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1
Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
Modern Database Management, 12e (Hoffer)
Chapter 6 Introduction to SQL
1) The ________ is the structure that contains descriptions of objects such as tables and views
created by users.
A) SQL
B) schema
C) catalog
D) master view
Answer: B
LO: 6.1: Define key terms.
Difficulty: Easy
Classification: Concept
AACSB: Information Technology
2) ________ is a set of commands used to control a database, including security.
A) DML
B) DDL
C) DCL
D) DPL
Answer: C
Difficulty: Easy
3) ________ is a set of commands used to update and query a database.
A) DML
B) DDL
C) DCL
D) DPL
Answer: A
Difficulty: Easy
4) DDL is typically used during which phase of the development process?
A) Implementation
B) Physical design
C) Analysis
D) Evaluation
Answer: B
Difficulty: Easy

2
5) The main concept of relational databases was published in 1970 by:
A) Itzak Ben-Gan.
B) Hoffer.
C) Mills.
D) E.F.Codd.
Answer: D
LO: 6.2: Interpret the history and role of SQL in database development.
Difficulty: Moderate
6) Relational databases are heavily based on the mathematical concept of:
A) Set Theory.
B) Bet Theory.
C) Get Theory.
D) Met Theory.
Answer: A
Difficulty: Difficult
7) The command for creating a database is:
A) create table.
B) create view.
C) create schema.
D) create authorization.
Answer: C
LO: 6.3: Define a database using the SQL data definition language.
Difficulty: Easy
8) The SQL command ________ defines a logical table from one or more tables or views.
A) create table
B) alter table
C) create view
D) create relationship
Answer: C
Difficulty: Easy

3
9) Any create command may be reversed by using a(n) ________ command.
A) undo
B) drop
C) delete
D) unpack
Answer: B
10) The first in a series of steps to follow when creating a table is to:
A) identify columns that must be unique.
B) identify each attribute and its characteristics.
C) create an index.
D) identify columns that must be null.
Answer: B
11) The SQL command ________ adds one or more new columns to a table.
A) create table
B) alter table
C) create view
D) create relationship
Answer: B
Difficulty: Easy
12) What does the following SQL statement do?
Alter Table Customer_T
Add (Type Varchar (2));
A) Alters the Customer_T table to accept Type 2 Varchars
B) Alters the Customer_T table to be a Type 2 Varchar
C) Alters the Customer_T table, and adds a field called "Type"
D) Alters the Customer_T table by adding a 2-byte field called "Varchar"
Answer: C

4
13) INSERT INTO is an example of ________ code.
A) DDL
B) DML
C) DCL
D) TIO
Answer: B
14) What does the following SQL command do?
insert into Customer_T values (001,'John Smith','231 West St','Boston','MA','02115');
A) Adds a new record to the Customer_T
B) Creates the Customer_T table
C) Deletes the Customer_T table
D) Updates the Customer_T table
Answer: A
15) Given a table named store with 5 fields: store_id, address, city, state, zipcode, why would the
following insert command not work?
insert into store values ('234 Park Street')
A) It would work just fine.
B) You must specify the fields to insert if you are only inserting some of the fields.
C) There is no table keyword.
D) Insert into should be INSERT to.
Answer: B

5
Delete from Customer_T
where state = 'HI';
A) Deletes all records from customer_t where the state is equal to HI
B) Removes the Customer_T table from the database
C) Deletes all records from the Customer_T table
D) Doesn't delete anything because of a syntax error
Answer: A
Update Product_T
Set Unit_Price = 775
Where Product_ID = 7
A) Changes the price of a unit called Product_T to 7
B) Changes the unit price of Product 7 to 775
C) Changes the length of the Unit_Price field to 775
D) Updates the Product_T table to have a unit price of 775
Answer: B
18) Which of the following is a technique for optimizing the internal performance of the
relational data model?
A) Avoiding indexes on secondary keys
B) Clustering data
C) Not reporting statistics to save machine resources
D) Using random index organizations
Answer: B

6
19) Indexes are created in most RDBMSs to:
A) provide a quicker way to store data.
B) decrease the amount of disk space utilized.
C) provide rapid random and sequential access to base-table data.
D) increase the cost of implementation.
Answer: C
20) In an SQL statement, which of the following parts states the conditions for row selection?
A) Select
B) From
C) Where
D) Group By
Answer: C
Difficulty: Easy
21) The first part of an SQL query to be read is the ________ statement.
A) SELECT
B) FROM
C) WHERE
D) ORDER BY
Answer: B
Difficulty: Easy
22) The last part of an SQL query to be read is the ________ statement.
A) SELECT
B) FROM
C) WHERE
D) ORDER BY
Answer: D
Difficulty: Easy

7
Select * From Customer Where Cust_Type = "Best"
A) Selects all the fields from the Customer table for each row with a customer labeled "Best"
B) Selects the "*" field from the Customer table for each row with a customer labeled "Best"
C) Selects fields with a "*" in them from the Customer table
D) Selects all the fields from the Customer table for each row with a customer labeled "*"
Answer: A
LO: 6.4: Write single-table queries using SQL commands.
24) What result will the following SQL statement produce?
Select Avg(standard_price) as average from Product_V;
A) The average of all products in Product_V
B) The average Standard_Price of all products in Product_V
C) The average price of all products
D) The mode of all prices
Answer: B
Classification: Application
25) Which of the following questions is answered by the SQL statement?
Select Count (Product_Description) from Product_T;
A) How many products are in the table Product_T?
B) How many products have product descriptions in the Product Table?
C) How many characters are in the field name "Product_Description"?
D) How many different columns named "Product_Description" are there in table Product_T?
Answer: B

8
26) What results will be produced by the following SQL query?
Select sum(standard_price) as Total_Price
from Product_V
where Product_Type = 'WOOD';
A) The total price of all products that are of type wood
B) The total price of all products
C) The Standard_Price of the first wood product in the table
D) The Standard_Price of any wood product in the table
Answer: A
27) Which of the following counts ONLY rows that contain a value?
A) Count
B) Count(*)
C) Tally(*)
D) Checknum
Answer: A
28) Which of the following will produce the minimum of all standard prices?
A) Select standard_price from Product_V where Standard_Price = min;
B) Select min(standard_price) from Product_V;
C) Select Standard_Price from min(Product_V);
D) Select min(Standard_Price) from Product_V where Standard_Price = min(Standard_Price);
Answer: B

9
29) What will result from the following SQL Select statement?
Select min(Product_Description)
from Product_V;
A) The minimum value of Product_Description will be displayed.
B) An error message will be generated.
C) The first product description alphabetically in Product_V will be shown.
D) SELECT @ will be displayed.
Answer: C
30) Which of the following is the wildcard operator in SQL statements?
A) < >
B) *
C) =
D) &
Answer: B
Difficulty: Easy
31) What result set will the following query return?
Select Item_No
from Order_V
where quantity > 10;
A) The Item_No of all orders that had more than 10 items
B) The Order_Id of all orders that had more than one item
C) The Order_Id of all orders that had more than 10 items
D) The Item_No of all orders that had 10 or more items
Answer: A

10
32) What result set will the following query return?
Select Item_No, description
from item
where weight > 100 and weight < 200;
A) The Item_No and description for all items weighing less than 100
B) The Item_No for all items weighing between 101 and 199
C) The Item_No and description for all items weighing between 101 and 199
D) The Item_No for all items weighing more than 200
Answer: C
33) To eliminate duplicate rows in a query, the ________ qualifier is used in the SQL Select
command.
A) alter
B) distinct
C) check
D) specific
Answer: B
34) What result set is returned from the following query?
Select Customer_Name, telephone
from customers
where city in ('Boston','New York','Denver');
A) The Customer_Name and telephone of all customers
B) The Customer_Name and telephone of all customers living in either Boston, New York or
Denver
C) The Customer_Name and telephone of all customers living in Boston and New York and
Denver
D) The Customer_Name of all customers living in Boston, New York or Denver
Answer: B

11
35) To get all the customers from Hawaii sorted together, which of the following would be used?
A) ORDER BY
B) GROUP BY
C) HAVING
D) SORT
Answer: A
36) A single value returned from an SQL query that includes an aggregate function is called a(n):
A) agate.
B) scalar aggregate.
C) vector aggregate.
D) summation.
Answer: B
Difficulty: Easy
37) Multiple values returned from an SQL query that includes an aggregate function are called:
A) vector aggregates.
B) scalar aggregates.
C) agates.
D) summations.
Answer: A
38) Which of the following can produce scalar and vector aggregates?
A) ORDER BY
B) GROUP BY
C) HAVING
D) SORT
Answer: B

12
39) What will be returned when the following SQL statement is executed?
Select driver_no,count(*) as num_deliveries
from deliveries
group by driver_no;
A) A listing of all drivers, sorted by driver number
B) A listing of each driver as well as the number of deliveries that he or she has made
C) A count of all of the deliveries made by all drivers
D) An error message
Answer: B
40) What will be returned when the following SQL statement is executed?
Select driver_no, count(*) as num_deliveries
from deliveries
where state = 'MA'
group by driver_no;
A) A listing of all drivers who made deliveries to state = 'MA', sorted by driver number
B) A listing of each driver who made deliveries to state = 'MA' as well as the number of
deliveries that each driver has made to that state
C) A count of all of the deliveries made to state = 'MA' by all drivers
D) An error message will be generated
Answer: B
41) Which of the following finds all groups meeting stated conditions?
A) Select
B) Where
C) Having
D) Find
Answer: C
Difficulty: Easy

13
42) What will be returned when the following SQL query is executed?
Select driver_no, count(*) as num_deliveries
from deliveries
group by driver_no
having count(*) > 2;
A) A listing of all drivers who made more than 2 deliveries as well as a count of the number of
deliveries
B) A listing of all drivers
C) A listing of the number of deliveries greater than 2
D) A listing of all drivers who made more than 2 deliveries
Answer: A
43) Which of the following is true of the order in which SQL statements are evaluated?
A) The SELECT clause is always processed first.
B) The SELECT clause is always processed last.
C) The SELECT clause is processed before the ORDER BY clause.
D) The GROUP BY clause is processed before the WHERE clause.
Answer: C
44) A ________ view is materialized when referenced.
A) virtual
B) dynamic
C) materialized
D) base
Answer: B

14
45) A view may not be updated directly if it contains:
A) the SELECT clause.
B) the HAVING clause.
C) the FROM clause.
D) the WHERE clause.
Answer: B
46) Requiring a CustomerID to exist in a Primary table before it can exist in a foreign table is an
example of:
A) Referential Referring.
B) Referential Integrity.
C) Ethical Integrity.
D) the Hoffer Principle.
Answer: B
LO: 6.5: Establish referential integrity using SQL.
47) Referential Integrity Constraints are generally established between:
A) Referential and Integrity keys.
B) Primary and Secondary keys.
C) Primary and Foreign keys.
D) Foreign and Domestic keys.
Answer: C
48) Which of the following is a purpose of the SQL standard?
A) To specify syntax and semantics of SQL data definition and manipulation
B) To specify maximum and incomplete standards
C) To define every operation for every SQL database
D) To permit no degrees of freedom for SQL DBMS
Answer: A
LO: 6.6: Discuss the SQL:1999 and SQL:2011 standards.
Difficulty: Easy
Classification: Synthesis

15
49) The benefits of a standardized relational language include:
A) application turnover.
B) increased training costs.
C) cross-system communication.
D) confusing the SQL programmers.
Answer: C
Difficulty: Easy
50) A catalog is the structure that contains object descriptions created by a user.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
51) DCL is used to update the database with new records.
Answer: FALSE
52) A database table is defined using the data definition language (DDL).
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
53) A database is maintained and queried using the data mapping language (DML).
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
54) The content of dynamic views is generated when they are referenced.
Answer: TRUE

16
55) Materialized views are stored on disk and are never refreshed.
Answer: FALSE
56) The views are created by executing a CREATE VIEW SQL command.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
57) When the SELECT clause in the create view statement contains the keyword DISTINCT, the
view can be used to update data.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
58) The CREATE SCHEMA DDL command is used to create a table.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
59) SQL is both an American and international standard for database access.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
60) SQL has been implemented only in the mainframe and midrange environments.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy

17
61) SQL originated from a project called System-S.
Answer: FALSE
62) One of the original purposes of the SQL standard was to provide a vehicle for portability of
database definition and application modules between conforming DBMSs.
Answer: TRUE
63) A major benefit of SQL as a standard is reduced training costs.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
64) Implementation of a standard can never stifle creativity and innovation.
Answer: FALSE
65) Applications can be moved from one machine to another when each machine uses SQL.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
66) Some DBMS can handle graphic data types as well as text and numbers.
Answer: TRUE

18
67) When creating tables, it's important to decide which columns will allow null values before
the table is created.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
68) In databases, null values are equivalent to zero.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
69) The DELETE TABLE DDL command is used to remove a table from the database.
Answer: FALSE
70) The ALTER TABLE command is used to change a table definition.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
71) The SQL command used to populate tables is the INSERT command.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
72) An insert command does not need to have the fields listed.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy

19
73) The following insert command would work fine:
insert into budget values 121,222,111;
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
74) The DROP command deletes rows from a table individually or in groups.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
75) In order to update data in SQL, one must inform the DBMS which relation, columns, and
rows are involved.
Answer: TRUE
76) Indexes generally slow down access speed in most RDMS.
Answer: FALSE
77) Expressions are mathematical manipulations of data in a table that may be included as part of
the SELECT statement.
Answer: TRUE
78) Count(*) tallies only those rows that contain a value, while Count counts all rows.
Answer: FALSE

20
79) The asterisk (*) wildcard designator can be used to select all fields from a table as well as in
WHERE clauses when an exact match is not possible.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
80) The comparison operators = and != are used to establish a range of values.
Answer: FALSE
81) If multiple Boolean operators are used in an SQL statement, NOT is evaluated first, then
AND, then OR.
Answer: TRUE
82) The following two SQL statements will produce the same results.
Select last_name, first_name
from customer
where credit_limit > 99 and credit_limit < 10001;
from customer
where credit_limit between 100 and 10000;
Answer: TRUE
83) Adding the DISTINCT keyword to a query eliminates duplicates.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy

21
84) The following two SQL statements will produce different results.
from customer
where state = 'MA' or state = 'NY' or state = 'NJ' or state = 'NH' or state = 'CT';
from customer
where state in ('MA','NY','NJ','NH','CT');
Answer: FALSE
85) The ORDER BY clause sorts the final results rows in ascending or descending order.
Answer: TRUE
Difficulty: Easy
86) A single value returned from an SQL query that includes an aggregate function is called a
vector aggregate.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
87) When a GROUP BY clause is included in an SQL statement, only those columns with a
single value for each group can be included.
Answer: TRUE
88) The HAVING clause and the WHERE clause perform the same operation.
Answer: FALSE

22
89) The following query totals sales for each salesperson.
Select salesperson_id, sum(sales)
from salesperson
group by salesperson_id;
Answer: TRUE
90) The following query totals sales in state= 'MA' for each salesperson.
Select salesperson_id, sum(sales)
from salesperson
group by salesperson_id
having state = 'MA';
Answer: FALSE
91) The ORDER BY clause is the first statement processed in an SQL command.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
92) The WHERE clause is always processed before the GROUP BY clause when both occur in a
SELECT statement.
Answer: FALSE
93) The FROM clause is the first statement processed in an SQL command.
Answer: TRUE

23
94) When creating a table, it is not important to consider foreign key—primary key mates.
Answer: FALSE
Difficulty: Easy
95) A referential integrity constraint specifies that the existence of an attribute in one table
depends upon the existence of a foreign key in the same or another table.
Answer: FALSE
96) Explain the three classes of SQL commands and when they would be used.
Answer: There are three classes or types of SQL commands. Data definition language
commands are used to create tables, alter and drop tables, views and indexes. These commands
are used to build the structure of the database as well as some additional objects. The next type is
Data Manipulation Language commands, which are used to maintain and query a database.
Commands in this class include select, update, delete and insert. The last type is the data control
language commands, which are used to grant and revoke privileges on tables and other objects in
the database.
97) Discuss the pros and cons of using dynamic views.
Answer: A dynamic view is useful, since it provides a way to access part of a table or a
combination of columns from multiple tables. A view can simplify query commands, since much
of the complicated syntax of a query can be done to create the view. A view can also improve
programmer productivity, since programmers can access views rather than have to rewrite the
SQL commands for a query. Security is increased, since users can only see what the view
presents. Also, views use little or no storage space. On the downside, views use processing time
each time that the view is recreated for reference. Also, the views may or may not be recreatable.

24
98) What is a materialized view, and when would it be used?
Answer: Materialized views are just like dynamic views, except that an actual copy of the data is
kept. With a dynamic view, the SQL is stored on the server and executed when the view is
referenced. A materialized view, on the other hand, keeps a copy of the actual data. This
increases performance and is particularly useful if the data are relatively static and the number of
queries against the view are high.
99) What were the original purposes of SQL, and does SQL as we know it today live up to those
standards?
Answer: The following were the original purposes of SQL:
1. To specify the syntax and semantics of SQL data definition and manipulation languages
2. To define the data structures and basic operations for designing, accessing, maintaining,
controlling, and protecting an SQL database
3. To provide a vehicle for portability of database definition and application modules between
conforming DBMSs
4. To specify both minimal (Level 1) and complete (Level 2) standards, which permit different
degrees of adoption in products
5. To provide an initial standard, although incomplete, that will be enhanced later to include
specifications for handling such topics as referential integrity, transaction management, user-
defined functions, join operators beyond the equi-join, and national character sets
While SQL as we know it today does have some variants, there is a basic standard which is
adhered to. As mentioned in the text, it seems that industry lags behind the standards somewhat.
Each vendor has its own set of proprietary features which differ from the standard.
100) What steps should be followed when preparing to create a table?
Answer: When preparing to create a table, one should:
1. Identify the appropriate data type and length for each attribute
2. Identify the columns that should accept null values
3. Identify that columns that need to be unique
4. Identify all primary-foreign key mates
5. Determine default values
6. Identify any columns for which domain constraints, such as check, need to be stated
7. Create the table and any indexes using create table and create index statements

25
101) What three clauses are contained in most SQL retrieval statements?
Answer: The SELECT clause, which lists the columns and calculated expression from base
tables. The FROM clause, which identifies tables and views which we want to gather data from
in the query. Finally, the WHERE clause, which is used to specify conditions for selection of
rows in the result set.
102) What are some of the standard SQL functions that can be used in the SELECT clause?
Answer: The standard functions can be broken down into 4 categories: Mathematical, String,
Date and Analytical. Mathematical functions include: Min, Max, Count, Sum, Round, Trunc and
Mod. String functions include lower, upper, initcap, concat, substr and coalesce. Date functions
are used for converting dates and calculating dates and include next_day, add_months and
months_between. Top (to find the top n values) is one of the analytical functions.
103) Discuss when to use the GROUP BY clause.
Answer: The GROUP BY clause is useful when you have a set of values for one column (such
as a salesperson ID) and you would like to then calculate something like total sales for each
salesperson. Rather than having to use the sum function with one salesperson's ID in the
WHERE clause (and run multiple queries) you can use the GROUP BY to get the same results in
one query.

26
104) How is the HAVING clause different from the WHERE clause?
Answer: While the WHERE clause works on each row in a query resultset, the HAVING clause
works on the aggregate (or combined) rows in a GROUP BY. WHERE does not allow
aggregates while the HAVING does allow aggregates. For example, if you had the following
query:
select customer_id, sum(purchase_price*quantity)
from customer
where sum(purchase_price*quantity) > 100
this would not work. However, with a GROUP BY and HAVING written as follows we would
get back all customers whose total purchases were greater than $100
select customer_id, sum(purchase_price*quantity)
from customer
group by customer_id
having sum(purchase_price*quantity) > 100
105) What are some of the advantages and disadvantages to an SQL standard?
Answer: Some of the advantages are: reduced training costs, increased productivity, application
portability, application longevity, reduced dependence on a single vendor and cross-system
communication. Some disadvantages include: stifling creativity, difficulty in changing standard,
and loss of application portability when adding additional proprietary features.

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to be sure they will sustain him. I can’t do all that, I am an Anarchist
because I love individual freedom and I will not surrender that
freedom.
“You know I am a professional nurse. It has always been the dream
of my life to be a doctor, but I never could manage it—could not get
means for the study. My factory work undermined my health, so I
thought that if I couldn’t be a doctor I could at least be a little part of
the profession. I went through the training for a nurse, did the
hospital work, and now nurse private cases.
“When I came out of prison on Blackwell’s Island I was nervous. I
decided to try a change and go to Europe for a year. I could lecture
for the cause and take a course in massage and in midwifery in
Vienna. There is no good training for either here, though we have the
best training schools for nurses in the world.
“Well, I went and did my studying and then went to Paris to study
and wait for the Anarchists’ congress. You know the government
prohibited the congress. We had it all the same, but the meetings
were secret. I received the honor or dishonor of especially strict
surveillance. I was to give a series of lectures, but after the third the
authorities warned me that if I gave any more I must leave France,
and as I wanted to attend the congress I kept quiet.
“Finally, detectives escorted me to the station and saw my luggage
checked to the steamer and then notified the government that the
dangerous woman was on her way out of France.”
Leon Czolgosz, the murderer of President McKinley, asserted
immediately after his arrest, that he was led to undertake the
assassination of the President by a speech delivered by Emma
Goldman, the leader of the Anarchist propaganda in America. This
speech was delivered in Cleveland, O., the home of Czolgosz, May 6.
In it Miss Goldman outlined the principles of anarchy, and detailed
the methods whereby she expected to secure the establishment of
anarchy throughout the world. Her talk was full of forceful passages,
in some cases more notable for their strength than for their elegance.
“Men under the present state of society,” she said, “are mere
products of circumstances. Under the galling yoke of government,
ecclesiasticism, and a bond of custom and prejudice, it is impossible
for the individual to work out his own career as he could wish.

Anarchism aims at a new and complete freedom. It strives to bring
about the freedom which is not only the freedom from within but a
freedom from without, which will prevent any man from having a
desire to interfere in any way with the liberty of his neighbor.
“Vanderbilt says, ‘I am a free man within myself, but the others be
damned.’ This is not the freedom we are striving for. We merely
desire complete individual liberty, and this can never be obtained as
long as there is an existing government.
“We do not favor the socialistic idea of converting men and women
into mere producing machines under the eye of a paternal
government. We go to the opposite extreme and demand the fullest
and most complete liberty for each and every person to work out his
own salvation upon any line that he pleases. The degrading notion of
men and women as machines is far from our ideals of life.
“Anarchism has nothing to do with future governments or
economic arrangements. We do not favor any particular settlement
in this line, but merely ask to do away with the present evils. The
future will provide these arrangements after our work has been done.
Anarchism deals merely with social relations, and not with economic
arrangement.”
The speaker then deprecated the idea that all Anarchists were in
favor of violence or bomb throwing. She declared that nothing was
further from the principles they support. She went on, however, into
a detailed explanation of the different crimes committed by
Anarchists lately, declaring that the motive was good in each case,
and that these acts were merely a matter of temperament.
Some men were so constituted, she said, that they were unable to
stand idly by and see the wrong that was being endured by their
fellow-mortals. She herself did not believe in these methods, but she
did not think they should be condemned in view of the high and
noble motives which prompted their perpetration. She continued:
“Some believe we should first obtain by force and let the intelligence
and education come afterwards.”
Miss Goldman did not hesitate to put forward a number of
sentiments far more radical and sensational than any ever publicly
advanced here. During Miss Goldman’s lecture a strong detail of
police was in the hall to keep her from uttering sentiments which

were regarded as too radical. This accounts for the fact that the
speaker did not give free rein to her thoughts on that occasion.
Because of anarchistic uprisings elsewhere it was thought best by the
city officials to curb the utterances of the woman.
As soon as it was known that Czolgosz admitted being a disciple of
Emma Goldman, the police of a score of cities began an active hunt
for her, in the belief that the President’s assassination was the result
of a conspiracy, of which she was the head. It was known that Miss
Goldman had been in Chicago in July, and that she had visited
Buffalo in July and August. But her whereabouts immediately
following the crime, could not easily be traced. The arrest of a
number of anarchists in Chicago, and the capture of a number of
letters, gave the police a clue that Miss Goldman was in St. Louis,
and the police of that city made active search for her. She was not
found, however, though the fact that she was in that city after the
attack of Czolgosz on the President, was established. It was then
surmised that she had gone to Chicago, and the police of that city
redoubled their vigilance. Through a telegram sent to a man living on
Oakdale avenue, the Chicago police learned that Miss Goldman had
made inquiries concerning the arrest of the Anarchists in that city,
and announced her purpose of going to Chicago, and would arrive on
Sunday night, Sept. 8. The police watched the house in Oakdale
avenue all Sunday night, but no one entered it. The watch was
continued, however, and Monday morning the vigilance of the
officers was rewarded. A woman approached the house and rang the
front door bell. There was no response, and she went around the
house to the back door, where she knocked. No one opened the door,
nor was there any response. The woman then walked to Sheffield
avenue and rang the bell at No. 303, the third flat in which is the
home of Charles G. Norris. Here she was admitted, and while one of
the detectives watched the house, the other reported to his superior
officers. Captain Herman Schuettler, who had considerable
experience with the Chicago Anarchists in 1886, prior to and after
the Haymarket riot, immediately went to the Sheffield avenue house.
The officer on duty there reported that no one had entered or left the
house since the woman had disappeared behind its doors. The police
officers tried the usual mode of securing admittance, but no response
came to their signals. Then Detective Charles K. Hertz climbed in
through a window, and opening the door, admitted Captain

Schuettler. Sitting in the parlor, dressed in a light wrapper, with two
partly filled valises in front of her, was Emma Goldman. She turned
pale when the policemen confronted her and denied her identity,
which was established by a fountain pen box, on which her name was
written. The woman had said that she was a servant.
Miss Goldman was taken to the office of Chief of Police O’Neill and
served with a warrant charging her with having conspired with other
Anarchists then under arrest, to kill the President.
She detailed her meeting with the assassin in Chicago.
“I was at the house of Abraham Isaak. Yes, the house at 515 Carroll
street. I was preparing to take the Nickel Plate train for the East with
Miss Isaak. A ring came at the door. I answered the bell and found a
young man there. He asked for Mr. Isaak. The latter had left the
house, promising to meet us at the station and say good-by. I so told
the young man and I further told him that he might go to the station
with us and meet Mr. Isaak there. So you see,” she asserted, “he
would not even have been with me for thirty-five minutes had I not
asked him to go to the train.
“The young man—yes, it was Czolgosz, who shot the President—
said that he had met me before. He said he had heard me lecture in
Cleveland. I had delivered a lecture there on May 6, but I can’t
remember all the people who shake hands with me, can I? I had no
remembrance of him. We went to the station on the elevated train
and this man accompanied us. I asked him where he had heard of
Mr. Isaak. He said he had read the latter’s paper, Free Society. He
did not talk to me about a plot. I never heard of him from that time
until McKinley was shot.”
Emma Goldman’s ideas on anarchy are contained in an interview
had with her some months before President McKinley’s
assassination. She said:
“If a man came to me and told me he was planning an
assassination I would think him an utter fool and refuse to pay any
attention to him. The man who has such a plan, if he is earnest and
honest, knows no secret is safe when told. He does the deed himself,
runs the risk himself, pays the penalty himself. I honor him for the
spirit that prompts him. It is no small thing for a man to be willing to
lay down his life for the cause of humanity. The act is noble, but it is

mistaken. While I do not advocate violence, neither do I condemn
the anarchist who resorts to it.
“I was an anarchist when I left Russia to come to America,” she
continued, “but I had hardly formulated my belief. The final
influence that crystallized my views was the hanging of the Chicago
anarchists in 1887.
“I am an anarchist because I love individual freedom, and I will
not surrender that freedom. A leader must sooner or later be the
victim of the masses he thinks he controls. When I definitely entered
the work I gave myself a solemn pledge that I would study, that I
would make passion bow to reason, that I would not be carried away
from the truth by sentiment. I soon saw that the safest and wisest
way to keep myself free was not to be a leader. That is why I am
connected with no party. I am a member of no group. Individual
freedom and responsibility—there is the basis of true anarchy.
“No, I have never advocated violence, nor do I know a single truly
great anarchist leader who ever did advocate violence. Where
violence comes with anarchy it is a result of the conditions, not of
anarchy. The biggest fallacy going is the idea that anarchists as a
body band together and order violence, assassinations of rulers and
all that. I ought to know something about anarchy, and I tell you that
is false—absolutely false.
“There is ignorance, cruelty, starvation, poverty, suffering, and
some victim grows tired of waiting. He believes a decisive blow will
call public attention to the wrongs of his country, and may hasten the
remedy. He and perhaps one or two intimate friends or relatives
make a plan. They do not have orders. They do not consult other
anarchists.
“Perhaps under the same conditions I would do the same. If I had
been starving in Milan, and had raised my starving baby in the air as
an appeal for justice, and had that baby shot in my arms by a brutal
soldiery, who knows what I might have done? I might have changed
from a philosophical anarchist to a fighting anarchist. Do you
suppose if Santo Caserio had had anarchist organization back of him
he would have tramped all the weary way to Paris, without money, in
order to kill Carnot? If Bresci had been sent out from us, would he
have had to scrape together every cent he could, even forcing one of
his anarchist friends to pawn some of his clothes in order to repay a

loan Bresci had made him? The friend curses Bresci for a
hardhearted creditor, but Bresci never told why he needed the money
so desperately.
“Anarchy’s best future lies in America. We in America haven’t yet
reached conditions—economic conditions, I mean—that necessarily
breed violence. I am thankful for that; but we are much nearer such
conditions than the old-time American ever dreamed we would be,
and unless something is done to stop it, the time will come.
“It’s all too absolutely silly, this talk about my being dangerous.
Half my fellow believers think me a fool because I am always talking
against violence and advocating individual work. I believe that the
next ten years will see a wonderful spreading of the true principles of
anarchy in this country.”
Emma Goldman, at the time of the assassination, was a woman
thirty-two years old, with coarse features, thick lips, a square jaw and
prominent nose. She wore glasses on account of nearsightedness,
and her hair was light, almost red—the color of the doctrine she
teaches.
She was held without bail, but afterwards released.
After Czolgosz, the first arrests for complicity in the attempt on
President McKinley’s life were made in the city of Chicago. The
metropolis of Illinois, with its cosmopolitan population, has always
been a hotbed of anarchy, and it was there the police instantly looked
for traces of the movements of the assassin. The police learned from
Czolgosz himself that he had recently been in Chicago, and had
visited at the house of Abraham Isaak, Sr., 515 Carroll avenue. Isaak
was known as an anarchist and the publisher of a paper called Free
Society. The police procured warrants for the arrest of Isaak and
others on a charge of conspiracy to kill and assassinate the President
of the United States, William McKinley, and on visiting Isaak’s house
Saturday, September 7, found nine persons there, all of whom were
arrested. They were:
Abraham Isaak, Sr., publisher of the Free Society and former
publisher of the Firebrand, the organ of anarchy, which was
suppressed; Abraham Isaak, Jr., Clemence Pfuetzner, Alfred
Schneider, Hippolyte Havel, Henry Travaglio, Julia Mechanic, Marie
Isaak, mother; Marie Isaak, daughter.

The same day three other men were arrested at 100 Newberry
avenue, Chicago, for the same crime. These men were: Martin
Raznick, cloak-maker, who rented the premises; Maurice Fox,
Michael Raz.
In the house the detectives found box after box heaped with the
literature of anarchy and socialism. There were pictures of Emma
Goldman and other leaders and many copies of the Firebrand,
Isaak’s old paper.
The arrests were decided on thus early because of the receipt by
the Chicago police of a telegram from the chief of police at Buffalo,
reading as follows:
“We have in custody Leon Czolgosz, alias Fred Nieman, the
President’s assassin. Locate and arrest E. J. Isaak, who is editor of a
socialistic paper and a follower of Emma Goldman, from whom
Nieman is said to have taken instructions. It looks as if there might
be a plot, and that these people may be implicated.”
After being taken to the police station the prisoners were taken
before Chief O’Neill and questioned. Isaak, Sr., was the first to be
brought in, and he told his story without any suggestion of reticence,
occasionally punctuating his answers with anarchistic utterances,
angry nods of his head or emphatic gestures with his clenched fists.
When asked if he knew Emma Goldman he answered:
“Yes, she was at my house during the latter part of June and the
first two weeks of July. The last time I saw her was on the twelfth of
July. On that day she left Chicago for Buffalo. I met her at the Lake
Shore depot as she was leaving. When I reached the depot I found
her talking to a strange man, who appeared about 25 years old, was
well dressed and smooth shaven. Miss Goldman told me that the
fellow had been following her around wanting to talk to her, but she
had no time to devote to him. She asked me to find out what the
fellow wanted.
“The man made a bad impression on me from the first, and when
he called me aside and asked me about the secret meetings of
Chicago anarchists I was sure he was a spy. I despised the man as
soon as I saw him and was positive he was a spy.
“Emma Goldman went away on a train which left in about half an
hour after my meeting with this stranger, who gave his name as

Czlosz (Czolgosz). I wanted to learn more about the stranger, so,
when I went home, I asked him to accompany me. On the way to my
house he asked me again and again about the secret meetings of our
societies, and the impression grew on me that he was a spy. He asked
me if we would give him money, and I told him no, but added that if
he wanted to stay in Chicago I would help him get work.
“When we reached my house we sat out on the porch for about ten
minutes, and his talk during that time was radical. He said he had
been a Socialist for many years, but was looking for something more
active than socialism. I was sure then that the fellow was a spy, and I
wanted to search and unmask him, so I arranged with him to come to
my house on the following morning for breakfast.
PRESIDENT McKINLEY AT
THE BEDSIDE OF HIS WIFE
WHEN SHE WAS ILL IN SAN
FRANCISCO.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT SWORN IN AS
PRESIDENT.
“I took him over to Mrs. Esther Wolfson’s rooming-house, at 425
Carroll avenue, and engaged a room for him. Mrs. Wolfson has since
moved to New York.
“I didn’t see Czolgosz again after that night. He failed to come to
my house for breakfast, and when I went over to Mrs. Wolfson’s to
inquire about him I was told that he had slipped away without saying
where he was going. I was suspicious of him all the time, so I wrote
to E. Schilling, one of our comrades in Cleveland, Ohio, and asked
him if he knew of such a man.
“Schilling replied that a fellow answering his description had
called on him, and that he believed the man was a spy in the employ
of the police. He said he wanted to ‘search’ the stranger, but was
alone when he called and did not care to attempt the job. Schilling
arranged a meeting for another night, but Czolgosz didn’t show up,
and all trace of him was lost. I wrote to Cleveland because Czolgosz
had told me he once lived there.
“After I received Schilling’s letter I printed an article in my paper
denouncing the fellow as a spy and warning my people against him.”
The article renouncing Czolgosz, alluded to by Isaak, was
published in the issue of Free Society September 1, and was couched
in the following language:
ATTENTION!

The attention of the comrades is called to another spy. He is well dressed, of
medium height, rather narrow shoulders, blond and about 25 years of age. Up to
the present he has made his appearance in Chicago and Cleveland. In the former
place he remained but a short time, while in Cleveland he disappeared when the
comrades had confirmed themselves of his identity and were on the point of
exposing him. His demeanor is of the usual sort, pretending to be greatly
interested in the cause, asking for names or soliciting aid for acts of contemplated
violence. If this same individual makes his appearance elsewhere the comrades are
warned in advance, and can act accordingly.
The police were suspicious of this alleged fear of Czolgosz, and
asserted that the publication of the notice might have been done for
the purpose of exculpating the Chicago Anarchists in case they were
accused of being parties to the conspiracy.
In his further examination Isaak answered proudly that he was an
Anarchist, and when asked what he meant by anarchy, replied:
“I mean a country without government. We recognize neither law
nor the right of one man to govern another. The trouble with the
world is that it is struggling to abolish effect without seeking to get at
the cause. Yes, I am an Anarchist, and there are 10,000 people in
Chicago who think and believe as I do. You don’t hear about them
because they are not organized.
“Assassination is nothing but a natural phenomenon. It always has
existed and will exist as long as this tyrannical system of government
prevails. However, we don’t believe tyranny can be abolished by the
killing of one man. Yet there will be absolute anarchy.
“In Russia I was a Nihilist. There are secret meetings there, and I
want to tell you that as soon as you attempt to suppress anarchy here
there will be secret meetings in the United States.
“I don’t believe in killing rulers, but I do believe in self-defense. As
long as you let Anarchists talk their creed openly in this country the
conservatives will not be in favor of assassinating executives.”
Isaak had had an eventful career and had been a socialist and
anarchistic agitator for years. He was born in Southern Russia and
came to Chicago seven months ago. In Russia, he says, he was a
bookkeeper. He was forced to leave the country, and after traveling
over South America he came to this country and located first in San
Francisco. There he worked as a gardener. Later he removed to
Portland, Ore., and began the publication of a rabid anarchistic

paper called the Firebrand, but the publication was suppressed by
the United States postal authorities.
Then Isaak came to Chicago and started Free Society, a paper
devoted to the interests of local Anarchists. Isaak talked intelligently
but rabidly on matters pertaining to sociological questions.
Hippolyte Havel, the next in importance to Isaak in the anarchistic
group, was also examined by the chief. He proved to be an excitable
Bohemian, 35 years of age. In appearance he was the opposite of
Isaak. Dwarfed of stature, narrow-eyed, with jet black hair hanging
in a confused mass over his low forehead, and a manner of talking
that brought into play both hands, he looked the part when he boldly
told Chief O’Neill that he was an Anarchist. In Bohemia he was an
agitator, and in 1894 was sentenced to two years’ confinement in the
prison at Plzen for making incendiary speeches. He admitted that he
knew Emma Goldman and Czolgosz, and said that if he had known
the latter was going to Buffalo to kill the President, he would not
have notified the police.
Later, these anarchists were released, as there was no evidence to
prove a conspiracy.

CHAPTER VI.
ANARCHISM AND ITS OBJECTS.
Within a few minutes after the shooting of President McKinley at
Buffalo, and before anything was known of the identity of the
assailant, news of the affair was in every American town and village
to which the telegraph reaches. Probably in every town those to
whom this first report came exclaimed: “An Anarchist!” and many
thousands added bitter denunciation of all anarchists.
When later news arrived it was established definitely by the
confession of the would-be slayer that he was an anarchist and fired
the shots in a desire to further the cause of those who believe as he
does.
What, then, is anarchism, and who are the anarchists that the
destruction of the head of a republican government can further their
cause? What do they aim at, and what have they accomplished to
stand in their account against the long list of murders, of attempted
assassinations, and of destruction of property with which they are
charged? The questions are asked on every hand, but the answers are
hard to find.
When, at the World’s Fair in Chicago in October, 1893, an
international congress of anarchists was held and representative
anarchists were here from every civilized country, an attempt was
made to answer some of the questions. A proposition was made that,
for the information of the people and the furtherance of anarchism, a
document should be drawn up setting forth just what the belief is
and what its followers are doing. The proposition almost brought the
congress to an end, for it was found that there were as many different
ideas of anarchism as there were delegates present, and no definition
could be made satisfactory to more than one or two.

Yet in behalf of this doctrine, which is in itself the anarchy of
belief, there have been sacrificed in the last quarter of a century more
than a hundred human lives and hundreds of thousands of dollars’
worth of property by the most violent means. And, as far as can be
judged by an outsider, and as is admitted by the leading thinkers of
the cult, anarchism is not one whit the gainer by it.
According to Zenker, himself an anarchistic theorist, “anarchism
means, in its ideal sense, the perfect, unfettered self-government of
the individual, and consequently the absence of any kind of external
government.”
That such a state is possible not one of the anarchistic
philosophers has contended, and each has been eager to hold up his
neighbor’s plan, if not also his own, as a Utopia. Its realization, said
Proudhon, pioneer of the cult, would be an entirely new world, a new
Eden, a land of the perfect idealization of freedom and of equality.
Yet Proudhon wrote many books and made many addresses in behalf
of his doctrine. Like every other anarchist, he found his theory
ending in a contradiction—as soon as there was anarchy a new state
would be built up.
For anarchy is of two classes, individualistic and communistic. The
first is the philosophy of the thinker, which has advanced as the
object of its being the attainment of “Liberty, not the daughter but
the mother of order.” That other anarchy is that which through the
influence of terrorism shall crumble empires and republics alike,
while from their dust shall rise a free people who shall be in no need
of restraints at the hands of their fellow-men. Disciples of this
philosophy would build communistic centers upon the ruins of
government which violence should have brought about.
Beginning with Proudhon, anarchy had no relationship to the
secret society of the assassin. Proudhon simply had criticised a
society which “seeks, in formula after formula, institution after
institution, that equilibrium which always escapes it, and at every
attempt always causes its luxury and its poverty to grow in equal
proportion.” He had no retributive bomb or dagger for the heads of
state under which such inequalities existed. He said, only: “Since
equilibrium has never yet been reached, it only remains for us to
hope something from a complete solution which synthetically unites
theories, which gives back to labor its effectiveness and to each of its

organs its power. Hitherto pauperism has been so inextricably
connected with labor and want with idleness that all our accusations
against Providence only prove our weakness.”
Pierre Joseph Proudhon was born in Besancon, France, in 1809.
He was a poor man and became a printer, but in 1837 won a
scholarship at the academy in his native town, secured an education,
and became a philosopher. He followed the teachings of Hegel, the
German philosopher, and going beyond them founded the modern
cult of anarchist individualism. He became famous from a question
and an answer. “What is property?” he demanded, and himself
replied: “Property is theft.”
Later he came to regret the saying and endeavored to assert his
belief in property. “Individual possession is the fundamental
condition of social life,” he said. He maintained that profit was
unjust and that every trade should be an equal exchange.
Proudhon was seeking some means by which the pauper workmen
of Europe could be brought to an equality with the aristocracy. In it
he came near socialism, but kept the boundary fixed, maintaining
that the individual should have his property, should produce as
much as he could, have the benefit of his product, and be rich or poor
according to it.
Not until the movement started by Proudhon had reached Russia
did the “propaganda of action” come into it. In Russia the
government, controlling the military, was able to check instantly any
movement which might appear in any of the few big cities. In the
country no movement could have effect.
“Terrorism arose,” says Stepniak, “because of the necessity of
taking the great governmental organization in the flank before it
could discover that an attack was planned. Nurtured in hatred, it
grew up in an electric atmosphere filled by the enthusiasm that is
awakened by a noble deed.” The “great subterranean stream” of
nihilism thus had its rise. From nihilism and its necessary sudden
outbreaks anarchism borrowed terrorism, the propaganda of action.
Prince Peter Kropotkin of Russia was the founder of the violent
school of anarchists. Banished from Russia, he set about organizing
in various countries bands of propagandists. Instead of the
individualism of Proudhon he proclaimed anarchist communism,

which is now the doctrine of force and is the branch of the cult most
followed in Italy, France, Spain and among the Poles.
That form of anarchy to-day is giving great concern to the police
and military power of the world. It has its hotbed in continental
Europe. Vienna, beyond all the other capitals on the continent, is
said to harbor its doctrinaires. Switzerland has contended with its
“propaganda of action,” which Kropotkin stood for in 1879. Italy,
France, Spain, Russia, and nearly every other continental country
has felt its force. London itself has been a nest of anarchistic vipers in
times past. From all this territory, too, the gradual closing in of the
police power has forced both leaders and tools of anarchy to seek
asylums in America. The problem of anarchy as now presented to the
United States government has to deal almost wholly with this foreign
born element.
Its principles, as voiced by the manifesto of the Geneva conference
in 1882, stand in great measure for the propaganda of action of to-
day:
“Our ruler is our enemy. We anarchists are men without any
rulers, fighting against all those who have usurped any power or who
wish to usurp it.
“Our enemy is the owner of the land who keeps it for himself and
makes the peasant work for his advantage.
“Our enemy is the manufacturer who fills his factory with wage
slaves; our enemy is the state, whether monarchical, oligarchical, or
democratic, with its officials and staff officers, magistrates, and
police spies.
“Our enemy is every thought of authority, whether men call it God
or devil, in whose name the priests have so long ruled honest people.
“Our enemy is the law which always oppresses the weak by the
strong to the justification and apotheosis of crime.
“But if the landowners, the manufacturers, the heads of the state,
the priests, and the law are our enemies, we are also theirs, and we
boldly oppose them. We intend to reconquer the land and the factory
from the landowner and the manufacturer; we mean to annihilate
the state under whatever name it may be concealed; and we mean to
get our freedom back again in spite of priest or law.

“According to our strength we will work for the humiliation of all
legal institutions, and are in accord with every one who defies the law
by a revolutionary act. We despise all legal means because they are
the negation of our rights; we do not want so-called universal
suffrage since we cannot get away from our own personal sovereignty
and cannot make ourselves accomplices in the crimes committed by
our so-called representatives.
“Between us anarchists and all political parties, whether
conservatives or moderates, whether they fight for freedom or
recognize it by their admissions, a deep gulf is fixed. We wish to
remain our own masters, and he among us who strives to become a
chief or leader is a traitor to our cause. Of course we know that
individual freedom cannot exist without a union with other free
associates. We all live by the support of one another; that is the social
life which has created us; that it is the work of all which gives to each
the consciousness of his rights and the power to defend them. Every
social product is the work of the whole community, to which all have
a claim in equal manner.
“For we are all communists. It is ours to conquer and defend
common property and to overthrow governments by whatever name
they may be called.”
Johann Most followed Kropotkin, and in pamphlets and papers
urged death to rulers and leaders of the people. He published explicit
directions for making bombs, placing them in public places; a
dictionary of poisons and the means of getting them into the food of
Ministers and other government officials. “Extirpate the miserable
brood,” he said, “extirpate the wretches.”
All these leaders and many other theorists, German philosophers,
Englishmen and Americans as well, have published books showing
why they believe anarchy to be the ideal condition of the human race.
None of them believes it possible. It is only the less brilliant followers
who attempt to carry out their teachings and thus bring bloodshed.
How this is done the psychologists, the students of criminology
explain.
“Anarchism is a pathological phenomenon,” says Cæsar Lombroso,
the Italian criminologist. “Unhealthy and criminal persons adopt
anarchism. In every city, in nearly every factory, there are men with
active minds but little education. These men stand, day after day,

before a machine handling a tool, doing some mechanical action.
Their minds must work. They have little to work upon. They are
starved for proper food and air and for the mental food which is
necessary to a proper understanding of society and of the duties of
men. Into the hands of these fall the writings of the anarchists with
subtly-worded arguments. Conditions which are apparent
everywhere are shown forth, the evils of the city and of industrial
conditions are set forth plainly, so that the reader gets an idea that
the writer is truthful and impartial. Then the writer sets forth how
anarchism can remedy these things. Later on comes the suggestion of
violence. Then ‘strike down the rulers.’
“The workman may not be moved in the least by the first perusal.
He may even be amused. But later, little by little, as he stands at his
work, they come back to him, and he broods over them again and
again until they become part of his mind and his belief, and sooner
or later he becomes a violent anarchist. For such men Johann Most
and his followers form little groups which can hold secret meetings,
and through them deeds of violence are plotted and accomplished.”
In connection with the philosophy of anarchy, it may be interesting
to examine the causes which various leaders in the movement have
given for espousing the doctrine. August Spies, one of the men
executed in Chicago for complicity in the Haymarket conspiracy,
replied, when asked what made him an anarchist:
“I became an anarchist on that very day that a policeman seized
me by the collar and flung me from a sidewalk into the gutter.”
“Probably,” wrote this questioner, “the whole history of anarchy
could be traced to these petty causes. The sore develops violent
action in the uncouth; the finer and thriftier spirits are moved to
ventilate their wrongs in print.”
There is a suggestion in the point which has been voiced by
anarchists everywhere. When Emma Goldman was arrested she
complained bitterly that it was the police department of Chicago
rather than her teachings which was making anarchists.
The story has been told of Zo d’Axa that at a time when he was
hesitating between becoming an anarchist or a religious missionary
he was traveling in Italy. One day he was accused—as he contended,
wrongfully—of insulting the Empress of Germany, and the legal

efforts to call him to account made an anarchist of him. He was a
man of fortune and he devoted that fortune to the cause, establishing
En Dehors, a journal of revolt, against everything that could limit
individualism.
Thus, in these later types the relations of cause and effect have
been established. As to the earlier ones, only speculation may fasten
the probable truth to them. As to Proudhon, the sting that often
comes to one lacking in caste might easily have been his inspiration.
He was sent to prison in 1848 for political offenses, just at the
moment when his People’s Bank had been started upon its brief
period of existence, as one of the great ameliorating institutions of
French society.
Out of prison again at the end of a long confinement, Proudhon
begged permission to issue his paper, Justice, but Napoleon refused
the plea. A book, lacking much of the fire of his youth, caused
Proudhon to be sentenced to prison a second time, for a period of
three years. He escaped by flight, however, and went to Belgium. In
the general amnesty granted in 1859 he was excepted, and when, as a
special favor, the Emperor, in 1861, granted him permission to
return home, Proudhon refused, not returning to Paris until 1863.
But troubles and persecutions had told upon him, and on June 19,
1865, he died in the arms of his wife, who had been a helpmeet, and
for whom he had always shown loyalty and love.
Caspar Schmidt, better known by the pseudonym of Max Stirner,
was a German pupil of Proudhon and was born at Baireuth on
October 25, 1806. He became a teacher in a high school, and
afterwards in a girls’ school in Berlin. In 1844 appeared the book,
“The Individual and His Property,” acknowledged by Max Stirner. It
was meteoric, causing a momentary sensation and then sinking into
oblivion until the rejuvenating of anarchism ten years later brought it
again to notice. Stirner departs radically from Proudhon. On June
26, 1856, he died, as some one has observed, “Poor in external
circumstances, rich in want and bitterness.”
Jean Jacques Elisee Reclus is one of the later French apostles of
anarchism, a deep student of such prominence that the sentence of
transportation in 1871 caused such an outcry from scientific men that
banishment was substituted therefor. He has written of anarchism:

“The idea is beautiful, is great, but these miscreants sully our
teachings. He who calls himself an anarchist should be one of a good
and gentle sort. It is a mistake to believe that the anarchistic idea can
be promoted by acts of barbarity.”
Of the influence of this man and his type it has been said by a
critic.
“They are poets, painters, novelists, or critics. Most of them are
men of fortune and family. Their art has brought them fame. They
are idealists, and dreamers, and philanthropists. They turn from a
dark and troubled present to a future all rose. In a tragic night they
await the sunrise of fraternal love.
“And yet, by their sincerity and their eloquence, they are the most
dangerous men of to-day. They have made anarchy a splendid ideal,
instead of the brutal and meaningless discontent that it was. They
have gilded plain ruffians like Ravachol and Caserio with the halo of
martyrdom. For them anarchy is a literary toy. But what of the
feather-brained wretches who believe in all these fine phrases and
carry out the doctrine of social warfare to its logical and bloody
conclusion? Whose is the responsibility? Who is the greater
criminal? Luccheni or the silken poet who set him on?”
And behind these more or less gentle and philosophic pathfinders
in anarchism have come the “doers of the word”—the redhanded
assassins of history.
Not long ago Count Malesta, leader of the Italian anarchists, in his
suave, gentle, aristocratic attitudes, deplored the use of bombs,
pistol, and knife. Yet who will question that Herr Most has drawn
inspiration from this teacher, and this schooling was behind that
rabid creature’s utterance, following the assassination of Carnot,
when Most said:
“Whosoever wants to undertake an assassination should at first
learn to use the weapon with which he desires to accomplish his
purpose before he brings that weapon definitely into play. Attempts
by means of the revolver are utterly played out, because out of
twenty-five attempts only one is successful, as experience has
thoroughly shown. Only expert dead shots may thoroughly rely on
their ability to kill. No more child’s play! Serious labor! Long live the
torch and bomb!”

This is the pupil of the school. Of its tutors, even Kropotkin has
been described as a “gentle, courtly, aristocratic patriarch of revolt.”
He was wealthy, famous, and furiously aristocratic when, in 1872,
studying the Swiss glaciers, he stumbled upon the Geneva
convention of internationalists and became an anarchist. He
returned to the Russian court. His work on the glaciers of Finland
became a classic. His lectures on geology and geography were
attracting crowds, even while a red revolutionist, Borodin, was
stirring police and military with his utterances to workingmen. One
night the police trapped Borodin—and Kropotkin. For three years he
was confined in prison until he escaped, making his way to London
and to the world, which still listens to his voice.
Louise Michel, even, is described as an eager, enthusiastic old
woman of much gentleness of manner. She is credited with an
unselfishness and self-abnegation that would fit the character of a
sister of charity. Virile and keen of intellect, her presence is said to
attract, rather than repel, and yet her cry is for freedom, based on
force against the machinery of law.
Johann Most has been recognized as the link between the German
and English anarchism and the representative of the “propaganda of
action.” He is the avowed patron of the bomb, and in the present case
of Czolgosz some of the instructions which he has vouchsafed to
readers of his journal, Freedom, may have a bearing, as for instance,
the rule that “never more than one anarchist should take charge of
the attempt, so that in case of discovery the anarchist party may
suffer as little harm as possible.”
France has been especially active in this scrutiny of the followers of
the red flag. The government’s spy system is almost perfect. Scarcely
a meeting may be held on French soil that a government shadow is
not somewhere in the background.
In Russia both the police and military arms keep watch upon
suspects. London for years has been a hotbed of anarchistic talk and
scheming, and even there the system of secret espionage is
maintained. Regent’s Park on a Sunday afternoon may be full of
inflammatory speech-making, but it is regarded as a harmless
venting of spleen in most cases; the actual movements of dangerous
anarchists are closely observed.

The United States government at Washington has a list of names
and photographs of all the known anarchists of the world.
No city in America has had more experience in dealing with
dangerous anarchists than Chicago. As early as 1850 there were
disciples of anarchy among the foreign element there, but no
attention was paid to them until as late as 1873, when they formed a
political party and were more or less noisy for several years. In 1877,
during the great railroad strike, they had their first clash with the
police and several were killed, and many wounded. Thanksgiving
Day, 1884, under the leadership of Albert R. Parsons, August Spies,
Sam Fielden, and others they hoisted the black flag and marched
through the fashionable residence district of the city, uttering groans
and using threatening language. Subsequently they threatened to
blow up the new Board of Trade building, and marched past the
edifice one night, but were headed off by the police. Parsons, when
asked afterward why they had not blown up the Board of Trade
building, replied that they had not looked for police interference and
were not prepared. “The next time,” he said, “we will be prepared to
meet them with bombs and dynamite.” Fielden reiterated the same
sentiments and expressed the opinion that in the course of a year
they might be ready for the police.
During all these years the anarchist leaders had openly preached
violence, and had taught their followers how to make dynamite
bombs. They went so far as to give in detail their plans for fighting
the police and militia, and caused more or less consternation among
the timid residents of the city.
The local authorities made no effort to stop any of these
proceedings. Mayor Harrison believed that repressive measures
would be useless and considered that to allow the anarchists to talk
would gratify their vanity and preclude the possibility of riot. That
such a belief was fallacious, subsequent events proved.
In 1886 came the agitation for the establishment of the eight-hour
day, and the anarchist leaders were prominent therein. The first
collision between the anarchists and the police came at the
McCormick reaper works. There was a sharp fight and the police
dispersed the rioters. It was said that many workingmen were killed
in that fight, but the story was exaggerated, no one being killed. The
anarchists held secret meetings at once and devised a plan to revenge

themselves on the police, and to burn and sack the city. As a first
step, and for the purpose of demoralizing the police force, a public
meeting was called to be held in the Haymarket Square on the night
of May 4. The meeting was really held on Desplaines street, between
Randolph and Lake streets. Parsons, Spies and Fielden spoke from a
wagon in front of Crane’s foundry, until the police came up to
disperse the meeting, on account of the violent character of the
utterances. Inspector Bonfield and Captain Ward were in charge of
the police, and no sooner had Captain Ward called upon the crowd to
disperse than a bomb was hurled into the midst of the unsuspecting
policemen. It burst with a loud report, knocking down nearly every
one of the one hundred and twenty-five men in the detail and badly
wounding many.
Inspector Bonfield at once rallied his men, and charged the mob
with a resistless rush that carried everything before them. After the
square had been cleared the officers began to attend to their
wounded comrades. Only one, M. J. Degan, had been instantly killed,
although seven died afterward from their injuries. Sixty-eight others
were injured, some so badly that they were maimed for life, and
incapacitated for work.
Of all the men who were subsequently arrested for this crime, only
eight were placed on trial. These were August Spies, Michael Schwab,
Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel,
and Louis Lingg, who were found guilty and sentenced to death, and
Oscar Neebe, who was sentenced to fifteen years in the penitentiary.
Lingg committed suicide by blowing his head to pieces with a bomb
while confined in the jail awaiting execution. The sentences of
Schwab and Fielden were commuted to imprisonment for life by
Governor Oglesby. The other four were hanged in the county jail on
November 11, 1887. They were buried at Waldheim cemetery the
following Sunday, November 13, and this occasion was made
memorable by the honors shown the dead by the anarchist societies
of Chicago. It was the last great outpouring of anarchy that the city
has seen. Schwab, Fielden, and Neebe were afterward pardoned by
Governor Altgeld, and released from the penitentiary.
Looking back upon the work of anarchy in the last fifty years or
more its results should be discouraging to any but the most hair-
brained of the type. Its violence has not altered or unsettled the

course of a single government against which it has been directed. If
individuals here and there have been murdered the crimes have
reacted upon the tools of butchery, most frequently sending the
assassin to a dishonored grave, leaving the name of his kinsman a
reproach for all time. The seed of ideal anarchy still is being sown,
however, and its crop of crimes and criminals may be expected to be
harvested in the future, as in the past, unless, by some concerted,
radical efforts of civilization its bloody sophistries are to be wiped
from the world.

CHAPTER VII.
SCENES AT BUFFALO FOLLOWING THE
ASSASSINATION.
The people of Buffalo and the visitors within their gates behaved
admirably during all the weary days and nights after the shooting of
the President. That spirit of mob law, which pervaded the multitude
that surged about the Temple of Music in the Exposition grounds at
the time of the shooting, speedily gave way to one of obedience to
law. The knowledge that the President’s life had not ebbed away, and
that eminent physicians said he would recover, had a tendency to
restore men’s minds to the normal, and soon the question which
passed from man to man was “what news from the President?”
Even the thought of wreaking vengeance on the assassin seemed to
have fallen into abeyance. The people became quiet in demeanor, but
there was constant anxiety that the physicians had not told all, and
that the Nation might at any time be called on to mourn the death of
its Chief Executive. This feeling was intensified by the hurrying to the
city of members of the Cabinet who were not in attendance on the
President at the time he faced the assassin. The first trains brought
Vice-President Roosevelt, Secretaries Hay, Gage, Root, Long and
Hitchcock, Attorney-General Knox and Postmaster-General Smith.
Senator Mark Hanna and other close friends of the President also
started hastily for Buffalo, and many of them remained there until
the end. The presence of these personages, perhaps, had a tendency
to quiet public feeling, inasmuch as they one and all bore themselves
with marked dignity during the trying time.
When the President was moved from the Exposition grounds to
the residence of Mr. Milburn, there were thousands of people in the
streets, but there was no disturbance. Only the tenderest sympathy

for the stricken President was manifested, and never, during the
President’s gallant fight for life, was there aught to complain of on
the part of the people.
The Milburn home is situated in the center of a large lot on which
stand magnificent trees. As it became, from the time the President
was taken there, the center of interest for the civilized world, special
preparations were made to meet the exigencies of the case. It was
necessary that only those should have ingress and egress who had
business there, and hence the premises were surrounded with police
and soldiers. Ropes were stretched so that the crowds which were
irresistibly drawn to the scene could be more easily kept back, and
the most complete arrangements were made to enable the newspaper
men to secure and send broadcast the news of the President’s
condition. A huge tent was erected on the lawn and there, from day
to day, the doctors, members of the Cabinet, the Vice-President and
others were importuned by the reporters for hopeful tidings, which
they knew not only the people of Buffalo but the world at large so
eagerly awaited.
During all this period the police of Buffalo were working
desperately to learn the antecedents of Czolgosz, the assassin; to
trace his movements, and to ascertain, if possible, whether he had
accomplices. The villainous wretch, whose brutal act had caused all
right thinking people to regard him with horror, remained safely in
the police station at Buffalo, where he had been taken by the police
after the first struggle to keep the people from lynching him. After
recovering from the fright occasioned by his first contact with the
outraged people, he became flippant and tried to glorify his terrible
crime and invest it with the halo of a service to humanity. All these
facts were promptly conveyed to the people by the newspapers, and
served to intensify the feeling against Czolgosz.
When the fact became known that the President was growing
worse, and the physicians became guarded in the expressions as to
whether he would recover, the people began to gather on the streets
and discuss the punishment of the assassin. As the bulletins became
more and more ominous, the feeling rose to fever heat, and there was
a rush toward the police station where Czolgosz was confined.
Thousands of excited citizens clamored for the life of the criminal,
but the police forced them back. Two regiments of the National

Guard, the Sixty-fifth and Seventy-fourth, were ordered to assemble
in their armories to meet any emergency that might arise.
“We do not propose to allow our prisoner to be taken from us,”
said Superintendent Bull, of the police force. “We are able to protect
him, and we have the Sixty-fifth and Seventy-fourth Regiments
under arms if we need them. No matter how dastardly this man’s
crime is, we intend for the good name of American people to keep
him safe for the vengeance of the law.”
The fact that the President lingered until early in the morning,
before death ensued, probably prevented any real conflict between
the police and the indignant people.
The members of the two regiments were summoned to their
armories by messenger, telegraph, and proclamation in theaters and
public places. This news only helped to direct attention from the
dying President to the cell which held his assassin.
That these preparations were quite necessary became apparent by
8:30 o’clock Friday night, when the people had assembled in the
vicinity of police headquarters in such numbers that the streets were
blocked and impassable.
The police roped off all the streets at a distance of three hundred to
four hundred feet from the nearest of the buildings and refused to
admit any one within that limit. One hundred patrolmen guarded the
ropes and fought back the crowds, while ten mounted men galloped
to and fro, holding the crowds in repression.
New details of police from the outside stations came in from time
to time, and Superintendent Bull kept in constant touch on the
telephone with Colonel Welch, who was at the Sixty-fifth armory, less
than a mile away.
In order to divert the attention of the excited crowds, the false
report that Czolgosz had been spirited away was sent out. While the
source cannot be traced, it is believed the report emanated from the
police headquarters. The mob was also informed, whenever possible,
that there was no reason to believe that there would be a miscarriage
of justice, whether through the pretext that the assassin was insanely
irresponsible for his act or through the possibility that he might die
before justice could be meted out to him.

It was learned indirectly that Superintendent Bull had asked the
insanity experts, who have had Czolgosz under their observation for
a week, and Police Surgeon Dr. Fowler, who has had charge of the
prisoner’s physical health, to prepare a statement of the exact truth
about the prisoner’s health of mind and body.
The President’s clothes, which were removed at the Exposition
Hospital, were later sent to the Milburn residence, where the pockets
were emptied. The attendant told what he found.
In his right-hand trousers pocket was some $1.80 in currency.
With these coins was a small silver nugget, well worn, as if the
President had carried it as a pocket piece for a long time.
Three small penknives, pearl-handled, were in the pockets of his
trousers. Evidently they were gifts that he prized and was in the habit
of carrying all of them. Another battered coin, presumably a pocket
piece, was in the left-hand pocket.
The President’s wallet was well worn and of black leather, about
four inches by five. It was marked with his name. In it was $45 in
bills. A number of cards, which evidently had rested in the wallet for
some time, were in one of the compartments.
In a vest pocket was a silver-shell lead pencil. Three cigars were
found. They were not the black perfectos which the President likes,
but were short ones which had been given to him at Niagara Falls
that day. On two of them he had chewed, much as General Grant
used to bite a cigar.
The President’s watch was an open-faced gold case American-
made timekeeper. Attached to it was the gold chain which the
President always wore. No letters, telegrams or papers were found.
There was not on the President’s person a single clew to his identity,
unless it was to be found in the cards in his wallet, which were not
examined.
One of the most striking features of the fateful week at Buffalo was
the exclusive use of automobiles by the public officials, friends,
relatives and physicians on their trips to and from the Milburn
residence. Heretofore the modern vehicles were used chiefly for
pleasure and many doubted their utility, but on the well-paved
streets of Buffalo they were found to have many advantages over
carriages drawn by horses. Lines of the motor cabs were stationed a

short distance from the house and whenever a call for one was sent
out it approached speedily but noiselessly. No sound as loud as a
horse’s hoof on the pavement was made by the vehicles.
The wounded President was transferred from the Emergency
Hospital on the Exposition grounds to the Milburn residence in an
automobile, and the horseless carriages were sent to the railroad
stations to meet officials and relatives coming to the bedside of the
stricken man.
When the startling report of the assassination first sped along the
wires, causing grief and consternation everywhere, Senator Hanna
was at his home in Cleveland. Hanna was undoubtedly McKinley’s
most intimate friend in public life, as well as the President’s adviser.
Hanna was intensely excited by the news and at once began to make
plans for reaching Buffalo as soon as possible. A special train could
have been made up, but the time to reach the station would have
been considerable.
Some one suggested that the Lake Shore Limited, which is the
fastest train between Chicago and New York, be flagged near
Hanna’s home, and this was at once done. The railway officials gave
their consent by telephone, and when the train approached near the
house—the railroad is but a few rods from the Hanna residence—it
slacked up and the Senator boarded it. Steam was put on and the
delay made up in a few hours. The train reached Buffalo on time.

MRS. McKINLEY ALONE WITH
HER BELOVED DEAD.
PRESIDENT McKINLEY’S
BODY LYING IN STATE AT
BUFFALO.

Senator Hanna took a hopeful view of the situation, and assured
everyone with whom he conversed of the recovery of the President.
He remained at Buffalo until Tuesday, and then returned to
Cleveland, where the G. A. R. Encampment was being held. When he
parted from the President he stated that in his opinion, for which he
relied chiefly on the physicians, McKinley would be well in a month.
Hanna spent Wednesday and Thursday in Cleveland, leaving for
Buffalo on a special train when notified of the relapse of the patient.
The death of McKinley touched Hanna deeply. He had to be led from
the bedside on the occasion of the last interview between the two
men. He was almost a total collapse, his face was drawn and his
entire form trembled.
On Sunday night, September 8th, two days after the President had
been shot, and at a time when it was believed he would recover,
Senator Hanna had a remarkable dream, prophetic of the fatal end.
On Monday a newspaper correspondent asked him if he had any
fears of a relapse, when he replied:
“That reminds me of a dream I had last night. You know dreams go
by contraries. Well, sir, in this dream I was up at the Milburn house
waiting to hear how the President was getting along, and everybody
was feeling very good. We thought the danger was all past. I was
sitting there talking with General Brooke and Mr. Cortelyou, and we
were felicitating ourselves on how well the physicians had been
carrying the case.
“Suddenly, in my dream, Dr. McBurney entered the room through
the door leading to the sick room with a look of the utmost horror
and distress on his face. I rushed up to him, and putting a hand on
either shoulder, said: ‘What is it, Doctor? what is it? let us know the
worst.’
“Dr. McBurney replied: ‘My dear Senator, it is absolutely the worst
that could happen. The President has had a tremendous change for
the worse; his temperature is now 440 degrees.’ I fell back in my
chair in utter collapse, and then I awoke. But, do you know, I could
not rest easy until I saw the early bulletins this morning?”
Everyone thought of Mrs. McKinley and the hearts of all went out
to her in sympathy when it was known that the end was near. They
had tried all day to keep the fatal news from her, but it is probable

that when she saw the President she divined something of his serious
condition. Mrs. McWilliams, Mrs. Barber, Miss Mary McKinley, and
Mrs. Duncan were with her and gave her the most tender and loving
ministration. The crowds eagerly scanning the bulletin boards feared
for her. It was a matter of current belief that the wife never would
survive the shock. There were plenty who said and believed that she
would not live through the night; that the papers would tell the world
that Emma Goldman’s disciple had murdered a woman and a frail
invalid as well as the President of the United States.
It was recalled that the President had several times spoken of his
assassin and that he had expressed satisfaction when he learned that
the man had not been injured by the crowd. All this was gratifying,
but it failed to alleviate the sorrow of that Friday night and the few
hours of Saturday in which the President continued alive. All Buffalo,
all the Nation, watched with deepest anxiety hoping against hope.
The devotion to duty of Private Secretary George B. Cortelyou
during the long painful days that came between the shooting and the
death of President McKinley offers one of the most striking features
of the historic tragedy.
When the chief fell wounded Secretary Cortelyou was practically
forced to fill a part of the vacant place and assume all of its
responsibilities. He was at the side of the President when Leon
Czolgosz fired the murderous shots, and upon him rested the
immediate responsibility of issuing the order for the surgical
operation that was performed at the emergency hospital.
When Mr. McKinley came from the operating table it fell to Mr.
Cortelyou to make the arrangements for his shelter and care, and
from that time to the end he was called upon to pass judgment upon
every grave question that arose except the technical medical and
surgical matters in connection with the care of the wounded
chieftain.
He stood between the sick-room and the world as far as
information on the progress of the case was concerned, and the place
called for the most delicate judgment. In addition to his official
connection with the dying President it was his duty to supervise all of
the private personal affairs of his superior.

In addition to the work which he could do by verbal direction the
executive correspondence by mail and wire trebled and quadrupled.
It exceeded that of any other period in the public life of Mr.
McKinley, including the days that succeeded both his first and
second elections. It seemed that Mr. Cortelyou must fail in the mere
physical task of handling it, but no physical exaction seemed too
great for him.
His personal affection for his chief was complete, and the
President’s death was a grievous shock to him. He has not faltered,
however, and still stands in the place that he must occupy until the
last offices have been performed at the grave of Mr. McKinley.

CHAPTER VIII.
DAYS OF ANXIETY AND SORROW.
The Nation was thrown into a state of grief and indignation never
before approached at the terrible news from Buffalo Friday,
September 6th. Methods for transmitting intelligence have been
vastly improved since the assassination of Garfield, since which time
no such national calamity has befallen the United States. Poignant
regret, intense indignation, and a feeling of dismay mingled in the
hearts of the eighty million Americans who stood appalled at the
news which swept like wild fire and reached every part of the world
in an incredibly short time.
It was an appalling thought that this great republic, with all its
promises and all its deeds for oppressed humanity, exposed its chief
magistrates to more deadly chances than does any empire or
kingdom. But seven men regularly elected Presidents in the last
thirty-six years, and three of them brought low with the assassin’s
bullet!
The news of the attempt on the life of the President was received
from one end of the country to the other first with horrified
amazement and then with the deepest grief. In every city in the
United States men and women gathered and waited for hours to get
every scrap of information that came over the wires. In thousands of
small towns the whole population stood about the local telegraph
offices and watched tearfully and anxiously for bulletins.
Telegraph offices everywhere were swamped with business,
messages of sympathy for the President and his wife from almost
every man of prominence in the nation, and for hours after the
shooting telephone trunk lines were so overburdened that only a
small percentage of subscribers were able to secure service.

Dispatches from every State in the Union showed how widespread
and intense was the feeling of dismay and the sense of personal
affliction with which the news was received. Public men of all shades
of political opinion and social status alike shared the anxiety and
found themselves grasping hands with one another and praying that
Mr. McKinley’s life might be spared. All the details of the tragedy
were sought for with trembling eagerness, and in all the large centers
of population every effort was made to supply this demand by the
newspapers, which issued extras at intervals till far into the night.
Early Saturday morning began arrangements for public prayer in
many of the churches on Sunday. Archbishop Ireland of the Catholic
Church, Bishop Potter, the Episcopal prelate; Cardinal Gibbons of
Baltimore, and high church dignitaries of all denominations joined in
the universal supplication to the Heavenly Father to spare the life of
the stricken President. Fervent were the invocations and the hopeful
news of the following days seemed to portend a favorable answer to
the prayers of a nation.
Political lines were forgotten and Democrat and Populist was as
eager to show respect for the head of the government as the
Republicans. It was respect shown a good man; it was also respect
shown the Chief Executive occupying an exalted position by the
suffrage of the people.
At the moment when the country was enshrouded in the gloom of
the awful tragedy, when it was bowed with its own sorrow and
overflowing with sympathy for the bereaved widow, consideration of
the dead statesman’s career and of the political controversies to
which it gave rise, was not attempted. So quick had been the
revulsion of feeling, so terrible the shock, that the one emotion of
grief was overmastering and all-absorbing.
It had been said many times during the era of alternate hope and
fear that Mr. McKinley was the most beloved of our Presidents since
Lincoln, and the frequency of the assertion in every quarter and
among all classes of people is excellent evidence of its truth. Nor are
the reasons for his exceptional hold on the affections of the people
far to seek. He had to begin with that sweet and winning personality
which captivated everyone who saw him. Thousands felt its influence
at Buffalo on the day when the wretched murderer committed his
deadly assault, and they responded to it with an affectionate regard,

as other thousands had done among the many crowded assemblages
with which the President had so freely mingled.
A feeling of tenderest love and veneration was excited also by the
knowledge of the beautiful life’s devotion of the most thoughtful,
considerate and gentlest of husbands. Toward the wife, whom he had
ever near him, the President was a ministering angel. In caring for
her he evinced the delicacy of a woman, the strength of the strongest
of men. May she find resignation in that submission which he taught
her, saying: “God’s will, not ours, be done.”
That such a noble, true soul, such a high-minded man should have
been struck down in the very fullness of his powers, when his great
abilities were receiving a broadening recognition and he was still
growing in the affectionate esteem of his countrymen, caused
universal lamentation.
Ex-President Grover Cleveland was fishing at Darling Lake, in
Tyringham, Mass., when he received the news regarding the shooting
of President McKinley. He at once started for the shore in order to
hear more details in regard to the matter, and anxiously asked for the
latest advices from Mr. McKinley’s bedside. Mr. Cleveland was
horrified at the news and said:
“With all American citizens, I am greatly shocked at this news. I
cannot conceive of a motive. It must have been the act of a crazy
man.”
Following receipt of the news of the attempt on his life, W. J.
Bryan sent a brief message to President McKinley expressing his
concern. Mr. Bryan gave out the following statement:
“The attempted assassination of the President is a shock to the
entire country, and he and his wife are the recipients of universal
sympathy. The dispatches say that the shot was fired by an insane
man, and it is hoped that this is true, for while it is a terrible thing for
a President to be the victim of the act of a maniac, it would be even
worse for him to be fired upon by a sane person prompted by malice
or revenge.
“In a republic where the people elect their officials and can remove
them there can be no excuse for a resort to violence. If our President
were in constant fear of plots and conspiracies we would soon sink to

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