in cottages,
and convents, at the firesides of the citizens, in the
castles of nobles, in academies, and in the palaces of kings. He had
said to Duke John of Saxony, "Let my life only have contributed to
the salvation of a single individual, and I will willingly consent that all
my books perish."[188] Not a single individual, but a great multitude,
had found light in the writings of the humble doctor; and hence, in
all quarters, there were men ready to protect him. The sword which
was to attack him was on the anvil of the Vatican; but there were
heroes in Germany who would interpose their bodies as his buckler.
51. LUTHER'S
CONFIDENCE.
At the moment when the bishops were waxing wroth, when princes
were silent, when the people were awaiting the result, and when the
thunder was already grumbling on the seven hills, God raised up the
German nobility, and placed them as a rampart around his servant.
At this time Sylvester of Schaumburg, one of the most powerful
nobles of Franconia, sent his son to Wittemberg with a letter for the
Reformer, in which he said, "Your life is exposed to danger. If the
support of electors, princes, or magistrates fails you, I beg you to
beware of going into Bohemia, where, of old, very learned men had
much to suffer; come rather to me; God willing, I shall soon have
collected more than a hundred gentlemen, and with their help, will
be able to keep you free from harm."[189]
Francis of Seckingen, the hero of his age, whose
intrepid courage we have already seen,[190] loved
the Reformer, because he found that he was
worthy of love, and also because he was hated by the monks.[191]
"My person, my property, and services, all that I possess," wrote he
to him, "is at your disposal. Your wish is to maintain Christian truth,
and in that I am ready to assist you."[192] Harmuth of Cronberg,
spoke in similar terms. Ulric von Hütten, the poet and valiant knight
of the sixteenth century, ceased not to speak in commendation of
Luther. But how great the contrast between these two men! Hütten
wrote to the Reformer—"We must have swords, bows, javelins, and
bullets, to destroy the fury of the devil." Luther, on receiving these
letters, exclaimed—"I have no wish that men should have recourse
to arms and carnage in order to defend the gospel. It was by the
Word the world was overcome, by the Word the Church has been
saved, and by the Word will she be re-established." "I despise not
his offers," said he on receiving the above letter from Schaumburg,
"but still I wish to lean on none but Christ."[193] So spake not the
pontiffs of Rome when they waded in the blood of the Vaudois and
Albigenses. Hütten was sensible of the difference between his cause
and Luther's, and accordingly wrote with noble frankness: "I am
52. FRUITS OF
FAITH. FAITH
AND WORKS.
occupied with the things of man, but you, rising to a far greater
height, give yourself wholly to those of God."[194] After thus writing,
he set out to try, if possible, to gain over Ferdinand and Charles V to
the truth.[195]
Thus, on the one hand, Luther's enemies assail him, and on the
other, his friends rise up to defend him. "My bark," says he, "floats
here and there at the pleasure of the winds, ... hope and fear reign
by turns, but what matters it?"[196] Still his mind was not
uninfluenced by the marks of sympathy which he received. "The
Lord reigns," said he, "and so visibly as to be almost palpable."[197]
Luther saw that he was no longer alone; his words had proved
faithful, and the thought inspired him with new courage. Now that
he has other defenders prepared to brave the fury of Rome, he will
no longer be kept back by the fear of compromising the Elector. He
becomes more free, and, if possible, more decided. This is an
important period in the development of Luther's mind. Writing at this
time to the Elector's chaplain, he says, "Rome must be made aware,
that though she should succeed, by her menaces, in exiling me from
Wittemberg, she will only damage her cause. Those who are ready
to defend me against the thunders of the papacy are to be found not
in Bohemia, but in the heart of Germany. If I have not yet done to
my enemies all that I am preparing for them, they must ascribe it
neither to my moderation nor to their tyranny, but to my fear of
compromising the name of the Elector, and the prosperity of the
university of Wittemberg. Now, that I have no longer any such fears,
I will rush with new impetuosity on Rome and her courtiers."[198]
Still Luther's hope was not placed on the great. He
had often been urged to dedicate a book to Duke
John, the Elector's brother, but had never done it.
"I fear," he had said, "that the suggestion comes
from himself. The Holy Scriptures must be subservient only to the
glory of God's name."[199] Luther afterwards laid aside his
suspicions, and dedicated his discourse on good works to Duke John,
53. a discourse in which he gives a forcible exposition of the doctrine of
justification by faith, a mighty doctrine, whose power he rates far
higher than the sword of Hütten, the army of Seckingen, or the
protection of dukes and electors.
"The first, the noblest, the sublimest of all works," says he, "is faith
in Jesus Christ.[200] From this work all other works should proceed;
they are all the vassals of faith, and from it alone derive their
efficacy.
"If a man's own heart assures him, that what he is doing is
agreeable to God, the work is good should it be merely the lifting up
of a straw, but in the absence of this assurance the work is not
good, though it should be the raising of the dead. A pagan, a Jew, a
Turk, a sinner, can do all other works, but to trust firmly in the Lord,
and feel assured of pleasing him, are works of which none are
capable but the Christian strengthened by grace.
"A Christian, who has faith in God, acts, at all times, with freedom
and gladness, whereas, the man who is not at one with God is full of
cares, and is detained in thraldom; he anxiously asks how many
works he ought to do, he runs up and down interrogating this man
and that man, and, nowhere finding any peace, does everything with
dissatisfaction and fear.
"Hence, I have always extolled faith. But it is otherwise in the world:
there the essential point is to have many works, works great and
high, and of all dimensions, while it is a matter of indifference
whether or not faith animates them. Thus men build their peace, not
on the good pleasure of God, but on their own merits, that is to say,
on the sand.... (Matt. vii, 27.)
"To preach faith is, it is said, to prevent good works; but though a
single man should have in himself the powers of all men, or even of
all creatures,[201] the mere obligation of living by faith would be a
task too great for him ever to accomplish. If I say to a sick person,
be in health and you will have the use of your members—will it be
54. LUTHER JUDGING
HIS WRITINGS.
said that I forbid him to use his members? Must not health precede
labour? The same holds true in the preaching of faith; it must be
before works, in order that works themselves may exist.
"Where then, you will ask, is this faith found, and how is it received?
This, indeed, is the most important of all questions. Faith comes
solely from Jesus Christ, who is promised, and given gratuitously.
"O, man! represent Christ to thyself, and consider
how in him God manifests his mercy to thee
without being anticipated by any merit on thy part.
[202] In this image of his grace receive the faith and assurance that
all thy sins are forgiven thee. Works cannot produce it. It flows from
the blood, the wounds, and the death of Christ, whence it wells up
in the heart. Christ is the rock out of which come milk and honey.
(Deut. xxxii.)
Not being able to give an account of all Luther's works, we have
quoted some short fragments of this discourse on good works, on
account of the opinion which the Reformer himself had of it. "It is in
my judgment," said he, "the best work that I have published." He
immediately subjoins this profound observation. "But I know that
when any thing I write pleases myself, the infection of this bad
leaven prevents it from pleasing others."[203] Melancthon, in sending
a copy of this discourse to a friend, thus expressed himself, "Of all
Greek and Latin authors none has come nearer the spirit of St. Paul
than Luther."[204]
55. THE THREE
WALLS.
CHAP. III.
The Papacy Attacked—Appeal to the Nobility—The Three Walls—
All Christians are Priests—The Magistrate's duty to Correct
the Clergy—Abuses of Rome—Ruin of Italy—Dangers of
Germany—The Pope—The Legates—The Monks—The
Marriage of Priests—Celibacy—Festivals—The Bohemians—
Charity—The Universities—The Empire—The Emperor must
retake Rome—A Book not Published—Luther's Modesty—
Success of the Address.
But the substitution of a system of meritorious
works for the idea of grace and amnesty was not
the only evil existing in the Church. A domineering
power had risen up among the humble pastors of Christ's flock.
Luther must attack this usurped authority. A vague and distant
rumour of Eck's intrigues and success at Rome awakened a warlike
spirit in the Reformer, who, amid all his turmoil, had calmly studied
the origin, progress, and usurpations of the papacy. His discoveries
having filled him with surprise, he no longer hesitated to
communicate them and strike the blow which was destined, like the
rod of Moses of old, to awaken a whole nation out of a lethargy, the
result of long bondage. Even before Rome had time to publish her
formidable bull, he published his declaration of war. "The time of
silence," exclaims he, "is past; the time for speaking has arrived. The
mysteries of Antichrist must at length be unveiled." On the 24th
June, 1520, he published his famous 'Appeal to his Imperial Majesty,
and the Christian Nobility of Germany, on the Reformation of
Christianity.'[205] This work was the signal of the attack which was at
once to complete the rupture and decide the victory.
56. "It is not from presumption," says he, at the outset of this Treatise,
"that I, who am only one of the people, undertake to address your
lordships. The misery and oppression endured at this moment by all
the States of Christendom, and more especially by Germany, wring
from me a cry of distress. I must call for aid; I must see whether
God will not give his Spirit to some one of our countrymen, and
stretch out a hand to our unhappy nation. God has given us a young
and generous prince, (the Emperor Charles V,)[206] and thus filled
our hearts with high hopes. But we too must, on our own part, do all
we can.
"Now, the first thing necessary is, not to confide in our own great
strength, or our own high wisdom. When any work otherwise good
is begun in self-confidence, God casts it down, and destroys it.
Frederick I, Frederick II, and many other emperors besides, before
whom the world trembled, have been trampled upon by the popes,
because they trusted more to their own strength than to God. They
could not but fall. In this war we have to combat the powers of hell,
and our mode of conducting it must be to expect nothing from the
strength of human weapons—to trust humbly in the Lord, and look
still more to the distress of Christendom than to the crimes of the
wicked. It may be that, by a different procedure, the work would
begin under more favourable appearances, but suddenly in the heat
of the contest confusion would arise, bad men would cause fearful
disaster, and the world would be deluged with blood. The greater
the power, the greater the danger, when things are not done in the
fear of the Lord."
After this exordium, Luther continues:—
"The Romans, to guard against every species of reformation, have
surrounded themselves with three walls. When attacked by the
temporal power, they denied its jurisdiction over them, and
maintained the superiority of the spiritual power. When tested by
Scripture, they replied, that none could interpret it but the pope.
57. POWER OF THE
CIVIL
MAGISTRATE.
When threatened with a council, they again replied, that none but
the pope could convene it.
"They have thus carried off from us the three rods
destined to chastise them, and abandoned
themselves to all sorts of wickedness. But now may
God be our help, and give us one of the trumpets
which threw down the walls of Jericho. Let us blow down the walls
of paper and straw which the Romans have built around them, and
lift up the rods which punish the wicked, by bringing the wiles of the
devil to the light of day."
Luther next commences the attack, and shakes to the foundation
that papal monarchy which had for ages united the nations of the
West into one body under the sceptre of the Roman bishop. There is
no sacerdotal caste in Christianity. This truth, of which the Church
was so early robbed, he vigorously expounds in the following terms:
—
"It has been said that the pope, the bishops, the priests, and all
those who people convents, form the spiritual or ecclesiastical
estate; and that princes, nobles, citizens, and peasants, form the
secular or lay estate. This is a specious tale. But let no man be
alarmed. All Christians belong to the spiritual estate, and the only
difference between them is in the functions which they fulfil. We
have all but one baptism, but one faith, and these constitute the
spiritual man. Unction, tonsure, ordination, consecration, given by
the pope or by a bishop, may make a hypocrite, but can never make
a spiritual man. We are all consecrated priests by baptism, as St.
Peter says, 'You are a royal priesthood;' although all do not actually
perform the offices of kings and priests, because no one can assume
what is common to all, without the common consent. But if this
consecration of God did not belong to us, the unction of the pope
could not make a single priest. If ten brothers, the sons of one king,
and possessing equal claims to his inheritance, should choose one of
their number to administer for them, they would all be kings, and
yet only one of them would be the administrator of their common
58. PAPAL
USURPATION.
RUIN OF ITALY.
power. So it is in the Church. Were several pious laymen banished to
a desert, and were they, from not having among them a priest
consecrated by a bishop, to agree in selecting one of their number,
whether married or not, he would be as truly a priest, as if all the
bishops of the world had consecrated him. In this way were
Augustine, Ambrose, and Cyprian elected.
"Hence it follows that laymen and priests, princes and bishops, or, as
we have said, ecclesiastics and laics, have nothing to distinguish
them but their functions. They have all the same condition, but they
have not all the same work to perform.
"This being so, why should not the magistrate
correct the clergy? The secular power was
appointed by God for the punishment of the wicked
and the protection of the good, and must be left
free to act throughout Christendom without respect of persons, be
they pope, bishops, priests, monks, or nuns. St. Paul says to all
Christians, 'Let every soul,' (and consequently the pope also,) 'be
subject to the higher powers; for they bear not the sword in vain.'"
[207]
Luther, after throwing down the other two walls in the same way,
takes a review of all the abuses of Rome. With an eloquence of a
truly popular description he exposes evils which had, for ages, been
notorious. Never had a nobler remonstrance been heard. The
assembly which Luther addresses is the Church, the power whose
abuses he attacks is that papacy which had for ages been the
oppressor of all nations, and the Reformation for which he calls
aloud is destined to exercise its powerful influence on Christendom,
all over the world, and so long as man shall exist upon it.
He begins with the pope. "It is monstrous," says he, "to see him
who calls himself the vicar of Jesus Christ displaying a magnificence,
unequalled by that of any emperor. Is this the way in which he
proves his resemblance to lowly Jesus, or humble Peter? He is, it is
said, the lord of the world. But Christ, whose vicar he boasts to be,
59. DANGER OF
GERMANY.
REMEDIES
PROPOSED BY
LUTHER.
has said, 'My kingdom is not of this world.' Can the power of a
vicegerent exceed that of his prince?..."
Luther proceeds to depict the consequences of the papal
domination. "Do you know of what use the cardinals are? I will tell
you. Italy and Germany have many convents, foundations, and
benefices, richly endowed. How could their revenues be brought to
Rome?... Cardinals were created; then, on them, cloisters and
prelacies were bestowed, and at this hour ... Italy is almost a desert
—the convents are destroyed—the bishopricks devoured—the towns
in decay—the inhabitants corrupted—worship dying out, and
preaching abolished.... Why? Because all the revenues of the
churches go to Rome. Never would the Turk himself have so ruined
Italy."
Luther next turns to his countrymen.
"And now that they have thus sucked the blood of
their own country, they come into Germany. They
begin gently, but let us be on our guard. Germany
will soon become like Italy. We have already some
cardinals. Their thought is—before the rustic
Germans comprehend our design they will have
neither bishoprick, nor convent, nor benefice, nor penny, nor
farthing. Antichrist must possess the treasures of the earth. Thirty or
forty cardinals will be elected in a single day; to one will be given
Bamberg, to another the duchy of Wurtzburg, and rich benefices will
be annexed until the churches and cities are laid desolate. And then
the pope will say, 'I am the vicar of Christ, and the pastor of his
flocks. Let the Germans be resigned.'"
Luther's indignation rises.
"How do we Germans submit to such robbery and concussion on the
part of the pope? If France has successfully resisted, why do we
allow ourselves to be thus sported with and insulted? Ah! if they
deprived us of nothing but our goods. But they ravage churches,
60. THE POPE.
CELIBACY OF THE
CLERGY.
plunder the sheep of Christ, abolish the worship and suppress the
word of God."
Luther then exposes the devices of Rome to obtain money and
secure the revenues of Germany. Annats, palliums, commendams,
administrations, expected favours, incorporations, reservations, etc.,
all pass in review. Then he says, "Let us endeavour to put a stop to
this desolation and misery. If we would march against the Turks—let
us begin with the worst species of them. If we hang pickpockets,
and behead robbers, let us not allow Roman avarice to escape—
avarice, which is the greatest of all thieves and robbers, and that too
in the name of St. Peter and Jesus Christ. Who can endure it? Who
can be silent? Is not all that the pope possesses stolen? He neither
purchased it nor inherited it from St. Peter, nor acquired it by the
sweat of his own brow. Where then did he get it?"
Luther proposes remedies for all these evils, and energetically
arouses the German nobility to put an end to Roman depredation.
He next comes to the reform of the pope himself. "Is it not
ridiculous," says he, "that the pope should pretend to be the lawful
heir of the empire? Who gave it to him? Was it Jesus Christ, when
he said, 'The kings of the earth exercise lordship over them, but it
shall not be so with you'? (Luke, xxii, 25, 26). How can he govern an
empire, and at the same time preach, pray, study, and take care of
the poor? Jesus Christ forbade his disciples to carry with them gold
or clothes, because the office of the ministry cannot be performed
without freedom from every other care; yet the pope would govern
the empire, and at the same time remain pope."...
Luther continues to strip the sovereign pontiff of
his spoils. "Let the pope renounce every species of
title to the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. He has no
more right to it than I have. His possession of
Bologna, Imola, Ravenna, Romagna, Marche d'Ancona, etc., is unjust
and contrary to the commands of Jesus Christ. 'No man,' says St.
Paul, 'who goeth a warfare entangleth himself with the affairs of this
life,' (2 Tim. ii, 2). And the pope, who pretends to take the lead in