Microengineering MEMS and Interfacing A Practical Guide 1st Edition Danny Banks
Microengineering MEMS and Interfacing A Practical Guide 1st Edition Danny Banks
Microengineering MEMS and Interfacing A Practical Guide 1st Edition Danny Banks
Microengineering MEMS and Interfacing A Practical Guide 1st Edition Danny Banks
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16. Battle of Valls.
Feb. 25.
St. Cyr, who was at this time with Pino’s division at
Pla, had ordered Souham never to lose sight of
Reding’s movements. That General occupied Valls; he
had entered it on a market day, and supplied his
hungry troops with the corn brought thither from
Aragon and the plain of Urgel, as if there had been no
enemy to fear! His advanced guard was to the north
of that town, having its left upon the Francoli; his
right was in the direction of Pla, and he had a post at
Picamoxons, the point at which Reding must
debouche upon the plain of Valls, if he went either by
the valley of Montblanch or the Col de Lilla. At this
point Souham’s orders were to give him battle;
though some apprehension was entertained that he
might pass by the Col de Cabra, with the view of
cutting off the French from Barcelona. No such
thought had ever entered Reding’s mind
20
. The
narrowness of the passes and the badness of the road
made the night march slower than had been
calculated; at five in the morning, however, the
vanguard under Castro and half the centre had
passed Valls, leaving the enemy’s camp-fires on the
left. They were proceeding silently and in the best
order, and no advanced post of the enemy had yet
been discovered, when, as the General was passing a
little bridge, a volley of musketry opened upon him
within pistol shot. This unexpected attack occasioned
a momentary disorder: measures, however, were
immediately taken to prevent the enemy from cutting
off that half of the army which had not yet come up;
the troops took their station with alacrity and
precision; the artillery on both sides began to play:
the French descended from the heights of Valls in
several columns; they were met by the Spaniards, and
17. attacked so vigorously, that notwithstanding the
advantage of the ground, they were driven back.
All the information which Reding had previously
obtained concerning the enemy agreed in affirming
that they had no artillery. It was therefore not without
surprise that he had found two batteries open upon
him. They had been silenced, however; the Spaniards
had behaved even to his wish, and a manifest
advantage had been gained. But when the French had
been driven to the heights, reinforcements arrived
which enabled them to make a stand, and Reding
perceived by their smoke-signals and their rockets,
that they were communicating with a fresh body of
troops. It was now noon; his own men had been
marching all night, and having been several hours in
action, they began to feel exhausted. He therefore
concentrated them, sent off the whole of the
baggage, and determined to continue his retreat, as
soon as they should have taken food or rest. The
position which he had chosen was a good one, behind
the bridge of Goy, on the right bank of the Francoli,
and covered by that river. But time for rest was not
allowed them. Pino’s division had now come up, and
St. Cyr himself had arrived. That General, who was
desirous of gaining such a victory as should give the
French the utmost confidence in what was called their
moral superiority, forbade his artillery to fire; though
the opportunity for firing with advantage was such,
that the commandant feigned not to understand the
order, and when after a third discharge it was
repeated to him in the most formal manner, expressed
the unwillingness with which he obeyed. That of the
Spaniards was well served; and when, having crossed
the river and ascended the height, the French
proceeded with the bayonet to the attack, they
18. St. Cyr, 125.
Cabañes, c. 15.
St. Cyr, 117,
126.
The French
received at
Reus.
advanced under a fire of musketry which could not
have been more regular at a review. The right wing of
the Spaniards was threatened, but the main attack
was made upon the left, and this the enemy
succeeded in breaking between four and five in the
evening, about an hour after the action had been
renewed. The Spaniards then began to retreat in good
order for the next half hour, ... but then as usual fear
and insubordination prevailed as soon as hope was
lost. Reding himself, when it was no longer possible to
perform the part of a general, was distinguished for
his personal bravery. A body of French dragoons
surrounded him and some of his staff: two of his aide-
de-camps were killed, and he himself received five
sabre wounds from a French Colonel, with whom he
was personally engaged. The cavalry rendered little
service in covering the retreat; but the infantry of the
right and centre, and part of the left, retired through
the vineyards, where the horse could not pursue
them. The other part of the broken wing took to the
mountains, and made their way to Tortosa.
The French estimated their own loss in this action
at about a thousand men, that of the Spaniards at
four; ... the Spaniards supposed it to be about two
thousand on either side. In fact the evening was so
far advanced, that they suffered comparatively little in
their flight. Reding reached Tarragona that night; ...
that city was only three leagues from the scene of
action, and thither the greater part of the dispersed
troops found their way before morning, some corps in
good order, others in small parties. Some made for
Reus, and from thence to Cambrils and Col de
Balaguer. The artillery and baggage fell into the
enemy’s hands. On the following day Souham entered
Reus, a rich commercial city, second only in size and
19. Arrangement
concerning the
wounded.
St. Cyr, 127–8.
Alarm at
Tortosa.
importance to Barcelona. The inhabitants had not, as
had every where till now been done, forsaken it; on
the contrary the municipality went out to receive the
conquerors, and agreed to raise a contribution for the
use of the army. Their wealth may explain a conduct
which, in the then state of public feeling, surprised
the French
21
themselves. This supply came at a time
when the paymaster had not a single sous in the
chest. Resources of every kind were also found here,
and here were some thousand of sick or wounded
Spaniards in the hospital, whom St. Cyr sent to
Tarragona. This measure led to a negotiation with
Reding, by which it was agreed that in future
whatever patients might be found in the hospitals
should not be regarded as prisoners, but allowed to
remain where they were, and to rejoin their respective
armies upon their recovery.
The enemy now occupied Villaseca and the port of
Salon, and thus cut off Tarragona from all
communication by land with the rest of Spain. They
profited by their success with their wonted alacrity;
and yet they might have improved it farther, and
gained a far more important advantage than the
victory itself, had they been aware of the alarm which
prevailed at Tortosa, and of the condition in which
that fortress had been left. The Governor and the
Junta sent for General Doyle, who, as far as personal
influence and example could go, possessed in an
extraordinary degree the talent of exciting activity and
creating confidence. He found the fortifications in
such a state that they could not have resisted a coup-
de-main; and the city so ill provided, that if the works
could have resisted an enemy, it must presently have
been reduced by famine. Provisions were now
collected by requisition from the neighbourhood,
20. Lazan
separates his
army from
Reding’s
command.
receipts being given for the amount (for the public
money had been constantly ordered to Tarragona),
and the citizens were called out to work upon the
ramparts; so that the place was put in a state for
resisting any sudden attack. There were but two
roads by which artillery could be brought against it:
one was defended by the fort at Col de Balaguer; but
from that post the troops at this important crisis were
deserting for want of provisions. By General Doyle’s
exertions it was immediately stored, and the other
road, through Falcat, which, there had been no
attempt to guard, was occupied according to his
directions by 600 Somatenes. This was a position
which could well be maintained by a small force, and
this timely occupation prevented the advance of a
French detachment which had been ordered thither.
The Tortosans were soon encouraged by the arrival of
the Marques de Lazan, who brought his army there
when they might better have kept the field. The want
of cordiality between this General and Reding had
been sufficiently manifested to be known even by the
enemy; and Lazan now formally announced, that
having previously been appointed second in the
Aragonese army by the Cortes of that kingdom, he
had upon the loss of his brother succeeded to the
command in chief; and considering himself as
independent of the commander in Catalonia, should
thenceforth look upon the protection of Aragon as his
proper business: but he would do whatever he could
consistently with this object, for covering Catalonia on
that side. Reding represented this to the war-minister
as an act by which Lazan crippled the Catalan army,
and exposed his own troops to certain destruction,
without the possibility of effecting any service; and
instructions were accordingly dispatched from Seville
that he should obey Reding’s orders. The same spirit
21. 1809.
May.
Mortality in
Tarragona.
1809.
March.
of provincialism was prevailing in Valencia; a corps of
6000 men from that kingdom was stationed at Morela,
with orders to remain there, though neither this place
not that part of the country were threatened, but
because that position covers Valencia on the side of
Aragon. There was neither unity in counsel nor in
command; ... each of these three provinces had its
own army, acting upon its own views, and of course
all acting without effect.
And yet St. Cyr had mistaken the character of the
Spaniards when he supposed that the battle of Valls
would convince them of their moral inferiority to the
conquerors. Far from it; it had even raised the spirit of
the Catalans; and the Central Junta spake of it in their
proclamations as one of those defeats in which ill
fortune brought with it no dishonour, but rather hope
and confidence. It proved to the Spanish army far
more disastrous in its consequences than in itself;
they were crowded into Tarragona, and the French
commander, by sending thither several thousand sick
and wounded from the hospitals at Reus, increased or
perhaps occasioned an infectious disease which broke
out among them, and was aggravated by the
uncleanliness arising from want of linen, the neglect
of those precautions, and the destitution of all those
means without which armies cannot be kept in health.
We reconcile ourselves to the slaughter of a battle or
a siege, because such destruction is the business of
war, and the men engaged in it take their chance
bravely for the evils which they are inflicting upon
others; ... but there is somewhat at which the heart
revolts in making a league with pestilence or famine,
however much the system of war may require and
justify it. St. Cyr knew that disease was doing his
work in Tarragona; officers as well as men were dying
22. St. Cyr, 133.
St. Cyr removes
to the plain of
Vicq.
in such numbers, that if he could have kept them thus
shut up within the seat of the contagion, more would
perish in a month than he could have hoped to
destroy in four pitched battles. He determined
therefore to remain in the plain of Tarragona as long
as his army could be supplied with a quarter of a
ration.
But the Spaniards were not idle. The Somatenes
were once more in force and in activity; and the left
of the Catalan army, which had not been engaged in
the defeat, harassed the enemy on their right and in
the rear. When Reding had formed his unfortunate
plan of operation, 10,000 Miquelets and Somatenes,
under Wimpffen, had been sent beyond the Llobregat
to take advantage of any insurrection that might be
attempted in Barcelona. These irregular troops, when
they had no longer to depend upon the combinations
of the Commander-in-chief, but were left to
themselves to carry on their own kind of warfare in
their own way, began again to acquire that superiority
which such warfare assured them; Chabran’s division,
harassed by repeated assaults, fell back successively
from Igualada upon Llacuna, S. Quinto, and Villa
Franca; and the Spaniards in that quarter, full of hope
as ever, resumed the blockade of Barcelona. For a
time they cut off St. Cyr’s communication with that
city, and their position excited no trifling uneasiness in
Duhesme and Lechi, who well knew the disposition of
the inhabitants. But the English squadron, the sight of
which always afforded hope to the Barcelonans, was
compelled by a heavy gale to stand out to sea: and
Chabran’s division, recovering the ground and the
reputation which it had lost, once more broke up the
irregular blockade. St. Cyr meantime maintained his
position as long as it was possible to feed his army
23. St. Cyr, 134,
145–7.
there; he then determined upon moving it into the
little plain of Vicq, where he expected to find corn,
and to remain till the harvest should be ripe in the
environs of Gerona, where he foresaw that in the
course of the siege his army must be established. The
battle of Valls had not given that army the confidence
which their General was so desirous they should
possess; there was in fact an impression upon them
which they had never felt in any other service; they
knew that they were not the objects of mere military
hostility, in which there is neither enmity nor ill will
between man and man, but that they had the hatred
and the curses of the whole country. Their removal
now they looked upon as a retreat, and they knew
what were the dangers of a retrograde movement in
Catalonia. St. Cyr better understood how little able
Reding was to take advantage of such a movement at
that time; and for the purpose of showing his men
that he could defy the Spaniards, while at the same
time he was careful not to wound the feelings of a
General whom he respected, he sent an officer to
Tarragona with a flag of truce, and a letter stating
that, as circumstances rendered it necessary for him
to draw nearer the French frontier, he should depart
from Valls the following day at noon, and if General
Reding would send a detachment thither at that time,
the hospital which had been formed in that town, and
which it was of such consequence for him to preserve,
considering the number of his sick, should be
consigned to him as it stood. It was well furnished
from the houses which the inhabitants of Valls had
abandoned on the entrance of the enemy. The French
commander left only a very few wounded men, who
were not in a state to bear removal; because he
doubted whether Reding would be able to make the
Spaniards observe the agreement which had been
24. St. Cyr, 138.
Vicq deserted
by its
inhabitants.
concluded upon that subject. As far, however, as
opportunity was given, it was properly performed.
This done, after having remained something more
than three weeks in the plain of Tarragona, the
French retreated toward the Llobregat. Chabot’s
division occupied at this time Montblanch, for the
double purpose of rendering it more difficult for
Reding to communicate with Wimpffen, and of
preventing the latter from holding any communication
with Lerida. A brisk firing in a quarter where no alarm
was looked for, occasioned this General to send out a
reconnoissance. It was in time to save a detachment
of 600 horse and foot, with two pieces of cannon,
which Marshal Mortier had sent from Fraga to
communicate with St. Cyr’s army, and bring him back
intelligence of the state of things from Catalonia. A
smaller party would have had no chance of
succeeding in this service; and if this had been four-
and-twenty hours later, it would have been cut off.
They were fortunate enough to find a division of their
countrymen here, but only half their object was
accomplished; for though the army delayed its
movements two days in the hope of facilitating their
return, and escorted them to some distance, the
attempt was found to be so hopeless, that they were
fain to continue with St. Cyr.
The troops in Tarragona were not in a condition to
harass the French on their retreat; but the retreat was
most important to them. They obtained room to
distribute their sick, and the progress of the contagion
was stopped as soon as its main cause was thus
removed. Some affairs took place beyond the
Llobregat with Wimpffen’s division, which dispersed,
as it became irregular troops to do, when they were
not acting at advantage. When the enemy reached
25. St. Cyr, 156.
Arrest of the
persons in
office at
Barcelona for
refusing the
oath.
Vicq, they found that that city had not been infected
by the ill example of Reus; the Bishop, five or six old
men, and the sick who were unable to remove, were
the only inhabitants of that populous city who
remained. The others, with a spirit worthy of their
country and their cause, upon the unexpected
approach of the invaders abandoned all that they
could not carry with them in their instant removal,
and went to seek shelter where they could; many of
them actually lived among the mountains during the
whole three months that the French continued there,
though at the time of their flight the weather was
severe, and the snow daily falling. There had been no
time to destroy the provisions, much less to remove
them; if St. Cyr had not succeeded in effectually
concealing his intention of quartering the troops
there, this would have been done, and his army could
then have derived no advantage from their change of
position. As it was, they found corn enough to last till
the harvest, lard for a month, and wine for a
fortnight: but the change of diet, air, and climate (for
they had moved into a higher region), and the want
of wine as soon as the stock was exhausted,
produced disease among the soldiers; and it was well
for them that neither Reding nor his army was in a
state to resume offensive operations; so that they
were enabled to rest.
St. Cyr himself remained some three weeks in
Barcelona. From the depôts of the Spaniards, which,
in the course of this successful campaign had fallen
into his hands, he had supplied the garrison of that
city with grain, pulse, and salt for three months’
consumption: but there was not enough ammunition
for a fortnight’s siege. Of being formally besieged
indeed there was not now even the remotest danger;
26. 1809.
April.
St. Cyr, 142–4.
but from within there was sufficient cause for
inquietude. The honourable feeling of nationality, for
which the Catalans are eminently distinguished, was
in no part of the principality stronger than in its
capital. At this very time Barcelona had two tercios of
Miquelets in the field, raised among its inhabitants,
and paid and clothed by them. The individuals of
those regiments, having no uniform by which they
could be recognised, used to enter the city fearlessly
whenever it suited them, for the purpose of visiting
their friends, raising recruits, and receiving money or
clothing: nor was it in Duhesme’s power, with all the
vigilance, and it may be added, all the villany of his
police, to detect a single person in this practice; so
unanimous were the Barcelonans in their detestation
of the intrusive government, and so well was the
secret kept. That police was continually reporting to
Duhesme and Lechi, and these again to the
Commander-in-chief, the existence of conspiracies
which they had discovered; but the members of the
police were men of such character, that St. Cyr
suspected these schemes to be suggested by their
agents, if they were not mere fabrications, brought
forward for the most nefarious motives. Now,
however, that he was on the spot, he allowed
Duhesme to exact an oath of allegiance to the
Intruder from all the public functionaries, and from
the Spanish soldiers who had been disarmed after the
treacherous seizure of the place. Sunday was the day
chosen for this act of oppression. They were
summoned to the house of the Royal Audience, which
was surrounded with horse and foot, and 3000 troops
were drawn up on the esplanade and the sea-wall;
the display and the actual force being necessary to
keep down the indignation of a generous and most
injured people. Every member of the Audience
27. Prisoners sent
to France.
St. Cyr, 151,
158.
Barcelona
relieved by
sea.
Reding dies of
his wounds.
refused thus to disgrace himself and betray his
country; only one of the Relatores took the oath, and
only three of the numerous persons employed in the
inferior departments. The French were not more
successful in tempting the military. Persuasions and
promises availed as little as the threat of immediate
imprisonment. The Contador Asaguerre told
Duhesme, that if all Spain were to acknowledge
Joseph, he would expatriate himself. The French
executed their threat. Nine-and-twenty of these
honourable Spaniards were sent prisoners, some to
Monjuic, others to the citadel. The people, undeterred
by their strong escort, followed them as in procession,
cheering them as they went, and promising that their
families should be well provided for during their
imprisonment. Many others were put under arrest in
their own houses, and the whole of the military were,
by St. Cyr’s orders, marched with the prisoners of war,
under convoy of Lechi’s division, as far as the Fluvia,
where Reille received and sent them into France: and
by Lechi’s return the commander-in-chief received the
first intelligence from that country which had reached
him since he crossed the Fluvia himself, ... five
months before. His last remaining anxiety was for the
provisionment of Barcelona; and that was removed
soon afterward by the arrival of a squadron from
Toulon, which had the rare good fortune to reach its
destined port and return in safety. The place was thus
amply supplied with military stores as well as
provisions, and the siege of Gerona then became the
only object of the French.
The dispatch in which Reding informed the Central
Junta of his defeat at Valls, was marked equally by his
habitual despondency and his magnanimity as to
every thing which regarded himself. He rendered the
28. fullest justice both to the policy and humanity of St.
Cyr’s conduct as opposed to that of Duhesme and
Lechi, and expressed an apprehension that it had
produced some effect upon the public mind. Some
ground for this had been afforded by what had
happened at Igualada and at Reus; but the evil
extended no farther. He had no reliance upon the
Somatenes, he said, nor upon the enthusiasm which
they displayed; order was wanting among them, and
where order ended confusion began. He complained
that he could obtain no intelligence of the enemy’s
numbers, whereas they were well informed of every
thing that related to his army; and he gave as a
reason for having taken the field, the opinions of
those whom he had consulted, and the popular cry.
He made no mention of his own wounds; and when
the government published such parts of his dispatch
as were intended for publication, they noticed, as it
became them, his silence upon this point. The
wounds, though many, were not thought dangerous,
and they appeared for a time to be going on well; but
the symptoms changed, and in the course of a month
they proved mortal. He fell in a foreign land, and in
the service of a foreign state; but the cause in which
Theodore Reding fell was the same for which his
brother Aloys had fought amid their native mountains;
and it was the cause of his own countrymen as well
as of the Spaniards; the cause of all good men every
where. The motives for which ordinary wars have
been undertaken are so mean and transitory, and
come so little to the heart of man, that after a few
years have elapsed all interest concerning them is
exhausted; and even nationality does not prevent us
from feeling, that they, whose lives have been
expended in such contests, have died rather in the
exercise of their profession than of their duty. But the
29. Peasants of the
Vallés.
struggle of Spain against Buonaparte is of the same
eternal and unfading interest as the wars of Greece
against Xerxes: at whatever distance of time its
records shall be perused, they will excite in every
generous mind the same indignant and ennobling
sympathy. Not, therefore, in an ungrateful service did
Reding lay down his life, for with those records his
name will be perpetuated: Switzerland will remember
him with pride, as one of the most honourable,
though not most fortunate of her sons, and Spain with
respectful gratitude, as a soldier not unworthy of her
service in its best day, and true to it in its worst.
Right as this General was in his opinion, that the
co-operation of an irregular force was not to be relied
on in a plan of regular operations, he estimated the
effects of a popular resistance below its real
importance, nor did he fairly appreciate the Catalan
spirit. A fine example of it was shown immediately
after his death by the peasants in the Vallés. Their
country lies in the line between Vicq and Barcelona,
and the peasants taking arms to impede the
communication occupied the heights near the Church
of Canovellas, about a mile from Granollers, which is
the capital of that district. The district is so strong,
that the invaders were desirous of opening the
communication by persuasion rather than by force;
and therefore communicated to these insurgents in
due form, that the French commanders ordered their
troops to make war upon soldiers only, not upon
peasants; that if they would lay down their arms, and
retire every man to his house, no injury should be
done them; but otherwise there was a division of the
enemy in their front, and another was coming in their
rear. A written answer was returned, in the name of
the peasants of the Vallés. “They held it a great
30. honour,” they said, “to form a part, though but a small
one, of the Spanish nation; and they had seen what
their requital had been for receiving and entertaining
the French troops, when their government had
commanded them so to do; their peaceful habitations
had been invaded, their property plundered, their
houses burnt, their women violated, their brethren
murdered in cold blood, and above all, the religion of
their fathers outraged and profaned. Nothing
remained for them but to repel force by force; and as
they could not by themselves defend their open
villages, they had taken to the mountains as to a
strong hold: from thence they would defend their
valleys, and oppose to the enemy the most obstinate
resistance, as long as the government enjoined them
to consider as enemies the subjects of Napoleon. The
Spanish general in Catalonia was the person whose
instructions they were to obey. For themselves,
emulating as they did the courage and constancy of
all Spain, they would never depart from those
principles which the whole nation maintained. General
St. Cyr and his companions might have the dreadful
glory of seeing nothing but ruins in all that country; ...
they might pass in triumph over the bodies of those
whom they had sacrificed; but neither they nor their
masters should ever say that the people of the Vallés
had submitted their necks to a yoke which the whole
nation had justly rejected.” The Spaniards are a nation
upon whom deeper impression would be made by a
circumstance of this kind than by the defeat of one of
their armies; and the success with which these
peasants harassed the French, and cut off some of
their artillery and baggage, raised the spirits of the
Catalans more than the battle of Valls had depressed
them.
31. Blake
appointed to
the command.
Movements of
the
Aragonese.
Upon Reding’s death the command devolved upon
the Marques de Coupigny, till Blake was nominated as
his successor, and with more extensive powers, being
appointed Commander-in-chief in Catalonia, Valencia,
and Aragon. This General, after leaving Romana, had
been sent to serve under Reding, and was in Tortosa
at the time of Reding’s decease, where Lazan,
obeying without hesitation the Central Junta’s
instructions, resigned to him the charge of his
division, and continued with it, to serve under him.
The Aragonese had not been disheartened by the loss
of their capital; they had regarded the former siege
with a happier, but not with a prouder feeling, for of
all examples, that of dignified suffering makes the
deepest impression upon a generous and high-minded
nation. The lordship of Molina de Aragon was
surrounded with points which were occupied by the
enemy. Nevertheless, the people, cut off as they were
from support, took arms, trusting in themselves and
the strength of their country: for want of better
weapons some of them used slings, as the Somatenes
also had done with good effect; and they made
wooden artillery, so light, that a single man could
carry one of these pieces up the heights, and yet
strong enough to bear from fifteen to twenty rounds.
The French endeavoured to surprise them with a
detachment of 1800 men, for the purpose of opening
the communication with Madrid, which they had cut
off; but part of this body was itself surprised in
Iruecha, and put to flight with some loss. The
Molinese were about to pursue their success against
another party in Alcolea, when they learned that
General Suchet, who had now the command in
Aragon, had passed the Puerto de Daroca, and was
entering the lordship on its open side, with some
4000 foot and 600 horse. In the course of two hours
32. 1809.
May.
Monzon
recovered by
the Spaniards.
the cavalry would reach Molina. The Junta gave
instant orders for removing the ammunition, the town
was deserted by all its inhabitants, and the men in
arms retired with the Junta to the mountains five
leagues distant. The efforts of the French to arrest the
Junta or any of its members were in vain; the
proclamations which they issued to intimidate or to
delude the people were of no effect; and after
remaining five days in Molina, they returned with no
other advantage from this expedition than that of
carrying away all the flocks and herds they could find.
There was no part of Spain in which the French
had imagined themselves to be so secure as in
Aragon, after the fall of Zaragoza. During that siege
the army of Aragon had proved completely inefficient,
and the Catalans were too hardly pressed themselves
to make any efforts in behalf of their neighbours. In
reliance upon this, some troops had been withdrawn
to march into Germany; and that larger detachment
under Mortier had been called off towards the Douro,
which was to co-operate with Marshal Soult.
Advantage was taken of this when Blake’s
appointment to the command had raised the spirits of
the soldiers and of the people, ... both being alike
ready to impute their ill success to any cause except
the true one, and to expect better fortune with every
new commander. Blake brought with him a good
name, for though always unfortunate, the Spaniards
had never suffered any disgrace under his guidance;
and the Roman government never demeaned itself
with more generosity toward an unsuccessful general
than the Central Junta. The first effect of the impulse
which his arrival communicated was on the side of
Lerida. As soon as Mortier had withdrawn from the
neighbourhood of that city, the garrison, in conformity
33. Capture of a
French
detachment.
May 16.
to Blake’s instructions, was on the alert. A French
detachment occupied Barbastro and the places near,
with other points on the right of the Cinca; on the left
of that river they were in possession of Monzon; and
from thence, as from a strong hold, they tyrannized
over the country, levying contributions without mercy.
The town of Albalda having refused to answer one of
these oppressive demands, a detachment of 1400 was
sent to make what was called an example of that
place for its disobedience. The governor of Lerida, D.
Josef Casimiro de Lavalle, who was apprised of this
movement, stationed 700 of his garrison at Tamarite,
under Colonels Perena and Baget, with some
Aragonese and Catalan Somatenes, who succeeded in
routing the enemy; the greater part retreated to
Barbastro, and in consequence of this movement and
defeat, about 200 only remained in Monzon. The
inhabitants rose against them, though they had only
seven muskets; knives and bludgeons supplied the
place of other weapons; they recovered the Castle,
and drove the invaders out.
Monzon, though in these days a place of little
strength, was nevertheless a fortress of importance in
that country, and in a war where every advantage,
however trifling, raised the spirits of a people whom
no disasters, however severe, could depress. The
French therefore being determined to retake it, and
punish the people, came in considerable force, horse
and foot, down the right bank of the Cinca to Pomar,
where they crossed by the ford and the ferry. Perena,
who had hastened to Monzon upon its recapture, was
there to receive them with his battalion and with a
tercio of Miquelets; and they were repulsed in their
attack. They obtained reinforcements, and repeated it
on the morrow, and forced their way into the streets;
34. Blake moves
upon Alcañiz.
but Baget with his detachment came in all speed from
Fonz, and arrived opportunely enough to assist in
driving them out a second time, with considerable
loss. They called to their assistance the 2000 men
that were left in Barbastro, but meantime the Cinca
had risen so as to be no longer fordable; and while
they were thus cut off from succour, the Spaniards at
Monzon were in communication with Lerida.
Perceiving now their danger, they made for Albalete,
hoping to cross at Fraga by the bridge; their intention
had been foreseen, and a detachment from the
garrison of Lerida, weak as it was, was dispatched to
secure that point. Thus anticipated in that direction,
and being now not more than 1000 men, with about
forty horse, they fled toward Fonz and Estadilla, to
cross the river in the mountains, above its junction
with the Eseva. They were closely pursued by Perena
and Baget; their commander was drowned in
attempting the passage, eight companies were made
prisoners, the whole detachment which had crossed
the Cinca was thus cut off, and the French in
consequence withdrew from Barbastro.
The prisoners were marched to Tarragona, where
the Catalans, after so many reverses, were in no
slight degree elated by seeing them. More however
from humanity than from a motive of ostentation,
proposals for exchanging them were immediately
made to St. Cyr, and accepted by him. The French
suffered another check, less mortifying indeed and
less important, but one which impeded their
movements, in the destruction of their flying bridge
upon the Ebro. This, which was large enough to carry
some hundreds at a time, they had removed from the
river where it approaches Caspe, to the part near
Alborge, where it was surprised and burnt by a
35. May 16.
detachment from Mequinenza. Blake meantime was
not less successful in his own operations. Part of his
troops were stationed at Morelia, to oppose the
French division which occupied Alcañiz and its district,
and to cover that part of Catalonia and Valencia which
there borders upon Aragon: others formed a cordon
along the Algas, to guard the difficult country by
which they might have threatened Tortosa, or
interrupted the communication between that place
and Mequinenza. With the approbation of the Junta
Blake formed a plan for driving the enemy from this
part of the country; for which purpose it was
necessary to collect these troops, and strengthen
them with a small detachment from the garrison of
Tortosa. The French division was that which Junot had
commanded at the siege of Zaragoza, and was now
under General Laval; it consisted of from 6000 to
7000 men and 500 horse, having lost about half its
number during the siege. Laval’s head-quarters were
at Alcañiz, where the greater part of the division was
stationed; but he was at this time in the field with
2000 or 3000 men, for the purpose of driving away
the Spaniards, who were observing him too closely,
and continually harassing his posts.
D. Pedro Roca was to conduct the troops from
Morella to the place appointed for their junction,
Lazan those from the Algas. Both had orders to avoid
any action with the enemy till the junction should
have been effected. But it so happened that Laval
took up his quarters in the village of Beceyte on the
day when Lazan had to arrive there, and the Spanish
general rightly concluded that his instructions were
not intended to prevent him from seizing any decided
advantage which might present itself. He stationed
some light troops in points that commanded the
36. May 18.
The French
withdraw.
defiles through which the French must pass, and
killed or wounded about an hundred of the enemy,
with the loss of only five or six men on his own part.
On the following day the junction was effected at
Monroyo, great difficulty having been overcome in
bringing the artillery through such a country. Having
reached the Ermita at Fornoles, the vanguard under
D. Pedro Texada was sent forward to interpose
between Alcañiz and Val de Algorfa, which was the
usual position of the enemy’s van. Two columns,
under D. Martin Gonzalez da Menchaca and D. Joseph
Cucalo, had preceded them to occupy the villages of
Castelseras and Torrecilla. The remainder of Blake’s
little army, consisting of three columns of infantry, the
cavalry, and the artillery, began their march by night
along the only road from Morella to Alcañiz, from
which place they were five or six hours distant.
Upon reaching Val de Algorfa, it was seen that the
enemy were protected by the walls of the inclosures,
and by a chapel, where they had formed a parapet.
They were some 500 or 600 in number, and being
dislodged from thence by the artillery, retreated
toward Alcañiz; but when they had advanced about
half a league, they came upon Texada’s detachment,
and being thus between two fires, dispersed with as
much alacrity as a body of Spaniards could have
done. By this time Menchaca and Cucalo were
approaching the city from the left, and the French,
who were sallying forth against Texada, seeing
themselves threatened on that side also, began to
retreat hastily in the direction of Samper. There, and
at La Puebla and Hijar, they collected their troops,
withdrawing them from Caspe and Calanda. The
people of Alcañiz, priests, women, young and old,
went out to meet their deliverers, carrying
37. Suchet comes
against him.
May 21.
refreshments for the soldiers, and blessing them with
prayers and tears. Blake himself was affected at the
sight, and said, that if the tyrant of the world, as he
called Buonaparte, could have seen the emotions of
that multitude, and heard their shouts for their King,
their country, and their religion, he would perhaps
have begun to doubt the possibility of raising for his
brother in Spain a party, not of persons attached to
his cause, but even of those who would be resigned
to his usurpation.
Upon the approach of a Spanish detachment the
enemy withdrew from Samper to the Puebla de Hijar,
and being there reinforced from Zaragoza, advanced
towards Alcañiz, to revenge themselves for their late
reverses. They were now 10,000 foot, with 800 horse
and twelve pieces of artillery. Suchet commanded in
person. Blake was informed of their approach, and
drew up his army to meet them on the plain of
Alcañiz, before that city. The plain is surrounded with
heights. About two musket shot from the city is a
range of hills, accessible for cavalry, and on all sides
sloping gently to the plain. The road to Zaragoza
crosses there. Here he stationed the main body of his
forces, their wings being supported by two batteries,
which, with others in the centre, completely flanked
the whole line. The weak side of this position was on
the right, where the plain was lowest, and there were
trees enough to afford cover to the enemy; but the
heights terminated here, and upon their loftiest part,
where a chapel commanded the road from Caspe, he
stationed 2000 men, under Camp-marshal D. Juan
Carlos Areizaga. The vanguard, under Texada, was
placed on an eminence in front of the position; some
light troops, among the olive-yards on the left, to
prevent the French from turning them on that side;
38. May 23.
Defeat of the
French before
Alcañiz.
and the cavalry, under D. Miguel Ibarrola, in front of
all, upon the Zaragoza road.
At six in the morning the enemy appeared: the
advanced parties retired before them, and the cavalry
and the vanguard fell back before superior numbers,
as they had been instructed; the infantry to the
chapel on the right, the horse, with two pieces of
flying artillery, to the protection of their batteries. The
chapel, as Blake had anticipated, was the main point
of attack; the enemy presented themselves in front of
this post and on the right, and occupied all the
immediate heights. After a brisk fire on both sides, a
column of about a thousand grenadiers attempted to
take this position with the bayonet: they were broken
presently, and the light troops of the Spaniards in
their turn attacked the French on the heights, who
kept their ground. In the hope of relieving this post,
which he saw would be again attempted in force,
Blake directed Menchaca to make an attack upon the
enemy’s centre; but the French were strong enough
to attend to this and renew their efforts against
Areizaga. The second effort, however, was not more
successful than the first. The Spanish cavalry had
been ordered from the Zaragoza to the Caspe road, to
assist in supporting this point: and as they came out
from the trees, a discharge from the French infantry
wounded their commander Ibarrola; they were
attacked with a superior troop of horse, and fell back
to the position. The enemy, now abandoning their first
plan of winning the chapel, turned upon Menchaca,
who found himself suddenly assailed by very superior
numbers; he fell back in good order to the position,
but one light battalion found it necessary to retire
upon Areizaga’s post. Encouraged by this, the French
made a desperate attack upon the centre of the
39. Spanish line: it was saved by the artillery: they
approached almost to the cannon’s mouth, but were
mown down by a fire of grape; and those who turned
one of the batteries fell by the fire of the troops.
Defeated in this attempt also, they withdrew to the
heights on which they had first been seen, and after
an action of seven hours, both armies remained
looking at each other. The rich plain of Alcañiz was
between them; and Blake said in his dispatch that the
sight of it might have warmed the heart of the coldest
Spaniard, and animated him to defend the beautiful
country which God had given him. It would have been
rash in him to have attacked the enemy when they
had the advantage of the ground; to have thus
decidedly repulsed them was no inconsiderable
advantage in the state of his army, some corps of
which had never before been in action. The French
retreated under cover of the night, and took up a
strong position behind the Huerba near Zaragoza.
They left 500 dead on the field, and their total loss
was estimated at
22
2000; that of the Spaniards did
not amount to 400.
Among the officers whom Blake particularly
commended for their conduct Lazan was one, who
was at his side during the whole day; Loigorri, the
commandant of the artillery, was also deservedly
noticed, and Areizaga, upon whom the brunt of the
action had fallen; to the two latter he frankly declared
that the victory was owing. He returned thanks to his
army; and noticing that a few wretched men had fled
from the field, said their names should be struck off
the roll, that the Spanish army might no longer be
disgraced by them. The Central Junta, in consequence
of this success, nominated him Captain General of
Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Murcia, as well as
40. Anniversary at
Valencia.
General-in-chief of the united army of those
provinces, and conferred upon him the Encomienda of
the Peso Real in Valencia. The officers whom he
recommended were promoted also, Areizaga to the
rank of Lieutenant-General.
The day on which the battle of Alcañiz was fought
was celebrated at Valencia as the anniversary of their
insurrection against the intrusive government. The
ceremonies were characteristic of the times and of the
people. The festivities, as usual in Catholic countries,
began on the eve of the holiday; the city was
illuminated on the preceding night, the portraits of
Ferdinand and his ally the King of Great Britain were
exhibited under the flags of the allied kingdoms; and
the Valencians displayed their national humour in
caricatures of Murat, Buonaparte, and Joseph. In the
morning, the civil authorities, the new-raised levies,
and the city volunteers, went in procession to the
Plaza of the Cathedral, where a statue of Ferdinand
had been erected upon a Grecian column. The statue
was concealed behind a silk curtain, so disposed as to
fall in tent-hangings and disclose it, when the Captain
General, D. Joseph Caro, asked the people in their
own dialect if they wished to see their King? At the
same moment the music struck up, the bells were
rung, the guns fired, and the shouts of the multitude
were heard prevailing over all. They then proceeded
to the Cathedral, where the banners of the volunteers
were blessed by the Archbishop at the high altar, and
afterwards delivered to them at the feet of the statue.
The display was in French taste, but it was sanctified
by Spanish feeling. The Valencians were reminded of
their defeats as well as of their triumphs; they were
told that many of their countrymen who had assisted
in driving Moncey from their gates had fallen in the
41. Celebration of
King St.
Ferdinand’s
day.
field of Tudela, or lay buried under the ruins of
Zaragoza.
A week after the ceremony Blake reviewed his
army at Caspe, on St. Ferdinand’s day, which of all
festivals in the year the Spaniards then regarded with
most feeling. The Romanists, instead of birthdays,
keep the festival of the saint from whom they take
their names; this therefore was especially sacred to a
people who, measuring the virtues of their captive
King by their own loyalty, believed him to be all that
they desired, and all that he ought to have been.
They were told by their government that King St.
Ferdinand, who had united in himself all the virtues of
a man, all the talents of a hero, and all the qualities of
a monarch, looked down from the heights of Heaven
with complacent eyes upon the defenders and
avengers of one who, as he inherited his throne and
name, so also did he imitate and adore his virtues. An
annual service on this day was appointed to be held in
all cathedral and collegiate churches for evermore in
remembrance of the sacred war against the usurper;
and the day following was to be kept as a perpetual
anniversary for the souls of all who fell in it. Blake’s
army had now been increased to 14,000 men: their
late conduct had filled him with what might have
seemed a well-founded hope; and their appearance
and discipline were now so satisfactory, that as they
filed before him, he said, a few more such days as
that of Alcañiz would open for them the way to
France. There were indeed at that time evident marks
that the French were dispirited: they had been
weakened by the withdrawal of Mortier’s division; and
having in this last action for the first time been beaten
by a Spanish force, not superior to them in number,
and when the advantage of cavalry was on their side,
42. 1809.
June.
Executions in
Barcelona.
May. 16.
it was believed that they were preparing to retire from
Zaragoza. Blake was informed that their papers and
baggage were already without the city, ready to be
removed; and that they had actually begun their
march toward Navarre, but returned in consequence
of receiving dispatches on the way. The news of
Buonaparte’s failure at Essling arrived at this time;
and when Blake communicated it to the troops in
general orders, he observed that it had taken place on
the day when they had defeated another of his armies
at Alcañiz.
While the hopes of the Spaniards in this quarter
had thus been raised by their own success, by the
events in Germany, and by the news from Portugal,
circumstances occurred at Barcelona to heighten their
indignation against the oppressors of their country,
and exasperate the desire of vengeance. In
conformity to a scheme concerted with the inhabitants
of that city, Coupigny had sent a body of troops, who
were to be admitted in the night, while the attention
of the garrison should be called off by the cannonade
of a Spanish frigate upon one of the batteries. The
ship performed its part, and the troops approached
the gates; but no movement was made to favour
them. The French had obtained sufficient intelligence
to put them upon their guard, and render it
impracticable, and several persons were in
consequence arrested. One of these, by name Pou, a
doctor of laws in the university of Cervera, being
asked upon his trial before the military tribunal
whether he had not distributed fifty muskets, replied
yes, and that he would do so again if he had an
opportunity, as they were for the defence of his
religion, his King, and his country. They told him this
could not be, for religion forbade the shedding of
43. Blake advances
toward
Zaragoza.
blood, the King desired no such proceedings, and the
country abhorred them: he replied, that as they
neither professed the Catholic religion, nor
acknowledged Ferdinand for King of Spain, nor
belonged to that country, it was to be expected that
he and they should differ in opinion. They asked him
to whom the muskets had been distributed: his
answer was, to good and loyal Spaniards, whose
names he would never disclose. A young tradesman,
who was tried before the same tribunal for
endeavouring to purchase ammunition for the same
purpose, threw back the appellation of traitor upon
Duhesme, saying, “Your Excellency is the traitor, who,
under the cloak of friendship, took possession of our
fortresses: I only bought part of what you plundered
from us.” This person, with two others, was hanged,
at the same time that Pou and the Prefect of S.
Cayetano were strangled, the Prefect administering
the last offices of religion at the place of execution to
his fellow-sufferers.
These executions occasioned a strong feeling
among the Catalans, and it was heightened by a
decree of Duhesme’s against the clergy, who were at
the head, he said, of all the conspiracies for
assassinating the French, and who made their
churches and convents so many places of meeting for
the conspirators. All such buildings therefore were
ordered to be closed at six in the evening, and not
opened till half after five in the morning. If any person
were found in a church or belfry between those hours,
or in a convent if he did not belong to it, he was
immediately to be delivered over to a military
commission as a conspirator; and a secret agent of
the police was to be appointed, who was to watch
every church and convent, and be paid at its expense.
44. Suchet attacks
the Spaniards.
The indignation of the Spaniards made them more
eager in their hopes and expectations of deliverance;
and the Valencians more especially expressed their
confidence of fresh victories, because of the
appearance and temper of the troops who marched
from their city to join the army under Blake. That
general’s head-quarters were at Samper de Calanda,
part of his troops being stationed at Hijar and Puebla
de Hijar. Having received intelligence that a French
corps, which was estimated at a third part of the force
under Suchet, had been detached to Carineña, and
was committing its usual excesses in the surrounding
country, he formed a plan for cutting off this corps,
and then advancing upon Zaragoza, in the hope of
effecting the deliverance of that city, an exploit which,
if it were achieved, would of all possible successes
produce the greatest impression upon the public
mind, not in Spain alone, but throughout Europe. With
this view he directed Areizaga to take post with his
division at Botorrita, while he with the rest of the
army proceeded to Villanueva de la Huerva. The
artillery was to move behind Longares, where it was
expected that the enemy would pass on their retreat
to Zaragoza as soon as they knew the Spaniards were
in motion. When Areizaga reached Botorrita, he
learned that the greater part of the French had retired
to their main body, about 1500 only remaining at
Puebla de Muel, and these moved off so quickly
towards the Xalon, that it was not possible to cut
them off, ... only a convoy which they would have
escorted to Zaragoza was taken by the Spanish
advance.
As this corps had not fallen back upon the main
body, which it might easily have done, but had passed
on toward Alagon, Blake was confirmed in his opinion
45. June 14.
Blake retreats
to Belchite.
that the French did not mean to defend Zaragoza if it
should be attacked. Nevertheless, reflecting that the
country in his rear was entirely open, and considering
the general situation of the Spanish armies, the
importance of preserving his own, which was in so
promising a state, and the complicated and hazardous
movements of a retreat, in which he knew how little it
could be trusted, he deemed it by no means advisable
to bring on a general action, and therefore did not
alter Areizaga’s position, looking upon Botorrita as a
strong post, where, in case of any reserve, the enemy
might be detained. When he joined Areizaga there,
the troops had begun to skirmish; this had been
brought on by that general’s making a reconnoissance
in considerable strength; and Blake was so well
satisfied with the behaviour of his troops, that he
endeavoured to surround the enemy, but they retired
in time. Early on the following morning Suchet drew
out his whole force from Zaragoza to attack him. The
firing began at the advanced posts by five in the
morning, and went on increasing till the same hour in
the afternoon, when the French resolved to break the
Spanish line, supposing that the men were weary and
the ammunition spent.
Blake’s advanced guard was at Maria, where the
road from Zaragoza to Madrid crosses the cordillera:
the ground between him and the city consisted of hills
and vales, ridge behind ridge. His cavalry was
stationed in the high road, the rest of the line was
formed by the infantry and artillery. The Spaniards,
fighting and retreating in good order, fell back
successively from one of these heights to another, but
when they reached the fourth, their cavalry had been
worsted. Blake then thought it necessary to fall back
on Botorrita, which he did with as much order as the
46. June 16.
Flight of the
Spaniards.
nature of the ground would permit. A few guns were
spiked and abandoned; not from necessity, but
because it was more advantageous to fire them to the
last than bring them off. The two armies were near,
and in sight of each other, when night closed. Blake
expected to be attacked the next day; but as the
enemy manifested no such intention, he rightly
concluded that they were manœuvring either with a
view to surround him, or to threaten his rear.
Accordingly he ascertained that 3000 French were
posted at Torrecilla. About two hours before nightfall
a brisk fire was opened upon his left, with the intent
of making him change his position, in which case his
rear would have been exposed to this detachment.
But the attack was repulsed, as was a second which
the enemy made upon the centre a little before
midnight. The Spanish general then retreated to
Belchite in perfect order, which he did without being
molested. The next day the enemy came again in
sight, and Blake, who had hitherto had no reason to
distrust his troops, took a position in full expectation
of being attacked on the morrow, and in good hope of
repelling the enemy as completely as he had done
before Alcañiz.
Belchite, once the capital of a petty Moorish
sovereignty, stands upon the slope of some bending
hills, which almost surround it: toward Zaragoza the
country is level, covered with gardens and olive-yards.
The position which Blake had taken was singularly
advantageous; his right was completely safe from the
enemy’s cavalry, and protected by a chapel, with a
number of outbuildings and two large sheep-folds,
which were all pierced for musketry: to attack the
centre, the enemy’s horse must be exposed to a
tremendous cross fire, and the left had their retreat
47. June 18.
Blake offers his
resignation,
which is not
accepted.
upon the strong post which was occupied by the other
wing. Blake’s arrangement was so made, that if the
enemy, as he expected, should make a great effort on
his left, three columns might be brought to attack
them on that side; and if unsuccessful, they could
have fallen back upon the centre and the right flank,
being meantime assailable only in front, and protected
the while by their artillery, which also had its retreat
secure to the same strong post. He had harangued his
troops, and they made a thousand protestations that
they would do their duty. The attack was made, as he
had expected, on the left; four or five shot were fired
on both sides, and the French threw a few shells,
which wounded four or five men. But upon one shell
falling into the middle of a regiment, the men were
seized with a sudden panic and fled; the panic
instantly spread, ... a second and a third regiment ran
away without firing a gun, and in a few minutes the
generals were left with none but a few officers in the
midst of the position. With all their efforts they could
not rally more than two hundred men, and nothing
was left for them but to make for the nearest strong
place, leaving artillery, baggage, and every thing to
the enemy.
The defeat was in all its circumstances so
thoroughly disgraceful, ... so disheartening and
hopeless in its consequences, that Blake almost sunk
under it. He told the government that he was
incapable of entering into details, but considered it
due to the nation that a judicial inquiry should be
instituted into the conduct of a general under whose
command an army of from 13,000 to 14,000 effective
men had been utterly routed and dispersed. “He knew
that he had not been culpable,” he said, “but after so
many proofs of his unhappy fortune, he wished not to
48. be employed any longer in command. As a Spaniard
and a soldier he was still ready to serve his country in
an inferior station, and he requested only that some
portion of his present pay might be continued for the
support of his family, or a part of the Encomienda
which had recently been conferred upon him, but
which it was not fitting that so useless a person
should retain. The government, however, neither
accepted his proffered resignation, nor instituted any
inquiry. The former would have been unjust towards a
brave and honourable officer whose conduct was
unimpeachable, and his character above suspicion;
the latter must have been altogether nugatory. The
panic had been instantaneous and general, and it was
impossible to punish a whole army. All that could be
done was to publish the whole details, in no degree
attempting to disguise or palliate the injury and
disgrace which had been brought on the nation: to
declare that the commander-in-chief and the generals
had done their duty, and retained the full confidence
of the country, and to brand the fugitives in a body, as
men who were the opprobrium of the Spanish name,
and had rendered themselves objects of execration to
their countrymen.
The men who in their panic had thus lost all use of
reason, as well as all sense of honour and of duty,
were not likely, when they found themselves in safety,
and recovered their senses, to be affected by this
denunciation. A religion which is contented to accept
the slightest degree of attrition, and keeps short
reckonings with conscience, had taught them to be
upon easy terms with themselves; ... moreover the
moral disease was so endemic, that it had ceased to
be disgraceful: the greater part of these men had
behaved well at Alcañiz and in the subsequent
49. Commencemen
t of the
guerillas.
Porlier.
The
Empecinado.
operations; and no doubt expected to be more
fortunate on a better occasion, for a report was raised
that the French had received so great a reinforcement
at the moment of commencing the action as to render
resistance hopeless; and though this was indignantly
contradicted by Blake, the men found an excuse for
themselves in believing it. The disgrace was deeply
felt by the government, and by the general whose
hopes were blasted by it in the blossom; but the
Spaniards were in no degree disheartened, not even
those upon whom it brought immediate danger; and
when the French, in the course of a few days,
attempted to carry Mequinenza by a coup de main,
they were beaten off with considerable loss.
At this time also that system of warfare began
which soon extended throughout Spain, and
occasioned greater losses to the French than they
suffered in all their pitched battles. The first
adventurers who attracted notice by collecting
stragglers from their own dispersed armies, deserters
from the enemy, and men who, made desperate by
the ruin of their private affairs in the general wreck,
were ready for any service in which they could at the
same time gratify their just vengeance and find
subsistence, were Juan Diaz Porlier in Asturias, and
Juan Martin Diaz in Old Castille, the latter better
known by his appellation of the
23
Empecinado. A
lawyer, by name Gil, commenced the same course in
the Pyrenean valleys of Navarre and Aragon. After a
short career of some two months he disappeared, and
Egoaguerra, who renewed the attempt, withdrew
from that wilder way of life to engage in Doyle’s
battalion. The third adventurer who at this time raised
the spirits of the Pyrenean provinces, and for a while
gave employment to the French in Navarre, was that
50. 1809.
May.
Renovales in
the valley of
Roncal.
He defeats a
French
detachment.
May 21.
1809.
June.
D. Mariano de Renovales by whom the Convent of S.
Joseph had been so gallantly defended at the last
siege of Zaragoza. Having been made prisoner when
the city surrendered, he had effected his escape on
the way to France, and collected in the valleys of
Roncal and Anso a body of men and officers, who, like
himself, believed that the scandalous manner in which
the terms of capitulation had been violated by the
French released them from any obligation of
observing it. They had probably agreed to rendezvous
in these valleys as many of them as could escape, and
his intention was to form them into a body, and rejoin
the army. But when it was known that they were
collecting there, and that the mountaineers, confiding
in their presence, refused obedience to the intrusive
government, 600 men were ordered from the garrison
of Pamplona to enter the valleys at six points, and
reduce them to subjection.
Men who, like Renovales and his officers, had
served at Zaragoza, were neither to be lightly
surprised nor easily taken. They were upon the alert,
the mountaineers were ready for their assailants, and
of the column which advanced against the little town
of Anso not a man escaped. The four columns which
entered by Navasques, Uztarroz, Salvatierra, and
Fago, effected their junction; but the movements of
the Spaniards were concerted and executed with as
much precision; and after two days’ fighting the
French were driven to the foot of a high rock called
Undari, where all that survived, seventy-eight in
number, with their commander, the chef de bataillon,
Puisalis, were taken prisoners: the sixth column was
not engaged, forty men having deserted from it
before they entered the valleys; the others thought it
imprudent to proceed, and thus they were preserved
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