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Practice Standard for Scheduling Third Edition Project Management Institute
1. Cover Page
2. Title Page
3. Copyright Page
4. Notice
5. Table of Contents
6. List of Tables and Figures
7. 1. Introduction
1. 1.1. Project Scheduling
2. 1.2. Why Scheduling?
3. 1.3. Overview
4. 1.4. Purpose
5. 1.5. Applicability
8. 2. Schedule Model Principles and Concepts
1. 2.1. Overview
2. 2.2. Project Life Cycles and Scheduling
Approaches
1. 2.2.1. Critical Path Approach
2. 2.2.2. Critical Chain
3. 2.2.3. Adaptive Life Cycle
4. 2.2.4. Rolling Wave Planning
5. 2.2.5. Other Approaches and Emerging
Trends
3. 2.3. Scheduling Tool
4. 2.4. Schedule Model
5. 2.5. Schedule Model Instances and
Presentations
6. 2.6. Agile
1. 2.6.1. Tracking and Presentation
9. 3. Schedule Model Good Practices Overview
1. 3.1. Schedule Management
1. 3.1.1. Schedule Data Management Plan
2. 3.1.2. Schedule Management Plan
1. 3.1.2.1. Scheduling Approach
2. 3.1.2.2. Scheduling Tool
3. 3.1.2.3. Schedule Model Creation
Plan
4. 3.1.2.4. Schedule Model ID
5. 3.1.2.5. Schedule Model Instance
6. 3.1.2.6. Calendars and Work
Periods
7. 3.1.2.7. Project Update Cycle and
Activity Granularity
8. 3.1.2.8. Milestone and Activity
Coding Structure
9. 3.1.2.9. Resource Planning
10. 3.1.2.10. Key Performance
Indicators
11. 3.1.2.11. Master Schedule Model
12. 3.1.2.12. Change Control
2. 3.2. Schedule Model Creation
1. 3.2.1. Develop Schedule Model Baseline
1. 3.2.1.1. Define Milestones
2. 3.2.1.2. Define the Project's
Activities
3. 3.2.1.3. Sequence Activities
4. 3.2.1.4. Determine Resources for
Each Activity
5. 3.2.1.5. Determine the Duration
for Each Activity
6. 3.2.1.6. Analyze the Schedule
Output
7. 3.2.1.7. Approve the Schedule
Model
8. 3.2.1.8. Baseline the Schedule
Model
9. 3.2.1.9. Schedule Levels
3. 3.3. Schedule Model Maintenance
1. 3.3.1. Collect Actuals and Remaining
Work or Duration
2. 3.3.2. Update the Schedule Model
According to the Actuals
3. 3.3.3. Compare and Address any
Deviation
4. 3.3.4. Update the Schedule Model with
Approved Changes
5. 3.3.5. Update the Baseline Schedule
Model
6. 3.3.6. Communicate
7. 3.3.7. Maintain the Records
8. 3.3.8. Change Control
4. 3.4. Schedule Model Analysis
1. 3.4.1. Critical Path and Critical Activities
1. 3.4.1.1. Critical Path
2. 3.4.1.2. Critical Activities
2. 3.4.2. Total Float and Free Float
3. 3.4.3. Estimation of Activity Durations
4. 3.4.4. Date Constraints
5. 3.4.5. Open-Ended Activities
6. 3.4.6. Out of Sequence (OOS) Logic
7. 3.4.7. Leads and Lags
8. 3.4.8. Start-to-Finish Relationship
9. 3.4.9. Links to/from Summary Activities
10. 3.4.10. Schedule Resource Analysis
11. 3.4.11. Schedule Risk Assessment
12. 3.4.12. Earned Schedule
5. 3.5. Communication and Reporting
10. 4. Scheduling Components
1. 4.1. How to use the Components List
1. 4.1.1. Component Name
2. 4.1.2. Required, Conditional, or Optional
Use
3. 4.1.3. Manual or Calculated
4. 4.1.4. Data Format
5. 4.1.5. Behavior
6. 4.1.6. Good Practices
7. 4.1.7. Conditional Note/Associated
Component
8. 4.1.8. Definition
2. 4.2. List of Components by Category
3. 4.3. Detailed Components List
11. 5. Conformance Index
1. 5.1. Conformance Overview
1. 5.1.1. Categories of Components
2. 5.1.2. Use of Schedule Components
3. 5.1.3. Conformance Assessment
2. 5.2. Conformance Assessment Process
12. Appendix X1. Third Edition Changes
13. Appendix X2. Contributors and Reviewers of the
Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third Edition
1. X2.1. Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third
Edition Core Committee
2. X2.2. Reviewers
1. X2.2.1. SME Review
2. X2.2.2. Final Exposure Draft Review
3. X2.3. PMI Standards Program Member Advisory
Group (MAG)
4. X2.4. Consensus Body Review
5. X2.5. Production Staff
14. Appendix X3. Conformance Assessment Scoring Table
15. Appendix X4. Conformance Assessment Worksheets
16. Appendix X5. Forensic Schedule Analysis
17. References
18. Glossary
1. i
2. ii
3. iii
4. iv
5. v
6. vi
7. vii
8. viii
9. ix
10. x
11. xi
12. xii
13. xiii
14. xiv
15. 1
16. 2
17. 3
18. 4
19. 5
20. 6
21. 7
22. 8
23. 9
24. 10
25. 11
26. 12
27. 13
28. 14
29. 15
30. 16
31. 17
32. 18
33. 19
34. 20
35. 21
36. 22
37. 23
38. 24
39. 25
40. 26
41. 27
42. 28
43. 29
44. 30
45. 31
46. 32
47. 33
48. 34
49. 35
50. 36
51. 37
52. 38
53. 39
54. 40
55. 41
56. 42
57. 43
58. 44
59. 45
60. 46
61. 47
62. 48
63. 49
64. 50
65. 51
66. 52
67. 53
68. 54
69. 55
70. 56
71. 57
72. 58
73. 59
74. 60
75. 61
76. 62
77. 63
78. 64
79. 65
80. 66
81. 67
82. 68
83. 69
84. 70
85. 71
86. 72
87. 73
88. 74
89. 75
90. 76
91. 77
92. 78
93. 79
94. 80
95. 81
96. 82
97. 83
98. 84
99. 85
100. 86
101. 87
102. 88
103. 89
104. 90
105. 91
106. 92
107. 93
108. 94
109. 95
110. 96
111. 97
112. 98
113. 99
114. 100
115. 101
116. 102
117. 103
118. 104
119. 105
120. 106
121. 107
122. 108
123. 109
124. 110
125. 111
126. 112
127. 113
128. 114
129. 115
130. 116
131. 117
132. 118
133. 119
134. 120
135. 121
136. 122
137. 123
138. 124
139. 125
140. 126
141. 127
142. 128
143. 129
144. 130
145. 131
146. 132
147. 133
148. 134
149. 135
150. 136
151. 137
152. 138
153. 139
154. 140
155. 141
156. 142
157. 143
158. 144
159. 145
160. 146
161. 147
162. 148
163. 149
164. 150
165. 151
166. 152
167. 153
168. 154
169. 155
170. 156
171. 157
172. 158
173. 159
174. 160
175. 161
176. 162
177. 163
178. 164
179. 165
180. 166
181. 167
182. 168
183. 169
184. 170
185. 171
186. 172
187. 173
188. 174
189. 175
190. 176
191. 177
192. 178
193. 179
194. 180
195. 181
196. 182
197. 183
198. 184
199. 185
200. 186
201. 187
202. 188
203. 189
204. 190
205. 191
206. 192
207. 193
208. 194
1. Cover Page
2. Begin Reading
3. Copyright Page
4. Table of Contents
5. List of Tables and Figures
6. Appendix X1. Third Edition Changes
7. Appendix X2. Contributors and Reviewers of the
Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third Edition
8. Appendix X3. Conformance Assessment Scoring Table
9. Appendix X4. Conformance Assessment Worksheets
10. Appendix X5. Forensic Schedule Analysis
11. References
12. Glossary
PRACTICE STANDARD FOR
SCHEDULING
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Project Management Institute.
Title: Practice standard for scheduling / Project Management Institute.
Description: Third edition. | Newtown Square : Project Management
Institute, 2019. | Revised edition of Practice standard for scheduling,
c2011. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019009443 (print) | LCCN 2019010321 (ebook) | ISBN
9781628255621 (ePub) | ISBN 9781628255638 (kindle) | ISBN
9781628255645 (Web PDF) | ISBN 9781628255614 (paperback)
Subjects: LCSH: Project management--Standards. | BISAC: BUSINESS &
ECONOMICS / Project Management.
Classification: LCC HD69.P75 (ebook) | LCC HD69.P75 P653 2019 (print)
| DDC 658.4/04--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019009443
ISBN: 978-1-62825-561-4
Published by:
Project Management Institute, Inc.
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Newtown Square, Pennsylvania 19073-3299 USA
Phone: +610-356-4600
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Internet: www.PMI.org
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10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
NOTICE
The Project Management Institute, Inc. (PMI) standards and
guideline publications, of which the document contained
herein is one, are developed through a voluntary consensus
standards development process. This process brings together
volunteers and/or seeks out the views of persons who have an
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PMI does not undertake to guarantee the performance of any
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In publishing and making this document available, PMI is not
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independent judgment or, as appropriate, seek the advice of a
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Project Scheduling
1.2 Why Scheduling?
1.3 Overview
1.4 Purpose
1.5 Applicability
2. SCHEDULE MODEL PRINCIPLES
AND CONCEPTS
2.1 Overview
2.2 Project Life Cycles and Scheduling
Approaches
2.2.1 Critical Path Approach
2.2.2 Critical Chain
2.2.3 Adaptive Life Cycle
2.2.4 Rolling Wave Planning
2.2.5 Other Approaches and Emerging
Trends
2.3 Scheduling Tool
2.4 Schedule Model
2.5 Schedule Model Instances and
Presentations
2.6 Agile
2.6.1 Tracking and Presentation
3. SCHEDULE MODEL GOOD
PRACTICES OVERVIEW
3.1 Schedule Management
3.1.1 Schedule Data Management Plan
3.1.2 Schedule Management Plan
3.1.2.1 Scheduling Approach
3.1.2.2 Scheduling Tool
3.1.2.3 Schedule Model Creation Plan
3.1.2.4 Schedule Model ID
3.1.2.5 Schedule Model Instance
3.1.2.6 Calendars and Work Periods
3.1.2.7 Project Update Cycle and
Activity Granularity
3.1.2.8 Milestone and Activity Coding
Structure
3.1.2.9 Resource Planning
3.1.2.10 Key Performance Indicators
3.1.2.11 Master Schedule Model
3.1.2.12 Change Control
3.2 Schedule Model Creation
3.2.1 Develop Schedule Model Baseline
3.2.1.1 Define Milestones
3.2.1.2 Define the Project's Activities
3.2.1.3 Sequence Activities
3.2.1.4 Determine Resources for Each
Activity
3.2.1.5 Determine the Duration for
Each Activity
3.2.1.6 Analyze the Schedule Output
3.2.1.7 Approve the Schedule Model
3.2.1.8 Baseline the Schedule Model
3.2.1.9 Schedule Levels
3.3 Schedule Model Maintenance
3.3.1 Collect Actuals and Remaining
Work or Duration
3.3.2 Update the Schedule Model
According to the Actuals
3.3.3 Compare and Address Any
Deviation
3.3.4 Update the Schedule Model with
Approved Changes
3.3.5 Update the Baseline Schedule
Model
3.3.6 Communicate
3.3.7 Maintain the Records
3.3.8 Change Control
3.4 Schedule Model Analysis
3.4.1 Critical Path and Critical
Activities
3.4.1.1 Critical Path
3.4.1.2 Critical Activities
3.4.2 Total Float and Free Float
3.4.3 Estimation of Activity Durations
3.4.4 Date Constraints
3.4.5 Open-Ended Activities
3.4.6 Out of Sequence (OOS) Logic
3.4.7 Leads and Lags
3.4.8 Start-to-Finish Relationship
3.4.9 Links to/from Summary
Activities
3.4.10 Schedule Resource Analysis
3.4.11 Schedule Risk Assessment
3.4.12 Earned Schedule
3.5 Communication and Reporting
4. SCHEDULING COMPONENTS
4.1 How to Use the Components List
4.1.1 Component Name
4.1.2 Required, Conditional, or
Optional Use
4.1.3 Manual or Calculated
4.1.4 Data Format
4.1.5 Behavior
4.1.6 Good Practices
4.1.7 Conditional Note/Associated
Component
4.1.8 Definition
4.2 List of Components by Category
4.3 Detailed Components List
5. CONFORMANCE INDEX
5.1 Conformance Overview
5.1.1 Categories of Components
5.1.2 Use of Schedule Components
5.1.3 Conformance Assessment
5.2 Conformance Assessment Process
APPENDIX X1
THIRD EDITION CHANGES
APPENDIX X2
CONTRIBUTORS AND REVIEWERS OF
THE PRACTICE STANDARD FOR
SCHEDULING – THIRD EDITION
X2.1 Practice Standard for Scheduling
– Third Edition Core Committee
X2.2 Reviewers
X2.2.1 SME Review
X2.2.2 Final Exposure Draft Review
X2.3 PMI Standards Program Member
Advisory Group (MAG)
X2.4 Consensus Body Review
X2.5 Production Staff
APPENDIX X3
CONFORMANCE ASSESSMENT SCORING
TABLE
APPENDIX X4
CONFORMANCE ASSESSMENT
WORKSHEETS
APPENDIX X5
FORENSIC SCHEDULE ANALYSIS
REFERENCES
GLOSSARY
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Figure
1-1.
Schedule Model Development
and Use
Figure 2-1.Life Cycle Continuum
Figure 2-
2.
Example of Predictive Flow
Diagram
Figure 2-3.Iterative Flow Diagram
Figure
2-4.
A Life Cycle of Varying Size
Increments
Figure 2-5.Adaptive Flow Diagram
Figure
2-6.
Combined Predictive and
Adaptive Approaches Used
Figure 2-7.Schedule Model Flow
Figu
re 2-
8.
Flow Diagram for the Schedule
Model Mapped to PMBOK® Guide
Knowledge Area Processes
Figure 2-9.Example of CPM Diagram
Figure 2-10.Feeding Buffers
Figure 2-11.Project Buffers
Figure 2-12.Diagram of Uncertainty
Figure 2-
13.
Examples of Agile
Approaches
Figur
e 2-
14.
Example of Rolling Wave
Planning—Planning Package 1
Decomposed
Figur
e 2-
15.
Example of Rolling Wave
Planning—Planning Package 2
Decomposed
Figure 2-
16.
Location-Based Schedule
Example
Figure
2-17.
Schedule Model Instances and
Presentations
Figure 2-
18.
Example of Multiple Iterations
or Sprints
Figure 2-19.Typical Adaptive Life Cycle
Figure
2-20.
Results of Sprint (Iteration)
Planning Meeting
Figure
2-21.
Scrum Board Displaying Sprint
(Iteration) 1
Figure 2-22.Kanban Board
Figure
2-23.
Example of Functional
Dependencies between
Requirements
Figure
2-24.
Typical Burndown Chart with
Planned Work
Figure 2-
25.
Burndown Chart with
Remaining Work
Figure
2-26.
Burndown Chart with Progress
Smoothed-Over Iteration
Figure 2-
27.
Burndown Chart—
Commitment Not Met
Figure 2-
28.
Burndown Chart with
Remaining Work
Figure 2-
29.
Burndown Chart with
Commitments Met
Figure 2-30.Example of a Burnup Chart
Figur
e 2-
31.
Relationships between Product
Vision, Release Planning, and
Iteration Planning
Figure 3-1.Summary Activities
Figure 3-2.LOE Activity
Figure 3-3.Hammock Activity
Figure
3-4.
Illustrations of Relationship
Types in CPM Methodology
Figure 3-
5.
Required Activity
Relationships
Figure 3-6.Total Float and Free Float
Figur
e 3-7.
Example of Precedence Diagram
with PERT Activity Duration
Estimates
Figure
3-8.
Example of Standard Deviation
of an Activity
Figure 3-
9.
Example of Open Ends by
Omission
Figure 3-10.Virtual Open Example
Figure 3-
11.
Out of Sequence Logic
Example
Figure 3-
12.
Progress Override vs.
Retained Logic
Figure 3-13.Leads vs. Lags
Figure 3-14.Resource Leveling
Figure
3-15.
Example Duration Probability
Distribution for a Single Activity
Figure 3-
16.
Relationship between ES, PV,
and EV
Figure 3-17.Earned Schedule Reporting
Figure 3-
18.
Sample Project Schedule
Presentations
Figure X4-1.Base Worksheet
Figure
X4-2.
Resource-Required Example
Worksheet
Figure
X4-3.
Resource-, EVM-, and Risk-
Required Example Worksheet
Figure
X4-4.
Resource- and Risk-Required
Example Worksheet
Figure X4-
5.
Non-Scored Example
Worksheet
Table 3-1.Earned Schedule Formulas
Table
3-2.
Levels of Schedule Model
Instance Presentations
Table 4-
1.
List of Components by
Category
Table 5-
1.
Number of Components by
Category
Table
X3-1.
Sample Conformance
Assessment Scoring Table
Practice Standard for Scheduling Third Edition Project Management Institute
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some Time for Bowen’s Ship, without seeing or hearing any News of
her, went to Johanna, but not meeting with her there, they
apprehended some Accident had befel her, and therefore left the
Place, and sailed on the Expedition themselves. As to the Speedy
Return, she arrived safe at St. Augustin’s Bay at Madagascar, and
there cleaned and victualled; but tarrying there somewhat too long,
the Winds hung contrary, and they could not for their Lives beat up
to Mayotta, and therefore went to Johanna, where, hearing that
their Friends had lately left that Island, they steered for the Red Sea,
but the Wind not proving fair for their Design, they bore away for
the High Land of St. John’s, near Surrat, where they once more fell
in Company with their Brethren of the Prosperous.
They cruiz’d together, as was first agreed on, and after some Time
they had Sight of four Ships, to whom they gave Chace; but these
separating, two standing to Northward, and two to the Southward,
the Pyrates separated likewise, Bowen standing after those that
steered Southerly, and Howard crowded after the others. Bowen
came up with the heaviest of the two, which proved to be a Moorish
Ship of 700 Tun, bound from the Gulph of Mocha to Surat. The
Pyrates brought the Prize into Rajapora, on the Coast of India,
where they plundered her; the Merchandize they sold to the Natives,
but a small Sum of current Gold they found aboard, amounting to
22,000 l. English Money, they put into their Pockets. Two Days after
the Prosperous came in, but without any Prize; however, they soon
made their Friends acquainted that they had not succeeded worse
than themselves, for at Surat River’s Mouth, where all the four Ships
were bound, they came up with their Chace; and with a Broadside,
one of them struck, but the other got into the Bay. They stood down
the Coast with the Prize till they had plundered her of the best of her
Cargoe, the most valuable of which was 84,000 Chequins, a Piece of
about ten Shillings each, and then they left her adrift, without either
Anchor or Cable, off Daman.
While they were lying at Rajapora they past a Survey on their
Shipping, and judging their own to be less serviceable than their
Prize, they voted them to the Flames, and straightway fitted up the
Surat Ship; they transported both Companies aboard of her, and
then set Fire to the Prosperous and Speedy Return. They mustered
at this Place 164 fighting Men, 43 only were English, the greater
Number French, the rest Danes, Swedes and Dutch; they took
aboard 70 Indians to do the Drudgery of the Ship, and mounted 56
Guns, calling her the Defiance, and sailed from Rajapora the latter
End of October, in the Year 1703, to cruize on the Coast of Mallabar:
But not meeting with Prey in this first Cruise, they came to an
Anchor about three Leagues to the Northward of Cochen, expecting
some Boats to come off with Supplies of Refreshments, for which
Purpose they fired several Guns, by way of Signal, but none
appearing, the Quarter-Master was sent in the Pinnace to confer
with the People, which he did with some Caution, keeping the Boat
upon their Oars at the Shore-Side: In short, they agreed very well,
the Pyrates were promised whatever Necessaries they wanted, and
the Boat returned aboard.
The next Day a Boat came off from the Town with Hogs, Goats,
Wine, &c. with a private Intimation from Malpa, the Dutch Broker, an
old Friend of the Pyrates, that a Ship of that Country called the
Rimæ, lay then in Mudbay, not many Leagues off, and if they would
go out and take her, he would purchase the Cargo of them, and
likewise promised that they should be further supplied with Pitch,
Tar, and all other Necessaries, which was made good to them; for
People from the Factory flocked aboard every Hour, and dealt with
them as in open Market, for all Sorts of Merchandize, Refreshments,
Jewels and Plate, returning with Coffers of Money, &c. to a great
Value.
The Advice of the Ship was taken very kindly, but the Pyrates
judging their own Ship too large to go close into the Bay, consulted
their Friend upon Means for taking the said Ship, who readily treated
with them for the Sale of one of less Burthen that lay then in the
Harbour; but Malpa speaking to one Punt of the Factory to carry her
out, he not only refused to be concerned in such a Piece of Villainy,
but reproved Malpa for corresponding with the Pyrates, and told
him, if he should be guilty of so base an Action, he must never see
the Face of any of his Countrymen more; which made the honest
Broker change both his Countenance and his Purpose.
At this Place Captain Woolley, whom they had taken for their Pilot
on the India Coast, being in a very sick and weak Condition, was, at
his earnest Intreaty, discharged from his severe Confinement among
them, and set ashore, and the next Day the Pyrates sailed, and
ranged along the Mallabar Coast, in quest of more Booty. In their
Way they met a second time with the Pembroke, and plundered her
of some Sugar, and other small Things, and let her go again. From
the Coast they sail’d back for the Island of Mauritius, where they lay
some Time, and lived after their usual extravagant Manner.
At Mauritius two of the Crew, viz. Israel Phipeny and Peter
Freeland, left the Pyrates and concealed themselves in the Island till
the Ship sailed. These two Men were part of Drummond’s Crew, who
found an Opportunity of coming to England soon after on board the
Raper Galley, and arrived at Portsmouth in March 1725. When this
came to be known, Mr. John Green, Brother to Capt. Green, then
under Sentence, went thither and got the Affidavits of the said
Phipeny and Freeland, made before the Mayor of Portsmouth,
containing several Matters herein mentioned, which Affidavits were
immediately brought to London, and by the Secretary of State sent
away Express to Scotland, which arrived there some Hours before
Capt. Green was executed.
W
OF
Capt. WILLIAM KID.
e are now going to give an Account of one whose Name is
better known in England, than most of those whose Histories
we have already related; the Person we mean is Captain Kid, whose
publick Trial and Execution here, rendered him the Subject of all
Conversation, so that his Actions have been chanted about in
Ballads; however, it is now a considerable Time since these Things
passed, and though the People knew in general that Captain Kid was
hanged, and that his Crime was Pyracy, yet there were scarce any,
even at that Time, who were acquainted with his Life or Actions, or
could account for his turning Pyrate.
In the Beginning of King William’s War, Captain Kid commanded a
Privateer in the West-Indies, and by several adventurous Actions
acquired the Reputation of a brave Man, as well as an experienced
Seaman. About this Time the Pyrates were very troublesome in
those Parts, wherefore Captain Kid was recommended by the Lord
Bellamont, then Governor of Barbadoes, as well as by several other
Persons, to the Government here, as a Person very fit to be
entrusted with the Command of a Government Ship, and to be
employed in cruising upon the Pyrates, as knowing those Seas
perfectly well, and being acquainted with all their lurking Places; but
what Reasons governed the Politicks of those Times, I cannot tell,
but this Proposal met with no Encouragement here, though it is
certain it would have been of great Consequence to the Subject, our
Merchants suffering incredible Damages by those Robbers.
Upon this Neglect the Lord Bellamont and some others, who knew
what great Captures had been made by the Pyrates, and what a
prodigious Wealth must be in their Possession, were tempted to fit
out a Ship at their own private Charge, and to give the Command of
it to Captain Kid; and, to give the Thing a greater Reputation, as well
as to keep their Seamen under the better Command, they procured
the King’s Commission for the said Captain Kid, of which the
following is an exact Copy.
William Rex,
‘William the Third, by the Grace of God, King of England,
Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To
our trusty and well beloved Captain William Kid, Commander of the
Ship the Adventure Gally, or to any other the Commander of the
same for the Time being, GREETING; Whereas we are informed, that
Captain Thomas Too, John Ireland, Captain Thomas Wake, and
Captain William Maze, or Mace, and other Subjects, Natives or
Inhabitants of New-York, and elsewhere, in our Plantations in
America, have associated themselves, with divers others, wicked and
ill disposed Persons, and do, against the Law of Nations, commit
many and great Pyracies, Robberies and Depredations on the Seas
upon the Parts of America, and in other Parts, to the great
Hinderance and Discouragement of Trade and Navigation, and to the
great Danger and Hurt of our loving Subjects, our Allies, and all
others, navigating the Seas upon their lawful Occasions. Now KNOW
YE, that we being desirous to prevent the aforesaid Mischiefs, and,
as much as in us lies, to bring the said Pyrates, Free Booters and
Sea Rovers to Justice, have thought fit, and do hereby give and
grant to the said William Kid (to whom our Commissioners for
exercising the Office of Lord High Admiral of England, have granted
a Commission as a private Man of War, bearing Date the 11th Day of
December 1695), and unto the Commander of the said Ship for the
Time being, and unto the Officers, Mariners, and others, which shall
be under your Command, full Power and Authority to apprehend,
sieze, and take into your Custody as well the said Captain Thomas
Too, John Ireland, Captain Thomas Wake, and Captain William Maze,
or Mace, as all such Pyrates, Free Booters and Sea Rovers, being
either our Subjects, or of other Nations associated with them, which
you shall meet with upon the Seas, or Coasts of America, or upon
any other Seas or Coasts, with all their Ships and Vessels; and all
such Merchandizes, Money, Goods and Wares as shall be found on
Board, or with them, in Case they shall willingly yield themselves;
but if they will not yield without fighting, then you are by Force to
compel them to yield. And we do also require you to bring, or cause
to be brought, such Pyrates, Free Booters, or Sea Rovers, as you
shall seize, to a legal Tryal, to the End they may be proceeded
against according to the Law in such Cases. And we do hereby
command all our Officers, Ministers, and other our loving Subjects
whatsover, to be aiding and assisting to you in the Premisses. And
we do hereby enjoin you to keep an exact Journal of your
Proceedings in the Execution of the Premisses, and set down the
Names of such Pyrates, and of their Officers and Company, and the
Names of such Ships and Vessels as you shall by Vertue of these
Presents take and seize, and the Quantities of Arms, Ammunition,
Provision and Lading of such Ships, and the true Value of the same,
as near as you judge. And we do hereby strictly charge and
command you as you will answer the contrary at your Peril, that you
do not, in any Manner, offend or molest our Friends or Allies, their
Ships, or Subjects, by Colour or Pretence of these Presents, or the
Authority thereby granted. In Witness whereof we have caused our
Great Seal of England to be affix’d to these Presents. Given at our
Court of Kensington, the 26th Day of January 1695, in the seventh
Year of our Reign.’
Captain Kid had also another Commission, which was called a
Commission of Reprisals; for it being then War Time, this
Commission was to justify him in the taking of French Merchant
Ships, in Case he should meet with any; but as this Commission is
nothing to our present Purpose, we shall not burthen the Readers
with it.
With these two Commissions he sail’d out of Plymouth in May
1696, in the Adventure Gally of thirty Guns, and eighty Men; the
Place he first design’d for was New-York; in his Voyage thither he
took a French Banker, but this was no Act of Pyracy, he having a
Commission for that Purpose, as we have just observ’d.
When he arrived at New York he put up Articles for engaging more
Hands, it being necessary to his Ships Crew, since he proposed to
deal with a desperate Enemy: The Terms he offered were, that every
Man should have a Share of what was taken, reserving for himself
and Owners forty Shares. Upon which Encouragement he soon
increas’d his Company to a hundred and fifty five Men.
With this Company he sail’d first for Maderas, where he took in
Wine and some other Necessaries; from thence he proceeded to
Bonavist, one of the Cape de Verd Islands, to furnish the Ship with
Salt, and from thence went immediately to St. Jago, another of the
Cape de Verd Islands, in order to stock himself with Provisions.
When all this was done, he bent his Course to Madagascar, the
known Rendezvouz of Pyrates; in his Way he fell in with Captain
Warren, Commadore of three Men of War; he acquainted them with
his Design, kept them Company two or three Days, and then leaving
them, made the best Way for Madagascar, where he arrived in
February 1696, just nine Months from his Departure from Plymouth.
It happen’d that at this Time the Pyrate Ships were most of them
out in search of Prey; so that according to the best Intelligence
Captain Kid could get, there was not one of them at that Time about
the Island, wherefore having spent some Time in watering his Ship,
and taking in more Provisions, he thought of trying his Fortune on
the Coast of Malabar, where he arrived in the Month of June
following, four Months from his reaching Madagascar. Hereabouts he
made an unsuccessful Cruize, touching sometimes at the Island of
Mahala, sometimes at that of Joanna, betwixt Malabar and
Madagascar: His Provisions were every Day wasting, and his Ship
began to want Repair; wherefore, when he was at Joanna, he found
Means of borrowing a Sum of Money from some French Men who
had lost their Ship, but saved their Effects, and with this he
purchas’d Materials for putting his Ship in good Repair.
It does not appear all this while that he had the least Design of
turning Pyrate; for near Mahala and Joanna both, he met with
several Indian Ships richly laden, to which he did not offer the least
Violence, tho’ he was strong enough to have done what he pleas’d
with them; and the first Outrage or Depredation I find he committed
upon Mankind, was after his repairing his Ship, and leaving Joanna;
he touch’d at a Place call’d Mabbee, upon the Red Sea, where he
took some Guinnea Corn from the Natives, by Force.
After this he sail’d to Bab’s Key, a Place upon a little Island at the
Entrance of the Red Sea; here it was that he first began to open
himself to his Ship’s Company, and let them understand that he
intended to change his Measures; for, happening to talk of the Moca
Fleet which was to sail that Way, he said, We have been
unsuccessful hitherto, but Courage, my Boys, we’ll make our
Fortunes out of this Fleet: And finding that none of them appear’d
averse to it, he order’d a Boat out, well mann’d, to go upon the
Coast to make Discoveries, commanding them to take a Prisoner and
bring to him, or get Intelligence any Way they could. The Boat
return’d in a few Days, bringing him Word, that they saw fourteen or
fifteen Ships ready to sail, some with English, some with Dutch, and
some with Moorish Colours.
We cannot account for this sudden Change in his Conduct,
otherwise than by supposing that he first meant well, while he had
Hopes of making his Fortune by taking of Pyrates; but now, weary of
ill Success, and fearing least his Owners, out of Humour at their
great Expences, should dismiss him, and he should want
Employment, and be mark’d out for an unlucky Man; rather, I say,
than run the Hazard of Poverty, he resolved to do his Business one
Way, since he could not do it another.
He therefore order’d a Man continually to watch at the Mast Head,
least this Fleet should go by them; and about four Days after,
towards Evening, it appear’d in Sight, being convoy’d by one English
and one Dutch Man of War. Kid soon fell in with them, and getting
into the midst of them, fir’d at a Moorish Ship which was next him;
but the Men of War taking the Alarm, bore down upon Kid, and firing
upon him, obliged him to sheer off, he not being strong enough to
contend with them. Now he had begun Hostilities, he resolv’d to go
on, and therefore he went and cruis’d along the Coast of Malabar;
the first Prize he met was a small Vessel belonging to Aden, the
Vessel was Moorish, and the Owners were Moorish Merchants, but
the Master was an English Man, his Name was Parker. Kid forc’d him
and a Portugueze that was call’d Don Antonio, which were all the
Europeans on Board, to take on with them; the first he design’d as a
Pilot, and the last as an Interpreter. He also used the Men very
cruelly, causing them to be hoisted up by the Arms, and drubb’d with
a naked Cutlash, to force them to discover whether they had Money
on Board, and where it lay; but as they had neither Gold nor Silver
on Board, he got nothing by his Cruelty; however, he took from them
a Bale of Pepper, and a Bale of Coffee, and so let them go.
A little Time after he touch’d at Carawar, a Place upon the same
Coast, where, before he arrived, the News of what he had done to
the Moorish Ship had reach’d them; for some of the English
Merchants there had received an Account of it from the Owners,
who corresponded with them; wherefore, as soon as Kid came in, he
was suspected to be the Person who committed this Pyracy; and one
Mr. Harvey and Mr. Mason, two of the English Factory, came on
Board and ask’d for Parker, and Antonio the Portuguese; but Kid
deny’d that he knew any such Persons, having secur’d them both in
a private Place in the Hold, where they were kept for seven or eight
Days, that is, till Kid sail’d from thence.
However, the Coast was alarm’d, and a Portuguese Man of War
was sent out to cruize: Kid met with her, and fought her about six
Hours, gallantly enough; but finding her too strong to be taken, he
quitted her; for he was able to run away from her when he would:
Then he went to a Place call’d Porco, where he water’d the Ship, and
bought a Number of Hogs of the Natives to victual his Company.
Soon after this, he came up with a Moorish Ship, the Master
whereof was a Dutch Man, call’d Schipper Mitchel, and chased her
under French Colours, which they observing, hoisted French Colours
too: When he came up with her, he hail’d her in French, and they
having a French Man on Board, answer’d him in the same Language;
upon which he order’d them to send their Boat on Board; they were
oblig’d to do so, and having examin’d who they were, and from
whence they came; he ask’d the French Man, who was a Passenger,
if he had a French Pass for himself? The French Man gave him to
understand that he had. Then he told the French Man he must pass
for Captain, and by G-d, says he, you are the Captain: The French
Man durst not refuse doing as he would have him: The Meaning of
this was, that he would seize the Ship as fair Prize, and as if she had
belong’d to French Subjects, according to a Commission he had for
that Purpose; tho’, one would think, after what he had already done,
that he need not have Recourse to a Quibble to give his Actions a
Colour.
In short, he took the Cargoe and sold it some Time after; yet still
he seem’d to have some Fears upon him least these Proceedings
should have a bad End; for, coming up with a Dutch Ship some
Time, when his Men thought of nothing but attacking her, Kid
oppos’d it; upon which a Mutiny arose, and the Majority being for
taking the said Ship, and arming themselves to Man the Boat to go
and seize her, he told them, such as did, never should come on
Board him again; which put an End to the Design, so that he kept
Company with the said Ship some Time, without offering her any
Violence: However, this Dispute was the Occasion of an Accident,
upon which an Indictment was afterwards grounded against Kid; for
Moor, the Gunner, being one Day upon Deck, and talking with Kid
about the said Dutch Ship, some Words arose betwixt them, and
Moor told Kid, that he had ruin’d them all; upon which, Kid, calling
him Dog, took up a Bucket and struck him with it, which breaking his
Skull, he died the next Day.
But Kid’s penitential Fit did not last long, for coasting along
Malabar, he met with a great Number of Boats, all which he
plunder’d. Upon the same Coast he also light upon a Portuguese
Ship, which he kept Possession of a Week, and then having taken
out of her some Chests of India Goods, thirty Jars of Butter, with
some Wax, Iron, and a hundred Bags of Rice, he let her go.
Much about the same Time he went to one of the Malabar Islands
for Wood and Water, and his Cooper being ashore, was murder’d by
the Natives; upon which Kid himself landed, and burnt and pillaged
several of their Houses, the People running away; but having taken
one, he caused him to be tied to a Tree, and commanded one of his
Men to shoot him; then putting to Sea again he took the greatest
Prize, which fell into his Hands, while he followed this Trade; this
was a Moorish Ship of 400 Tons richly laden, named the Queda
Merchant, the Master whereof was an English Man, he was call’d
Wright, for the Indians often make Use of English or Dutch Men to
command their Ships, their own Mariners not being so good Artists
in Navigation.—Kid chased her under French Colours, and having
come up with her, he ordered her to hoist out her Boat, and to send
on Board of him, which being done, he told Wright he was his
Prisoner; and informing himself concerning the said Ship, he
understood there were no Europeans on Board, except two Dutch,
and one Frenchman, all the Rest being Indians or Armenians, and
that the Armenians were Part Owners of the Cargoe. Kid gave the
Armenians to understand, that if they would offer any Thing that
was worth his taking for their Ransome, he would hearken to it:
Upon which, they proposed to pay him twenty thousand Rupees, not
quite three thousand Pounds Sterling; but Kid judged this would be
making a bad Bargain, wherefore he rejected it, and setting the
Crew on Shore, at different Places on the Coast, he soon sold as
much of the Cargoe as came to near ten thousand Pounds. With Part
of it he also trafficked, receiving in Exchange Provisions, or such
other Goods as he wanted; by Degrees he disposed of the whole
Cargoe, and when the Division was made, it came to about two
hundred Pounds a Man, and having reserved forty Shares to himself,
his Dividend amounted to about eight thousand Pounds Sterling.
The Indians along the Coast came on Board and traffick’d with all
Freedom, and he punctually performed his Bargains, till about the
Time he was ready to sail; and then thinking he should have no
further Occasion for them, he made no Scruple of taking their
Goods, and setting them on Shore without any Payment in Money or
Goods, which they little expected; for as they had been used to deal
with Pyrates, they always found them Men of Honour in the Way of
Trade: A People, Enemies to Deceit, and that scorn’d to rob but in
their own Way.
Kid put some of his Men on Board the Queda Merchant, and with
this Ship and his own sail’d for Madagascar; as soon as he was
arrived and had cast Anchor, there came on Board of him a Canoe,
in which were several Englishmen, who had formerly been well
acquainted with Kid; as soon as they saw him they saluted him, and
told him, they were informed he was come to take them, and hang
them, which would be a little unkind in such an old Acquaintance;
Kid soon dissipated their Doubts, by swearing he had no such
Design, and that he was now in every Respect their Brother, and just
as bad as they; and calling for a Cup of Bomboo, drank their
Captain’s Health.
These Men belong’d to a Pyrate Ship, call’d the Resolution,
formerly the Mocco Merchant, whereof one Captain Culliford was
Commander, and which lay at an Anchor not far from them; Kid went
on Board with them, promising them his Friendship and Assistance,
and Culliford in his Turn came on Board of Kid; and Kid to testify his
Sincerity in Iniquity, finding Culliford in want of some Necessaries,
made him a Present of an Anchor and some Guns, to fit him out for
the Sea again.
The Adventure Galley was now so old and leaky, that they were
forced to keep two Pumps continually going, wherefore Kid shifted
all the Guns and Tackle out of her into the Queda Merchant,
intending her for his Man of War; and as he had divided the Money
before, he now made a Division of the Remainder of the Cargo:
Soon after which, the greatest Part of the Company left him, some
going on Board Captain Culliford, and others absconding in the
Country, so that he had not above forty Men left.
He put to Sea and happened to touch at Amboyna, one of the
Dutch Spice Islands, where he was told, that the News of his Actions
had reach’d England, and that he was there declared a Pyrate.
The Truth on’t is, his Pyracies so alarmed our Merchants, that
some Motions were made in Parliament, to enquire into the
Commission that was given him, and the Persons who fitted him out:
These Proceedings seem’d to lean a little hard upon the Lord
Bellamont, who thought himself so much touch’d thereby, that he
published a Justification of himself in a Pamphlet after Kid’s
Execution. In the mean Time, it was thought adviseable, in order to
stop the Course of these Pyracies, to publish a Proclamation, offering
the King’s free Pardon to all such Pyrates as should voluntarily
surrender themselves, whatever Pyracies they had been guilty of at
any Time, before the last Day of April, 1699.—That is to say, for all
Pyracies committed Eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, to the
Longitude and Meridian of Socatora, and Cape Camorin. In which
Proclamation, Avery and Kid were excepted by Name.
When Kid left Amboyna he knew nothing of this Proclamation, for
certainly had he had Notice of his being excepted in it, he would not
have been so infatuated, to run himself into the very Jaws of
Danger; but relying upon his Interest with the Lord Bellamont, and
fancying, that a French Pass or two he found on Board some of the
Ships he took, would serve to countenance the Matter, and that Part
of the Booty he got would gain him new Friends.—I say, all these
Things made him flatter himself that all would be hushed, and that
Justice would but wink at him.—Wherefore he sail’d directly for New-
York, where he was no sooner arrived, but by the Lord Bellamont’s
Orders, he was secured with all his Papers and Effects. Many of his
Fellow-Adventurers who had forsook him at Madagascar, came over
from thence Passengers, some to New England and some to Jersey;
where hearing of the King’s Proclamation for pardoning of Pyrates,
they surrendered themselves to the Governor of those Places: At
first they were admitted to Bail, but soon after were laid in strict
Confinement where they were kept for some time, till an Opportunity
happened of sending them with their Captain over to England to be
tried.
Accordingly a Sessions of Admiralty being held at the Old Baily, in
May 1701, Captain Kid, Nicholas Churchill, James How, Robert
Lumley, William Jenkins, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Richard Barlicorn,
Abel Owens, and Darby Mullins, were arraign’d for Pyracy and
Robbery on the High Seas, and all found guilty, except three; these
were Robert Lumley, William Jenkins, and Richard Barlicorne, who
proving themselves to be Apprentices to some of the Officers of the
Ship, and producing their Indentures in Court, were acquitted.
The three above-mentioned, tho’ they were proved to be
concern’d in taking and sharing the Ship and Goods mentioned in
the Indictment, yet, as the Gentlemen of the long Robe rightly
distinguished, there was a great Difference between their
Circumstances and the rest; for there must go an Intention of the
Mind and a Freedom of the Will to the committing an Act of Felony
or Pyracy. A Pyrate is not to be understood to be under Constraint,
but a free Agent; for in this Case, the bare Act will not make a Man
guilty, unless the Will make it so.
Now a Servant, it is true, if he go voluntarily and have his
Proportion, he must be accounted a Pyrate, for then he acts upon
his own Account, and not by Compulsion; and these Persons,
according to the Evidence, received their Part, but whether they
accounted to their Masters for their Shares afterwards, is the Matter
in Question, and what distinguishes them as free Agents or Men,
that did go under the Compulsion of their Masters, which being left
to the Consideration of the Jury, they found them Not Guilty.
Kid was tryed upon an Indictment of Murder also, viz. for killing
Moor the Gunner, and found guilty of the same. Nicholas Churchill
and James How pleaded the King’s Pardon, as having surrendered
themselves within the Time limited in the Proclamation, and Colonel
Bass, Governor of West Jersey, to whom they surrendered, being in
Court, and called upon, proved the same; however, this Plea was
over-ruled by the Court, because there being four Commissioners
named in the Proclamation, viz. Captain Thomas Warren, Israel
Hayes, Peter Delannoye, and Christopher Pollard, Esqrs; who were
appointed Commissioners, and sent over on Purpose to receive the
Submissions of such Pyrates as should surrender, it was adjudged no
other Person was qualified to receive their Surrender, and that they
could not be intitled to the Benefit of the said Proclamation, because
they had not in all Circumstances complied with the Conditions of it.
Darby Mullins urg’d in his Defence, that he serv’d under the King’s
Commission, and therefore could not disobey his Commander
without incurring great Punishments; that whenever a Ship or Ships
went out upon any Expedition under the King’s Commissioners, the
Men were never allowed to call their Officers to an Account, why
they did this, or, why they did that, because such a Liberty would
destroy all Discipline; that if any Thing was done which was
unlawful, the Officers were to answer it, for the Men did no more
than their Duty in obeying Orders. He was told by the Court, that
acting under the Commission justified in what was lawful, but not in
what was unlawful; he answered, he stood in Need of nothing to
justify him in what was lawful, but that the Case of Seamen must be
very hard, if they must be brought into such Danger for obeying the
Commands of their Officers, and punished for not obeying them; and
if they were allowed to dispute the Orders, there could be no such
Thing as Command kept up at Sea.
This seem’d to be the best Defence the Thing could bear; but his
taking a Share of the Plunder, the Seamens mutinying on Board
several Times, and taking upon them to controul the Captain,
shewed there was no Obedience paid to the Commission; and that
they acted in all Things according to the Custom of Pyrates and
Free-booters, which weighing with the Jury, they brought him in
guilty with the rest.
As to Capt. Kid’s Defence, he insisted much upon his own
Innocence, and the Villany of his Men; he said, he went out in a
laudable Employment, and had no Occasion, being then in good
Circumstances, to go a Pyrating; that the Men often mutinied against
him, and did as they pleas’d; that he was threatened to be shot in
his Cabin, and that Ninety five left him at one Time, and set Fire to
his Boat, so that he was disabled from bringing his Ship home, or
the Prizes he took, to have them regularly condemn’d, which he said
were taken by Virtue of a Commission under the Broad Seal, they
having French Passes.—The Captain called one Col. Hewson to his
Reputation, who gave him an extraordinary Character, and declared
to the Court, that he had served under his Command, and been in
two Engagements with him against the French, in which he fought
as well as any Man he ever saw; that there were only Kid’s Ship and
his own against Monsieur du Cass, who commanded a Squadron of
six Sail, and they got the better of him.—But this being several Years
before the Facts mentioned in the Indictment were committed,
prov’d of no manner of Service to the Prisoner on his Tryal.
As to the Friendship shewn to Culliford, a notorious Pyrate, Kid
deny’d, and said, he intended to have taken him, but his Men being
a Parcel of Rogues and Villains refused to stand by him, and several
of them ran away from his Ship to the said Pyrate.—But the
Evidence being full and particular against him, he was found guilty
as before mentioned.
When Kid was asked what he had to say why Sentence should not
pass against him, he answered, That he had nothing to say, but that
he had been sworn against by perjured wicked People. And when
Sentence was pronounced, he said, My Lord, it is a very hard
Sentence. For my Part, I am the innocentest Person of them all, only
I have been sworn against by perjured Persons.
Wherefore about a Week after, Capt. Kid, Nicholas Churchill,
James How, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Abel Owen, and Darby
Mullins, were executed at Execution Dock, and afterwards hung up
in Chains, at some Distance from each other, down the River, where
their Bodies hung exposed for many Years.
B
OF
Captain TEW,
And his Crew.
efore I enter on the Adventures of this Pyrate, I must take
Notice to the Reader of the Reasons which made me not
continue the Life of Misson.
In reading the Notes, which I have by me, relating to Captain Tew,
I found him join’d with Misson; and that I must either be guilty of
Repetition, or give an Account of Tew in Misson’s Life, which is
contrary to the Method I propos’d, that of giving a distinct Relation
of every Pyrate who has made any Figure: And surely Tew, in Point
of Gallantry, was inferior to none, and may justly claim a particular
Account of his Actions.
However, before I enter on the Life of this Pyrate, I shall continue
that of Misson to the Time that these two Commanders met.
The Blacks seeing them so much upon their Guard, brought out
boiled Rice and Fowls, and after they had satisfied their Hunger, the
Chief made Signs that they were the same who had carried a Negroe
to their Ships, and sent for the Ax and Piece of Baze they had given
him: While this pass’d, the very Negroe came from hunting, who
seem’d overjoy’d to see them. The Chief made Signs that they might
return, and ten Negroes coming to them laden with Fowls and Kids;
he gave them to understand, they should accompany them to their
Ships with these Presents.
They parted very amicably, and in hopes of settling a good
Correspondence with these Natives; all the Houses were neatly
framed and jointed, not built from any Foundation, but so made,
that half a dozen Men could lift and transport them from Place to
Place; and sometimes a whole Village shall be in Motion, which
would be an odd Sight in Europe, and surprizing to see Houses
moving. The Hunters returning to their Ships, with these Presents
and Negroes, were joyfully received; and the Negroes not only
caressed, but laden with Baze, Iron Kettles, and Rum, besides the
Present of a Cutlash for the Chief.
While the Negroes stay’d, which was the Space of three Days,
they examined and admired the Forts and growing Town, in which
all Hands were busied, and not even the Prisoners excused.
As Monsieur Misson apprehended no Danger from the Land, his
Fort (tho’ of Wood) being, he thought, a sufficient Defence to his
infant Colony; he took a hundred and sixty Hands, and went a
second Time on the Coast of Zanguebor, and off Quiloa he gave
Chase to a large Ship, which lay by for him: She prov’d an over-
match for the Victoire, which engag’d her, with great Loss of Men,
near eight Glasses; but finding he was more likely to be took, than
to make a Prize, by the Advice of his Officers and Men, endeavour’d
to leave the Portuguese, which was a 50 Gun Ship, and had 300 Men
on Board; but he found this Attempt vain, for the Portuguese went
as well as the Victoire, and the Commander was a resolute and
brave Man, who, seeing him endeavour to shake him off, clapp’d him
on Board, but lost most of the Men he enter’d. Misson’s Crew not
used to be attack’d, and expecting no Quarter, fought so desperately,
that they not thoroly clear’d their Decks, but some of them follow’d
the Portuguese, who leap’d into their own Ship; which Misson
seeing, hop’d to make an Advantage of their Despair, and crying out,
Elle est a nous, a l’abordage. She’s our own, board, board her, so
many of his Men followed the few, that hardly were there enough
left to work the Ship; Misson observing this Resolution in his Men,
grappled the Portuguese Ship, and leap’d himself on Board, crying
out, la Mort, ou la Victoire, Death or Victory. The Portuguese, who
thought themselves in a manner Conquerors, seeing the Enemy not
only drive off those who enter’d them, but board with that
Resolution, began to quit the Decks in Spight of their Officers: The
Captain and Misson met, as he was endeavouring to hinder the
Flight of his Men; they engaged with equal Bravery with their
Cutlashes; but Misson striking him on the Neck, he fell down the
main Hatch, which put an End to the Fight, for the Portuguese
seeing their Captain fall, threw down their Arms, and call’d for
Quarters, which was granted; and all the Prisoners without
Distinction being order’d between Decks, and the Powder-Room
secured, he put 35 Men on Board the Prize, and made the best of his
Way for Libertatia. This was the dearest Prize he ever made, for he
lost fifty six Men: She was vastly rich in Gold, having near 200,000 l.
Sterling on Board, being her own and the Cargo of her Companion,
which was lost upon the Coast, of whose Crew she had saved 100
Men out of 120, the rest being lost, by endeavouring to swim
ashore; whereas had their Fear suffer’d them to have staid, there
had not been a Soul lost, the Tide of Ebb leaving their Ship dry: This
was the Reason that the Prize was so well mann’d, and proved so
considerable.
Being within Sight of Madagascar, they spied a Sloop which stood
for them, and when in Gun-Shot, threw out black Colours, and fired
a Gun to Windward; Misson brought to, fired another to Leeward,
and hoisted out his Boat, which the Sloop perceiving, lay by for.
Misson’s Lieutenant went on Board, and was received very civilly by
Captain Tew, who was the Commander, to whom the Lieutenant
gave a short Account of their Adventures and new Settlement,
inviting him very kindly on Board Captain Misson. Tew told him, he
could not consent to go with him till he had the Opinion of his Men;
in the mean while Misson, coming along-side, hal’d the Sloop, and
invited the Captain on Board, desiring his Lieutenant would stay as
an Hostage, if they were in the least jealous of him; which they had
no Reason to be, since he was of Force so much superior, that he
need not employ Stratagem. This determined the Company on Board
the Sloop, who advised their Captain to go with the Lieutenant,
whom they would not suffer to stay behind, to shew the greater
Confidence in their new Friends.
My Reader may be surprized that a single Sloop should venture to
give Chase to two Ships of such Countenance as were the Victoire
and her Prize: But this Wonder will cease, when he is acquainted
with the Sequel.
Captain Tew after being handsomely regal’d on Board the Victoire,
and thoroughly satisfied, returned on Board his Sloop, gave an
Account of what he had learned, and his Men consenting, he gave
Orders to steer the same Course with Misson, whose Settlement it
was agreed to visit.
I shall here leave them to give an Account of Captain Tew.
Mr. Richier, Governor of Bermudas, fitted out two Sloops on the
Privateer Account, commanded by Captain George Drew, and
Captain Thomas Tew, with Instructions to make the best of their
Way to the River Gambia in Africa, and there, with the Advice and
Assistance of the Agent for the Royal African Company, to attempt
the taking the French Factory of Goorie on that Coast.
The above Commanders having their Commissions and
Instructions from the Governor, took their Departure from Bermudas,
and kept Company some Time; but Drew springing his Mast, and a
violent Storm coming upon them, they lost each other.
Tew being separated from his Consort, thought of providing for his
future case, by making one bold Push; and accordingly, calling all
Hands on Deck, he spoke to them to this Purpose.
‘That they were not ignorant of the Design with which the
Governor fitted them out; the taking and destroying the French
Factory; that he, indeed, readily agreed to take a Commission to this
end, tho’ contrary to his Judgment, because it was being employ’d;
but that he thought it a very injudicious Expedition, which did they
succeed in, would be of no Use to the Publick, and only advantage a
private Company of Men, from whom they could expect no Reward
of their Bravery; that he could see nothing but Danger in the
Undertaking, without the least Prospect of a Booty; that he could not
suppose any Man fond of fighting, for fighting-sake; and few
ventured their Lives, but with some View either of particular Interest
or publick Good; but here was not the least Appearance of either.
Wherefore, he was of Opinion, that they should turn their Thoughts
on what might better their Circumstances; and if they were so
inclined, he would undertake to shape a Course which should lead
them to Ease and Plenty, in which they might pass the rest of their
Days. That one bold Push would do their Business, and they might
return home, not only without Danger, but even with Reputation.’
The Crew finding he expected their Resolution, cry’d out, one and
all, A gold Chain, or a wooden Leg, we’ll stand by you.
Hearing this, he desired they would chuse a Quarter Master, who
might consult with him for the Common Good; which was
accordingly done.
I must acquaint the Reader, that on Board the West-India
Privateers and Free-booters, the Quarter Master’s Opinion is like the
Mufti’s among the Turk’s; the Captain can undertake nothing which
the Quarter Master does not approve. We may say, the Quarter
Master is an humble Imitation of the Roman Tribune of the People;
he speaks for, and looks after the Interest of the Crew.
Tew now, instead of his proceeding on his Voyage to Gambia,
shaped his Course for the Cape of Good Hope, which doubling, he
steered for the Streights of Babel Mandel, entring into the Red Sea,
where they came up with a tall Ship bound from the Indies to
Arabia; she was richly laden, and as she was to clear the Coasts of
Rovers, five more, extreamly rich (one especially in Gold) being to
follow her, she had 300 Soldiers on Board, beside her Seamen.
Tew, on making this Ship, told his Men she carried their Fortunes,
which they would find no Difficulty to take Possession of; for though
he was satisfied she was full of Men, and was mounted with a great
Number of Guns, they wanted the two Things necessary, Skill and
Courage; and, indeed, so it proved, for he boarded and carried her
without Loss, every one taking more Care to run from the Danger,
than to exert himself in the Defence of his Goods.
In rummaging this Prize, the Pyrates threw over a great many rich
Bales, to search for Gold, Silver, and Jewels; and, having taken what
they thought proper, together with the Powder, part of which (as
being more than they could handsomely stow) they threw into the
Sea; they left her, sharing 3000 l. Sterling a Man.
Encouraged by this Success, Captain Tew proprosed the going in
quest of the other five Ships, of which he had Intelligence from the
Prize; but the Quarter-Master opposing him, he was obliged to drop
the Design, and steer for Madagascar.
Here the Quarter Master finding this Island productive of all the
Necessaries of Life; that the Air was wholesome, the Soil fruitful, and
the Sea abounding with Fish, proposed settling; but only three and
twenty of the Crew came into the Proposal: The rest staid with
Captain Tew, who having given the new Settlers their Share of
Plunder, designed to return to America, as they afterwards did; but
spying the Victoire and her Prize, he thought he might, by their
Means, return somewhat richer, and resolved to speak with them, as
I have already said.
Tew and his Company having taken the above Resolution of
visiting Mons. Misson’s Colony, arrived with him, and was not a little
surprized to see his Fortifications.
When they came under the first Fort, they saluted it with nine
Guns, and they were answered with an equal Number; all the
Prisoners, at their coming to an Anchor, were suffer’d to come up, a
Privilege they had never before granted them, on account of the few
Hands left them, except two or three at a time.
The Joy those ashore expressed at the Sight of so considerable a
Prize as they judged her at first Sight, was vastly allay’d, when they
heard how dear a Purchase she had prov’d to them; however, the
Reinforcement of the Sloop made some amends; Captain Tew was
received by Caraccioli and the rest, with great Civility and Respect,
who did not a little admire his Courage, both in attacking the Prize
he made, and afterwards in giving Chase to Misson; he was called to
the Council of Officers, which was immediately held, to consider
what Methods should be taken with the Prisoners, who were, by 190
brought in by this new Prize, near as numerous as those of his own
Party, though Tew join them with 70 Men; it was therefore resolved
to keep them separate from the Portuguese and English, who were
before taken, to make them believe they were in Amity with a Prince
of the Natives, who was very powerful, and to propose to them, at
their Choice, the assisting the new Colony in their Works, or the
being sent Prisoners up the Country, if they rejected the entering
with them. Seventy three took on, and the rest desired they might
be any way employ’d, rather than be sent up the Country; 117 then
were set to Work upon a Dock, which was laid out about half a Mile
above the Mouth of the Harbour, and the other Prisoners were forbid
to pass such Bounds as were prescribed them on Pain of Death; lest
they, knowing their own Strength, should revolt; for I must acquaint
the Reader, that on the Arrival of the Victoire, both their Loss and
the Number of Portuguese they brought in, was known to none but
themselves, and the Number of those who came over, magnified;
besides, the Johanna Men were all arm’d and disciplin’d, and the
Bijoux laid a Guardship, where the last Prisoners were set to Work;
but while they provided for their Security, both within and without,
they did not neglect providing also for their Support, for they dug
and sow’d a large Plat of Ground with Indian and European Corn,
and other Seeds which they had found on Board their Prizes. In the
mean while Caraccioli, who had the Art of Perswasion, wrought on
many of the Portuguese, who saw no Hopes of returning home, to
join them. Misson, who could not be easy in an inactive Life, would
have taken another Cruize; but fearing the Revolt of the Prisoners,
durst not weaken his Colony by the Hands he must necessarily take
with him: Wherefore, he propos’d giving the last Prize to, and
sending away the Prisoners. Carracioli and Captain Tew were against
it, saying, that it would discover their Retreat, and cause their being
attacked by the Europeans, who had Settlements along the
Continent, before they were able to defend themselves. Misson
reply’d, he could not bear to be always diffident of those about him;
that it was better die once, than live in continual Apprehensions of
Death. That the Time was come for the sending away the Johanna
Men, and that they could not go without a Ship, neither durst he
trust a Ship out, not well mann’d, nor man her while so many
Prisoners were with him. Wherefore there was a Necessity of
sending them off, or of putting them all to the Sword. A Barbarity by
which he would not purchase his Security. A Council was called, and
what Captain Misson had proposed, agreed to. The Prisoners were
then summon’d and he told them, in few Words, that he knew the
Consequence of giving them Liberty; that he expected to be
attacked as soon as the Place of his Retreat was known, and had it
in his Hands, by putting them to Death to avoid the doubtful Fate of
War; but his Humanity would not suffer him to entertain a Thought
so cruel, and his Alliances with the Natives, he hoped, would enable
him to repel his Assailants; but he required an Oath of every one,
that he should not serve against him: He then enquired into the
Circumstances of every particular Man, and what they had lost, all
which he return’d, telling the Company it should be reckoned as Part
of his Share, and the Prisoners, that he did not make War with the
Oppressed, but the Oppressors. The Prisoners were charm’d with
this Mark of Generosity and Humanity, and wished he might never
meet a Treatment unworthy of that he gave them. The Ship being
victualled for a Voyage to the Coast of Zanguebar, all her Guns and
Ammunitions taken out, with the spare Sails, and spare Rigging, all
were ordered to be gone, and 137 departed, highly applauding the
Behaviour of their Enemies. All this while they had heard nothing
from the Natives, nor had the hunting Parties met with any of them,
which made Misson suspect they were afraid of his being their
Neighbour, and had shifted their Quarters; but as the Johanna Men
were upon going away, there came about 50 Negroes to them,
driving about 100 Head of black Cattle, 20 Negroe Men bound, and
25 Women, for which Cattle and Prisoners they barter’d Rum,
Hatchets, Baze and Beads; some Hogsheads of which last
Commodity they had taken on the Coast of Angola. Here the
Negroes belonging to Misson were provided with Wives: The Natives
were caress’d, and to the Slaves Signs made that their Liberty was
given them, they were immediately cloathed and put under the Care
of as many Whites, who, by all possible Demonstrations,
endeavoured to make them understand that they were Enemies to
Slavery. The Natives staid ten Days, which retarded the Departure of
the Johanna Men; but, upon their retiring, the Bijoux sailed with 100
of them on Board, under the command of Caraccioli’s Lieutenant,
who excused the keeping them a Month longer than was promised,
and not bringing them at once, having no more than two Ships. The
Portuguese Ship, which was unrigg’d, being made a Hulk, the ten
Men of Misson’s Company who had settled at Johanna, being
desirous to return, were brought to Libertatia with their Wives (of
which they had two and three a piece) and their Children, the
Bijoux, at two more Voyages, carried over the rest of the
Johannians.
Misson hove down the Bijoux, and resolving on a Cruise on the
Coast of Guiney, to strengthen his Colony by the Capture of some
slaving Ship, he gave the Command of her to Captain Tew, and he
and Caraccioli press’d the Work of the Dock; he gave him also 200
Hands, of which 40 were Portuguese, 37 Negroes, 17 of them expert
Sailors, 30 English, and the rest French. Tew met with nothing in his
Way till he came to the Northward of the Cape of Good Hope, when
he fell in with a Dutch East-India Galley of 18 Guns, which he took
after a small Resistance, and with the Loss of one Man only; on the
Coast of Angola he took an English Man with 240 Slaves, Men,
Women, and Boys. The Negroes, who had before been taken on this
Coast, found among these a great many of their Acquaintance, and
several of their Relations, to whom they reported their happy and
unexpected change of Fortune, the great Captain (for so they now
called Misson) humanly having knocked off their Chains, and of
Slaves made them free Men, and Sharers in his Fortunes. That the
same good Fortune had attended them in their falling into his Hands,
for he abhorr’d even the Name of Slavery. Tew following the Orders,
and acquainted with the Policy of Misson, order’d their Fetters and
Handcuffs to be taken off, upon his Negroe Sailors, assuring him
they would not revolt, and were sensible of their Happiness in falling
into his Hands. Content with these Prizes, he made the best of his
Way home to Libertatia, where he arrived without any sinister
Accident; but I forgot to tell my Reader, that he set his Dutch
Prisoners (nine excepted, who took on with him) ashore, about 30
Miles to the Northward of the Cape, in Soldinia Bay, where had been
buried, by Captain Misson, the English Commander; he found a
great Quantity of English Crowns on Board his Dutch Prize, which
were carried into the common Treasury, Money being of no Use
where every Thing was in common, and no Hedge bounded any
particular Man’s Property. The Slaves he had released in this last
Cruize were employ’d in the perfecting the Dock, and treated on the
Foot of free People. They were not ignorant of the Change of their
Condition, and were therefore extreamly diligent and faithful. A
White Man, or one of the old standing Negroes, wrought with every
four, and made them understand the French Words (by often
Repetition, and the Help of their Country Mens interpreting) used in
their Works. Misson ordered a couple of Sloops to be built in a
Creek, of 80 Tun each, which he mounted with 8 Guns a piece, out
of the Dutch Prize. These were perfected in a little Time, and proved
not only shapely Vessels, but excellent Sailors. The Officers of these
Sloops were chosen by ballotting, and as their first Design was only
to discover and lay down a Chart of the Coast, Sands, Shoals, and
Depths of Water round the Island of Madagascar; The School Master
being sent for that Reason with the Command of one, Tew desired,
and had the other. They were mann’d, each Sloop with 50 Whites
and 50 black Men. Which Voyage round the Island was of vast
Advantage in giving the new released Angola Negroes a Notion of
the working a Vessel; and they were very industrious both in
endeavouring to learn the French Language, and to be useful. These
Sloops, the one of which was called the Childhood, and the other the
Liberty, were near four Months on this Expedition; in the mean while
a few of the Natives had come often to the Settlement, and they
began to speak a little broken French, mix’d with the other European
Languages, which they heard among Misson’s People, and six of the
native Families fixed among them, which was of vast Use to the
Planters of this new Colony; for they made a very advantageous
Report to their Country Men of the Regularity and Harmony they
observed in them. The Sloops being return’d, and an exact Chart
taken of the Coast, Carraccioli had a mind for a Cruize; he proposed
the visiting all the neighbouring Islands, accordingly he went out to
Mascarenas, and the other Islands near it, taking one half of his
Crew of Negroes, and return’d with a Dutch Prize, which he took off
the abovementioned Island, where they were about fixing a Colony.
This Prize, as it had on Board all Sorts of European Goods, and
Necessaries for settling, was more valuable than if it had been vastly
richer. The Negroes growing useful Hands, Misson resolved on a
Cruize to the Northward, encouraged by Tew’s Success; and, with all
the Blacks, which he divided between the two Ships, one of which
Captain Tew commanded, set out with 500 Men: Off the Coast of
Arabia Fœlix, they fell in with a Ship belonging to the Great Mogul,
bound for Zidon, with Pilgrims to Mecca, who, with Moor Mariners,
made up the Number of 1600 Souls. This Ship carried 110 Guns, but
made a very poor Defence, being encumber’d with the Goods and
Number of Passengers they carried. The two Adventurers did not
think it their Business to cannonade, they therefore boarded as soon
as they came up with her, and the Moors no sooner saw them
enter’d, but they discharged one Volley of small Arms at Random,
we may suppose, because no Execution was done, and fled the
Decks. Being Masters of this Ship, which did not cost them a single
Man, they consulted what they should do with her, and the
Prisoners, and it was resolved to set them ashore between Ain and
Aden; but as they wanted Women, to keep all the unmarried, and to
navigate the Ship to Libertatia; as the Guns might be of Use to
them; and, by letting her go, or sinking, they might lose, perhaps, a
considerable Booty, which the Moors, might have hid in her Cielings
or Ballast.
This Resolution was put in Execution, and they brought off 100
Girls, from 12 to 18 Years old, who designed to make the Pilgrimage
with their Parents. The Lamentations this Separation caused among
the Prisoners, had such Effect on Misson, that he was for letting
them go, but every one of his Men were against him. They now
made the best of their Way for Madagascar, putting 200 Hands on
board the Prize, which proved a very heavy Sailer, and retarded
them very much. Off the Cape Guarde Fin they were overtaken with
a cruel Storm, which was very near wrecking them on the Island
called Irmanos; but the Wind coming about due North, they had the
good Luck to escape this Danger. Though the Fury of the Wind
abated, yet it blew so hard for 12 Days together, that they could only
carry their Courses reef’d. They spy’d a Sail in their Passage, but the
Weather would not permit their endeavouring to speak with her. In a
Word, they return’d to Libertatia with their Prize, without any other
Accident, but the Captors could make no Estimate of her Value, she
having on Board a vast Quantity of Diamonds, besides rich Silks, raw
Silks, Spices, Carpets, and wrought and bar Gold. The Prize was
taken to pieces, as she was of no Use; her Cordage and knee Timber
preserv’d, with all the Bolts, Eyes, Chains, and other Iron Work, and
her Guns planted on two Points of the Harbour, where they raised
Batteries, so that they were now so strongly fortified they
apprehended no Danger from any Number of Shipping which could
be brought into those Seas to attack them. They had, by this Time,
clear’d, sown, and enclosed a good Parcel of Ground, and taken in a
Quantity of Pasturage, where they had above 300 Head of black
Cattle, bought of the Natives. The Dock was now finish’d, and the
Victoire growing old and unfit for a long Voyage, and the last Storm
having shook and loosened her very much, she was pull’d to pieces
and rebuilt, keeping the same Name. She was rigg’d, victuall’d, and
fit to go to Sea, and was to sail to the Coast of Guinea for more
Negroes, when one of the Sloops came in, which had been sent out
rather to exercise the Negroes, than with any View of making a
Prize, and brought Word five tall Ships chac’d her into the Bay, and
stood for their Harbour; that she judg’d them to be Portuguese by
their Built, and 50 Gun Ships, full of Men. This prov’d the real Truth.
The Alarm was given, the Forts and Batteries mann’d, and every
Man stood to his Arms. Misson took upon him the Command of 100
Negroes, who were well disciplin’d, (for every Morning they had
been used to perform their Exercise, which was taught them by a
French Serjeant, one of their Company, who belong’d to the Victoire)
to be ready where his Assistance should be requir’d. Tew
commanded all the English. They had hardly order’d their Affairs
when these Ships hove in Sight, and stood directly for the Harbour
with Portuguese Colours. They were warmly received by the two
Forts, which did not stop them, though it brought one of them on
the Careen; they enter’d the Harbour, and thought they had done
their Business, but were saluted so warmly from the Forts and
Batteries, Sloops and Ships, that two of them sunk downright, and a
great many Men were drowned, though some got on Board the
other Ships. The Portuguese, who did not imagine they had been so
well fortified, and thought in passing the two Forts they should,
without Difficulty, land their Men, and easily root out this Nest of
Pyrates, found now their Mistake, for they durst not venture to hoist
out a Boat. They had wisely, however, contriv’d to enter just before
the Turn of the Tide. Finding the Attempt vain, and that they lost a
great many Men, they clapp’d upon a Wind, and with the Help of the
Tide of Ebb, made more Haste out than they did to get in, leaving
two of their Ships sunk in the Harbour; but they did not get off so
cheaply, for no sooner were they clear of the Forts, but Misson
manning, with the utmost Expedition, both the Ships and the Sloops,
he gave them Chase, and engag’d them at the Mouth of the Bay.
The Portuguese defended themselves with a great deal of Gallantry,
and one of them put off the Libertatians twice, who boarded them
from the two Sloops; two of them, finding themselves hard press’d,
made a running Fight, and got off, and left the third to shift as well
as he could. The Bijoux and Victoire finding the Portuguese
endeavour’d to clear themselves, and knowing there was little to be
got by the Captures, gave over the Chase, and fell upon the third,
who defended himself till his Decks swam with Blood, and the
greater Number of his Men killed; but finding all Resistance vain, and
that he was left to an unequal Fight by his Companions, he called for
Quarter, and good Quarter was given, both to himself and Men. This
Prize yielded them a great Quantity of Powder and Shot, and,
indeed, they expected nothing of Value out of her. None of the
Prisoners were stripp’d, and the Officers, Misson, Caraccioli and Tew,
invited to their Tables, treating them very civilly, and extolling the
Courage they had shewn in their Defence. Unhappily two Prisoners
were found on Board, who had been released, and had sworn never
to serve against them; these were clapp’d in Irons, and publickly
tried for their Perjury. The Portuguese Officers being present, the
Witnesses proved them the very discharged Men, and they were
condemned to be hanged at the Point of each Fort; which Execution
was performed the next Morning after their Condemnation, with the
Assistance of the Portuguese Chaplain, who attended, confess’d and
absolv’d them. This was the Engagement with the Pyrates, which
made so much Noise in the Lisbon Gazette, and these the Men
whom the English ignorantly took for Avery; who, we had a Notion
here in London, had 32 Sail of Men of War, and had taken upon him
the State and Title of King, a Mistake we have already spoken to in
the first Volume.
This Execution seeming to impugn the Maxims of the Chiefs,
Caraccioli made an Harangue, in which he told them, that there was
no Rule could be laid down which did not allow Exceptions: That
they were all sensible how tender the Commadore, Monsieur Misson,
was in shedding of Blood; and that it was a Tenet of his Faith, that
none had Power over the Life of another, but God alone, who gave
it; but notwithstanding, Self-Preservation sometimes made it
absolutely necessary to take away the Life of another, especially an
avow’d and an obliged Enemy, even in cool Blood. As to the Blood
shed in a lawful War, in Defence of that Liberty they had generously
asserted, it was needless to say any Thing, but thought it proper to
lay before them Reasons for the Execution of the Criminals, and the
Heinousness of their Crimes. They had not only received their Lives
from the Bounty of the Libertatians, but their Liberty, and had every
Thing restored them which they laid claim to, consequently their
Ingratitude rose in Proportion to the generous Treatment they had
met with. That, indeed, both he and Captain Misson would have
passed by the Perjury and Ingratitude they had been guilty of, with a
corporal Punishment, which had not extended to the Deprivation of
Life, but their gallant Friend and Companion the English Commander,
Captain Tew, used such cogent Reasons for an exemplary
Punishment, to deter others from the like Crimes, that they must
have been Enemies to their own Preservation in not following his
Advice. That the Lives of their whole Body ought to be preferr’d to
those of declared and perjured Enemies, who would not cease to
endeavour their Ruin; and, as they were well acquainted with their
Settlement, might be fatal Instruments of it, if they were again
restored to that Liberty which they had already abused. That he was
obliged to do Captain Tew the Justice, to acknowledge he was
inclined to the Side of Mercy, till he was thoroughly informed of the
Blackness of their Ingratitude, and then he thought it would be
Cruelty to themselves to let those Miscreants experience a second
Time their Clemency; thus an absolute Necessity had obliged them

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Practice Standard for Scheduling Third Edition Project Management Institute

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  • 6. 1. Cover Page 2. Title Page 3. Copyright Page 4. Notice 5. Table of Contents 6. List of Tables and Figures 7. 1. Introduction 1. 1.1. Project Scheduling 2. 1.2. Why Scheduling? 3. 1.3. Overview 4. 1.4. Purpose 5. 1.5. Applicability 8. 2. Schedule Model Principles and Concepts 1. 2.1. Overview 2. 2.2. Project Life Cycles and Scheduling Approaches 1. 2.2.1. Critical Path Approach 2. 2.2.2. Critical Chain 3. 2.2.3. Adaptive Life Cycle 4. 2.2.4. Rolling Wave Planning 5. 2.2.5. Other Approaches and Emerging Trends
  • 7. 3. 2.3. Scheduling Tool 4. 2.4. Schedule Model 5. 2.5. Schedule Model Instances and Presentations 6. 2.6. Agile 1. 2.6.1. Tracking and Presentation 9. 3. Schedule Model Good Practices Overview 1. 3.1. Schedule Management 1. 3.1.1. Schedule Data Management Plan 2. 3.1.2. Schedule Management Plan 1. 3.1.2.1. Scheduling Approach 2. 3.1.2.2. Scheduling Tool 3. 3.1.2.3. Schedule Model Creation Plan 4. 3.1.2.4. Schedule Model ID 5. 3.1.2.5. Schedule Model Instance 6. 3.1.2.6. Calendars and Work Periods 7. 3.1.2.7. Project Update Cycle and Activity Granularity 8. 3.1.2.8. Milestone and Activity Coding Structure 9. 3.1.2.9. Resource Planning
  • 8. 10. 3.1.2.10. Key Performance Indicators 11. 3.1.2.11. Master Schedule Model 12. 3.1.2.12. Change Control 2. 3.2. Schedule Model Creation 1. 3.2.1. Develop Schedule Model Baseline 1. 3.2.1.1. Define Milestones 2. 3.2.1.2. Define the Project's Activities 3. 3.2.1.3. Sequence Activities 4. 3.2.1.4. Determine Resources for Each Activity 5. 3.2.1.5. Determine the Duration for Each Activity 6. 3.2.1.6. Analyze the Schedule Output 7. 3.2.1.7. Approve the Schedule Model 8. 3.2.1.8. Baseline the Schedule Model 9. 3.2.1.9. Schedule Levels 3. 3.3. Schedule Model Maintenance 1. 3.3.1. Collect Actuals and Remaining Work or Duration
  • 9. 2. 3.3.2. Update the Schedule Model According to the Actuals 3. 3.3.3. Compare and Address any Deviation 4. 3.3.4. Update the Schedule Model with Approved Changes 5. 3.3.5. Update the Baseline Schedule Model 6. 3.3.6. Communicate 7. 3.3.7. Maintain the Records 8. 3.3.8. Change Control 4. 3.4. Schedule Model Analysis 1. 3.4.1. Critical Path and Critical Activities 1. 3.4.1.1. Critical Path 2. 3.4.1.2. Critical Activities 2. 3.4.2. Total Float and Free Float 3. 3.4.3. Estimation of Activity Durations 4. 3.4.4. Date Constraints 5. 3.4.5. Open-Ended Activities 6. 3.4.6. Out of Sequence (OOS) Logic 7. 3.4.7. Leads and Lags 8. 3.4.8. Start-to-Finish Relationship 9. 3.4.9. Links to/from Summary Activities 10. 3.4.10. Schedule Resource Analysis 11. 3.4.11. Schedule Risk Assessment
  • 10. 12. 3.4.12. Earned Schedule 5. 3.5. Communication and Reporting 10. 4. Scheduling Components 1. 4.1. How to use the Components List 1. 4.1.1. Component Name 2. 4.1.2. Required, Conditional, or Optional Use 3. 4.1.3. Manual or Calculated 4. 4.1.4. Data Format 5. 4.1.5. Behavior 6. 4.1.6. Good Practices 7. 4.1.7. Conditional Note/Associated Component 8. 4.1.8. Definition 2. 4.2. List of Components by Category 3. 4.3. Detailed Components List 11. 5. Conformance Index 1. 5.1. Conformance Overview 1. 5.1.1. Categories of Components 2. 5.1.2. Use of Schedule Components 3. 5.1.3. Conformance Assessment
  • 11. 2. 5.2. Conformance Assessment Process 12. Appendix X1. Third Edition Changes 13. Appendix X2. Contributors and Reviewers of the Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third Edition 1. X2.1. Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third Edition Core Committee 2. X2.2. Reviewers 1. X2.2.1. SME Review 2. X2.2.2. Final Exposure Draft Review 3. X2.3. PMI Standards Program Member Advisory Group (MAG) 4. X2.4. Consensus Body Review 5. X2.5. Production Staff 14. Appendix X3. Conformance Assessment Scoring Table 15. Appendix X4. Conformance Assessment Worksheets 16. Appendix X5. Forensic Schedule Analysis 17. References 18. Glossary 1. i 2. ii 3. iii 4. iv 5. v
  • 12. 6. vi 7. vii 8. viii 9. ix 10. x 11. xi 12. xii 13. xiii 14. xiv 15. 1 16. 2 17. 3 18. 4 19. 5 20. 6 21. 7 22. 8 23. 9 24. 10 25. 11 26. 12 27. 13 28. 14 29. 15 30. 16 31. 17 32. 18 33. 19
  • 13. 34. 20 35. 21 36. 22 37. 23 38. 24 39. 25 40. 26 41. 27 42. 28 43. 29 44. 30 45. 31 46. 32 47. 33 48. 34 49. 35 50. 36 51. 37 52. 38 53. 39 54. 40 55. 41 56. 42 57. 43 58. 44 59. 45 60. 46 61. 47
  • 14. 62. 48 63. 49 64. 50 65. 51 66. 52 67. 53 68. 54 69. 55 70. 56 71. 57 72. 58 73. 59 74. 60 75. 61 76. 62 77. 63 78. 64 79. 65 80. 66 81. 67 82. 68 83. 69 84. 70 85. 71 86. 72 87. 73 88. 74 89. 75
  • 15. 90. 76 91. 77 92. 78 93. 79 94. 80 95. 81 96. 82 97. 83 98. 84 99. 85 100. 86 101. 87 102. 88 103. 89 104. 90 105. 91 106. 92 107. 93 108. 94 109. 95 110. 96 111. 97 112. 98 113. 99 114. 100 115. 101 116. 102 117. 103
  • 16. 118. 104 119. 105 120. 106 121. 107 122. 108 123. 109 124. 110 125. 111 126. 112 127. 113 128. 114 129. 115 130. 116 131. 117 132. 118 133. 119 134. 120 135. 121 136. 122 137. 123 138. 124 139. 125 140. 126 141. 127 142. 128 143. 129 144. 130 145. 131
  • 17. 146. 132 147. 133 148. 134 149. 135 150. 136 151. 137 152. 138 153. 139 154. 140 155. 141 156. 142 157. 143 158. 144 159. 145 160. 146 161. 147 162. 148 163. 149 164. 150 165. 151 166. 152 167. 153 168. 154 169. 155 170. 156 171. 157 172. 158 173. 159
  • 18. 174. 160 175. 161 176. 162 177. 163 178. 164 179. 165 180. 166 181. 167 182. 168 183. 169 184. 170 185. 171 186. 172 187. 173 188. 174 189. 175 190. 176 191. 177 192. 178 193. 179 194. 180 195. 181 196. 182 197. 183 198. 184 199. 185 200. 186 201. 187
  • 19. 202. 188 203. 189 204. 190 205. 191 206. 192 207. 193 208. 194 1. Cover Page 2. Begin Reading 3. Copyright Page 4. Table of Contents 5. List of Tables and Figures 6. Appendix X1. Third Edition Changes 7. Appendix X2. Contributors and Reviewers of the Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third Edition 8. Appendix X3. Conformance Assessment Scoring Table 9. Appendix X4. Conformance Assessment Worksheets 10. Appendix X5. Forensic Schedule Analysis 11. References 12. Glossary
  • 21. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Project Management Institute. Title: Practice standard for scheduling / Project Management Institute. Description: Third edition. | Newtown Square : Project Management Institute, 2019. | Revised edition of Practice standard for scheduling, c2011. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019009443 (print) | LCCN 2019010321 (ebook) | ISBN 9781628255621 (ePub) | ISBN 9781628255638 (kindle) | ISBN 9781628255645 (Web PDF) | ISBN 9781628255614 (paperback) Subjects: LCSH: Project management--Standards. | BISAC: BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Project Management. Classification: LCC HD69.P75 (ebook) | LCC HD69.P75 P653 2019 (print) | DDC 658.4/04--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019009443 ISBN: 978-1-62825-561-4 Published by: Project Management Institute, Inc. 14 Campus Boulevard Newtown Square, Pennsylvania 19073-3299 USA Phone: +610-356-4600
  • 22. Fax: +610-356-4647 Email: customercare@pmi.org Internet: www.PMI.org ©2019 Project Management Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. Our copyright content is protected by U.S. intellectual property law that is recognized by most countries. To republish or reproduce our content, you must obtain our permission. Please go to http://www.pmi.org/permissions for details. To place a Trade Order or for pricing information, please contact Independent Publishers Group: Independent Publishers Group Order Department 814 North Franklin Street Chicago, IL 60610 USA Phone: +1 800-888-4741 Fax: +1 312-337-5985 Email: orders@ipgbook.com (For orders only) For all other inquiries, please contact the PMI Book Service Center. PMI Book Service Center P.O. Box 932683, Atlanta, GA 31193-2683 USA
  • 23. Phone: 1-866-276-4764 (within the U.S. or Canada) or +1-770-280-4129 (globally) Fax: +1-770-280-4113 Email: info@bookorders.pmi.org Printed in the United States of America. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, manual, photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission of the publisher. The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48—1984). PMI, the PMI logo, PMBOK, OPM3, PMP, CAPM, PgMP, PfMP, PMI-RMP, PMI-SP, PMI-ACP, PMI-PBA, PROJECT MANAGEMENT JOURNAL, PM NETWORK, PMI TODAY, PULSE OF THE PROFESSION and the slogan MAKING PROJECT MANAGEMENT INDISPENSABLE FOR BUSINESS RESULTS. are all marks of Project Management Institute, Inc. For a comprehensive list of PMI trademarks, contact the PMI Legal Department. All other trademarks, service marks, trade names, trade dress, product names and logos appearing herein are the property of their respective owners. Any rights not expressly granted herein are reserved. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
  • 24. NOTICE The Project Management Institute, Inc. (PMI) standards and guideline publications, of which the document contained herein is one, are developed through a voluntary consensus standards development process. This process brings together volunteers and/or seeks out the views of persons who have an interest in the topic covered by this publication. While PMI administers the process and establishes rules to promote fairness in the development of consensus, it does not write the document and it does not independently test, evaluate, or verify the accuracy or completeness of any information or the soundness of any judgments contained in its standards and guideline publications. PMI disclaims liability for any personal injury, property or other damages of any nature whatsoever, whether special, indirect, consequential or compensatory, directly or indirectly resulting from the publication, use of application, or reliance on this document. PMI disclaims and makes no guaranty or warranty, expressed or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of any information published herein, and disclaims and makes no warranty that the information in this document will fulfill any of your particular purposes or needs. PMI does not undertake to guarantee the performance of any
  • 25. individual manufacturer or seller's products or services by virtue of this standard or guide. In publishing and making this document available, PMI is not undertaking to render professional or other services for or on behalf of any person or entity, nor is PMI undertaking to perform any duty owed by any person or entity to someone else. Anyone using this document should rely on his or her own independent judgment or, as appropriate, seek the advice of a competent professional in determining the exercise of reasonable care in any given circumstances. Information and other standards on the topic covered by this publication may be available from other sources, which the user may wish to consult for additional views or information not covered by this publication. PMI has no power, nor does it undertake to police or enforce compliance with the contents of this document. PMI does not certify, test, or inspect products, designs, or installations for safety or health purposes. Any certification or other statement of compliance with any health or safety-related information in this document shall not be attributable to PMI and is solely the responsibility of the certifier or maker of the statement.
  • 26. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Project Scheduling 1.2 Why Scheduling? 1.3 Overview 1.4 Purpose 1.5 Applicability 2. SCHEDULE MODEL PRINCIPLES AND CONCEPTS 2.1 Overview 2.2 Project Life Cycles and Scheduling Approaches
  • 27. 2.2.1 Critical Path Approach 2.2.2 Critical Chain 2.2.3 Adaptive Life Cycle 2.2.4 Rolling Wave Planning 2.2.5 Other Approaches and Emerging Trends 2.3 Scheduling Tool 2.4 Schedule Model 2.5 Schedule Model Instances and Presentations 2.6 Agile 2.6.1 Tracking and Presentation
  • 28. 3. SCHEDULE MODEL GOOD PRACTICES OVERVIEW 3.1 Schedule Management 3.1.1 Schedule Data Management Plan 3.1.2 Schedule Management Plan 3.1.2.1 Scheduling Approach 3.1.2.2 Scheduling Tool 3.1.2.3 Schedule Model Creation Plan 3.1.2.4 Schedule Model ID 3.1.2.5 Schedule Model Instance 3.1.2.6 Calendars and Work Periods 3.1.2.7 Project Update Cycle and Activity Granularity
  • 29. 3.1.2.8 Milestone and Activity Coding Structure 3.1.2.9 Resource Planning 3.1.2.10 Key Performance Indicators 3.1.2.11 Master Schedule Model 3.1.2.12 Change Control 3.2 Schedule Model Creation 3.2.1 Develop Schedule Model Baseline 3.2.1.1 Define Milestones 3.2.1.2 Define the Project's Activities 3.2.1.3 Sequence Activities 3.2.1.4 Determine Resources for Each Activity
  • 30. 3.2.1.5 Determine the Duration for Each Activity 3.2.1.6 Analyze the Schedule Output 3.2.1.7 Approve the Schedule Model 3.2.1.8 Baseline the Schedule Model 3.2.1.9 Schedule Levels 3.3 Schedule Model Maintenance 3.3.1 Collect Actuals and Remaining Work or Duration 3.3.2 Update the Schedule Model According to the Actuals 3.3.3 Compare and Address Any Deviation
  • 31. 3.3.4 Update the Schedule Model with Approved Changes 3.3.5 Update the Baseline Schedule Model 3.3.6 Communicate 3.3.7 Maintain the Records 3.3.8 Change Control 3.4 Schedule Model Analysis 3.4.1 Critical Path and Critical Activities 3.4.1.1 Critical Path 3.4.1.2 Critical Activities 3.4.2 Total Float and Free Float
  • 32. 3.4.3 Estimation of Activity Durations 3.4.4 Date Constraints 3.4.5 Open-Ended Activities 3.4.6 Out of Sequence (OOS) Logic 3.4.7 Leads and Lags 3.4.8 Start-to-Finish Relationship 3.4.9 Links to/from Summary Activities 3.4.10 Schedule Resource Analysis 3.4.11 Schedule Risk Assessment 3.4.12 Earned Schedule 3.5 Communication and Reporting 4. SCHEDULING COMPONENTS
  • 33. 4.1 How to Use the Components List 4.1.1 Component Name 4.1.2 Required, Conditional, or Optional Use 4.1.3 Manual or Calculated 4.1.4 Data Format 4.1.5 Behavior 4.1.6 Good Practices 4.1.7 Conditional Note/Associated Component 4.1.8 Definition 4.2 List of Components by Category 4.3 Detailed Components List
  • 34. 5. CONFORMANCE INDEX 5.1 Conformance Overview 5.1.1 Categories of Components 5.1.2 Use of Schedule Components 5.1.3 Conformance Assessment 5.2 Conformance Assessment Process APPENDIX X1 THIRD EDITION CHANGES APPENDIX X2 CONTRIBUTORS AND REVIEWERS OF THE PRACTICE STANDARD FOR SCHEDULING – THIRD EDITION X2.1 Practice Standard for Scheduling – Third Edition Core Committee
  • 35. X2.2 Reviewers X2.2.1 SME Review X2.2.2 Final Exposure Draft Review X2.3 PMI Standards Program Member Advisory Group (MAG) X2.4 Consensus Body Review X2.5 Production Staff APPENDIX X3 CONFORMANCE ASSESSMENT SCORING TABLE APPENDIX X4 CONFORMANCE ASSESSMENT WORKSHEETS APPENDIX X5 FORENSIC SCHEDULE ANALYSIS
  • 37. LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Figure 1-1. Schedule Model Development and Use Figure 2-1.Life Cycle Continuum Figure 2- 2. Example of Predictive Flow Diagram Figure 2-3.Iterative Flow Diagram Figure 2-4. A Life Cycle of Varying Size Increments Figure 2-5.Adaptive Flow Diagram Figure 2-6. Combined Predictive and Adaptive Approaches Used
  • 38. Figure 2-7.Schedule Model Flow Figu re 2- 8. Flow Diagram for the Schedule Model Mapped to PMBOK® Guide Knowledge Area Processes Figure 2-9.Example of CPM Diagram Figure 2-10.Feeding Buffers Figure 2-11.Project Buffers Figure 2-12.Diagram of Uncertainty Figure 2- 13. Examples of Agile Approaches Figur e 2- 14. Example of Rolling Wave Planning—Planning Package 1 Decomposed Figur e 2- 15. Example of Rolling Wave Planning—Planning Package 2 Decomposed
  • 39. Figure 2- 16. Location-Based Schedule Example Figure 2-17. Schedule Model Instances and Presentations Figure 2- 18. Example of Multiple Iterations or Sprints Figure 2-19.Typical Adaptive Life Cycle Figure 2-20. Results of Sprint (Iteration) Planning Meeting Figure 2-21. Scrum Board Displaying Sprint (Iteration) 1 Figure 2-22.Kanban Board Figure 2-23. Example of Functional Dependencies between Requirements Figure 2-24. Typical Burndown Chart with Planned Work
  • 40. Figure 2- 25. Burndown Chart with Remaining Work Figure 2-26. Burndown Chart with Progress Smoothed-Over Iteration Figure 2- 27. Burndown Chart— Commitment Not Met Figure 2- 28. Burndown Chart with Remaining Work Figure 2- 29. Burndown Chart with Commitments Met Figure 2-30.Example of a Burnup Chart Figur e 2- 31. Relationships between Product Vision, Release Planning, and Iteration Planning Figure 3-1.Summary Activities Figure 3-2.LOE Activity
  • 41. Figure 3-3.Hammock Activity Figure 3-4. Illustrations of Relationship Types in CPM Methodology Figure 3- 5. Required Activity Relationships Figure 3-6.Total Float and Free Float Figur e 3-7. Example of Precedence Diagram with PERT Activity Duration Estimates Figure 3-8. Example of Standard Deviation of an Activity Figure 3- 9. Example of Open Ends by Omission Figure 3-10.Virtual Open Example Figure 3- 11. Out of Sequence Logic Example
  • 42. Figure 3- 12. Progress Override vs. Retained Logic Figure 3-13.Leads vs. Lags Figure 3-14.Resource Leveling Figure 3-15. Example Duration Probability Distribution for a Single Activity Figure 3- 16. Relationship between ES, PV, and EV Figure 3-17.Earned Schedule Reporting Figure 3- 18. Sample Project Schedule Presentations Figure X4-1.Base Worksheet Figure X4-2. Resource-Required Example Worksheet
  • 43. Figure X4-3. Resource-, EVM-, and Risk- Required Example Worksheet Figure X4-4. Resource- and Risk-Required Example Worksheet Figure X4- 5. Non-Scored Example Worksheet Table 3-1.Earned Schedule Formulas Table 3-2. Levels of Schedule Model Instance Presentations Table 4- 1. List of Components by Category Table 5- 1. Number of Components by Category Table X3-1. Sample Conformance Assessment Scoring Table
  • 45. Other documents randomly have different content
  • 46. Here these two Powers struck up an Alliance, Howard liking the Proposals, came readily into it, and the Treaty was ratified by both Companies. They staid above two Months at this Island, thinking it, perhaps, as likely a Place to meet with Prey as cruising out for it, and so indeed it happened; for about the beginning of March, the Ship Pembroke belonging to our East-India Company, coming in for Water, was boarded by their Boats, and taken, with the Loss of the chief Mate and another Man that were killed in the Skirmish. The two Pyrate Ships weighed, and went out to Sea along with their Prize, and that Day and the next plundered her of the best Part of her Cargo, Provisions and Stores, and then taking the Captain and Carpenter away, they let the Pembroke go where the Remainder of her Crew pleased, and came with their Ships into New Methelage. Here the two Captains consulted, and laid a Plan for a Cruize to India, for which Purpose they detained Captain Woolley of the Pembroke lately taken, in order to be their Pilot in those Seas; but a very hot Dispute arose between the two Companies, which Ship he should go aboard of, insomuch that they had gone together by the Ears, if an Expedient had not been found to satisfy each Party, that one might not have the Advantage of the other by the Captain’s Skill and Knowledge of the Indian Coast, and this was to knock the poor Man on the Head; and murder him; but at last, by the Authority of Bowen, Captain Woolley escaped the threaten’d Danger, by bringing his Company to consent to his remaining on board the Prosperous, where he then was. The Speedy Return being foul, and wanting a little Repair, it was judged proper for her to go back to Augustin Bay to clean; in the mean while the Prosperous was to have a Pair of Boot-Tops where she lay, and likewise to take in Water and Provision, and then to join their Consort again at Mayotta, the Island appointed for the Rendezvous. The Prosperous put into Mayotta as agreed on, and waiting there some Time for Bowen’s Ship, without seeing or hearing any News of her, went to Johanna, but not meeting with her there, they apprehended some Accident had befel her, and therefore left the Place, and sailed on the Expedition themselves. As to the Speedy
  • 47. Return, she arrived safe at St. Augustin’s Bay at Madagascar, and there cleaned and victualled; but tarrying there somewhat too long, the Winds hung contrary, and they could not for their Lives beat up to Mayotta, and therefore went to Johanna, where, hearing that their Friends had lately left that Island, they steered for the Red Sea, but the Wind not proving fair for their Design, they bore away for the High Land of St. John’s, near Surrat, where they once more fell in Company with their Brethren of the Prosperous. They cruiz’d together, as was first agreed on, and after some Time they had Sight of four Ships, to whom they gave Chace; but these separating, two standing to Northward, and two to the Southward, the Pyrates separated likewise, Bowen standing after those that steered Southerly, and Howard crowded after the others. Bowen came up with the heaviest of the two, which proved to be a Moorish Ship of 700 Tun, bound from the Gulph of Mocha to Surat. The Pyrates brought the Prize into Rajapora, on the Coast of India, where they plundered her; the Merchandize they sold to the Natives, but a small Sum of current Gold they found aboard, amounting to 22,000 l. English Money, they put into their Pockets. Two Days after the Prosperous came in, but without any Prize; however, they soon made their Friends acquainted that they had not succeeded worse than themselves, for at Surat River’s Mouth, where all the four Ships were bound, they came up with their Chace; and with a Broadside, one of them struck, but the other got into the Bay. They stood down the Coast with the Prize till they had plundered her of the best of her Cargoe, the most valuable of which was 84,000 Chequins, a Piece of about ten Shillings each, and then they left her adrift, without either Anchor or Cable, off Daman. While they were lying at Rajapora they past a Survey on their Shipping, and judging their own to be less serviceable than their Prize, they voted them to the Flames, and straightway fitted up the Surat Ship; they transported both Companies aboard of her, and then set Fire to the Prosperous and Speedy Return. They mustered at this Place 164 fighting Men, 43 only were English, the greater Number French, the rest Danes, Swedes and Dutch; they took aboard 70 Indians to do the Drudgery of the Ship, and mounted 56
  • 48. Guns, calling her the Defiance, and sailed from Rajapora the latter End of October, in the Year 1703, to cruize on the Coast of Mallabar: But not meeting with Prey in this first Cruise, they came to an Anchor about three Leagues to the Northward of Cochen, expecting some Boats to come off with Supplies of Refreshments, for which Purpose they fired several Guns, by way of Signal, but none appearing, the Quarter-Master was sent in the Pinnace to confer with the People, which he did with some Caution, keeping the Boat upon their Oars at the Shore-Side: In short, they agreed very well, the Pyrates were promised whatever Necessaries they wanted, and the Boat returned aboard. The next Day a Boat came off from the Town with Hogs, Goats, Wine, &c. with a private Intimation from Malpa, the Dutch Broker, an old Friend of the Pyrates, that a Ship of that Country called the Rimæ, lay then in Mudbay, not many Leagues off, and if they would go out and take her, he would purchase the Cargo of them, and likewise promised that they should be further supplied with Pitch, Tar, and all other Necessaries, which was made good to them; for People from the Factory flocked aboard every Hour, and dealt with them as in open Market, for all Sorts of Merchandize, Refreshments, Jewels and Plate, returning with Coffers of Money, &c. to a great Value. The Advice of the Ship was taken very kindly, but the Pyrates judging their own Ship too large to go close into the Bay, consulted their Friend upon Means for taking the said Ship, who readily treated with them for the Sale of one of less Burthen that lay then in the Harbour; but Malpa speaking to one Punt of the Factory to carry her out, he not only refused to be concerned in such a Piece of Villainy, but reproved Malpa for corresponding with the Pyrates, and told him, if he should be guilty of so base an Action, he must never see the Face of any of his Countrymen more; which made the honest Broker change both his Countenance and his Purpose. At this Place Captain Woolley, whom they had taken for their Pilot on the India Coast, being in a very sick and weak Condition, was, at his earnest Intreaty, discharged from his severe Confinement among them, and set ashore, and the next Day the Pyrates sailed, and
  • 49. ranged along the Mallabar Coast, in quest of more Booty. In their Way they met a second time with the Pembroke, and plundered her of some Sugar, and other small Things, and let her go again. From the Coast they sail’d back for the Island of Mauritius, where they lay some Time, and lived after their usual extravagant Manner. At Mauritius two of the Crew, viz. Israel Phipeny and Peter Freeland, left the Pyrates and concealed themselves in the Island till the Ship sailed. These two Men were part of Drummond’s Crew, who found an Opportunity of coming to England soon after on board the Raper Galley, and arrived at Portsmouth in March 1725. When this came to be known, Mr. John Green, Brother to Capt. Green, then under Sentence, went thither and got the Affidavits of the said Phipeny and Freeland, made before the Mayor of Portsmouth, containing several Matters herein mentioned, which Affidavits were immediately brought to London, and by the Secretary of State sent away Express to Scotland, which arrived there some Hours before Capt. Green was executed.
  • 50. W OF Capt. WILLIAM KID. e are now going to give an Account of one whose Name is better known in England, than most of those whose Histories we have already related; the Person we mean is Captain Kid, whose publick Trial and Execution here, rendered him the Subject of all Conversation, so that his Actions have been chanted about in Ballads; however, it is now a considerable Time since these Things passed, and though the People knew in general that Captain Kid was hanged, and that his Crime was Pyracy, yet there were scarce any, even at that Time, who were acquainted with his Life or Actions, or could account for his turning Pyrate. In the Beginning of King William’s War, Captain Kid commanded a Privateer in the West-Indies, and by several adventurous Actions acquired the Reputation of a brave Man, as well as an experienced Seaman. About this Time the Pyrates were very troublesome in those Parts, wherefore Captain Kid was recommended by the Lord Bellamont, then Governor of Barbadoes, as well as by several other Persons, to the Government here, as a Person very fit to be entrusted with the Command of a Government Ship, and to be employed in cruising upon the Pyrates, as knowing those Seas perfectly well, and being acquainted with all their lurking Places; but what Reasons governed the Politicks of those Times, I cannot tell, but this Proposal met with no Encouragement here, though it is certain it would have been of great Consequence to the Subject, our Merchants suffering incredible Damages by those Robbers. Upon this Neglect the Lord Bellamont and some others, who knew what great Captures had been made by the Pyrates, and what a
  • 51. prodigious Wealth must be in their Possession, were tempted to fit out a Ship at their own private Charge, and to give the Command of it to Captain Kid; and, to give the Thing a greater Reputation, as well as to keep their Seamen under the better Command, they procured the King’s Commission for the said Captain Kid, of which the following is an exact Copy. William Rex,
  • 52. ‘William the Third, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To our trusty and well beloved Captain William Kid, Commander of the Ship the Adventure Gally, or to any other the Commander of the same for the Time being, GREETING; Whereas we are informed, that Captain Thomas Too, John Ireland, Captain Thomas Wake, and Captain William Maze, or Mace, and other Subjects, Natives or Inhabitants of New-York, and elsewhere, in our Plantations in America, have associated themselves, with divers others, wicked and ill disposed Persons, and do, against the Law of Nations, commit many and great Pyracies, Robberies and Depredations on the Seas upon the Parts of America, and in other Parts, to the great Hinderance and Discouragement of Trade and Navigation, and to the great Danger and Hurt of our loving Subjects, our Allies, and all others, navigating the Seas upon their lawful Occasions. Now KNOW YE, that we being desirous to prevent the aforesaid Mischiefs, and, as much as in us lies, to bring the said Pyrates, Free Booters and Sea Rovers to Justice, have thought fit, and do hereby give and grant to the said William Kid (to whom our Commissioners for exercising the Office of Lord High Admiral of England, have granted a Commission as a private Man of War, bearing Date the 11th Day of December 1695), and unto the Commander of the said Ship for the Time being, and unto the Officers, Mariners, and others, which shall be under your Command, full Power and Authority to apprehend, sieze, and take into your Custody as well the said Captain Thomas Too, John Ireland, Captain Thomas Wake, and Captain William Maze, or Mace, as all such Pyrates, Free Booters and Sea Rovers, being either our Subjects, or of other Nations associated with them, which you shall meet with upon the Seas, or Coasts of America, or upon any other Seas or Coasts, with all their Ships and Vessels; and all such Merchandizes, Money, Goods and Wares as shall be found on Board, or with them, in Case they shall willingly yield themselves; but if they will not yield without fighting, then you are by Force to compel them to yield. And we do also require you to bring, or cause to be brought, such Pyrates, Free Booters, or Sea Rovers, as you shall seize, to a legal Tryal, to the End they may be proceeded
  • 53. against according to the Law in such Cases. And we do hereby command all our Officers, Ministers, and other our loving Subjects whatsover, to be aiding and assisting to you in the Premisses. And we do hereby enjoin you to keep an exact Journal of your Proceedings in the Execution of the Premisses, and set down the Names of such Pyrates, and of their Officers and Company, and the Names of such Ships and Vessels as you shall by Vertue of these Presents take and seize, and the Quantities of Arms, Ammunition, Provision and Lading of such Ships, and the true Value of the same, as near as you judge. And we do hereby strictly charge and command you as you will answer the contrary at your Peril, that you do not, in any Manner, offend or molest our Friends or Allies, their Ships, or Subjects, by Colour or Pretence of these Presents, or the Authority thereby granted. In Witness whereof we have caused our Great Seal of England to be affix’d to these Presents. Given at our Court of Kensington, the 26th Day of January 1695, in the seventh Year of our Reign.’ Captain Kid had also another Commission, which was called a Commission of Reprisals; for it being then War Time, this Commission was to justify him in the taking of French Merchant Ships, in Case he should meet with any; but as this Commission is nothing to our present Purpose, we shall not burthen the Readers with it. With these two Commissions he sail’d out of Plymouth in May 1696, in the Adventure Gally of thirty Guns, and eighty Men; the Place he first design’d for was New-York; in his Voyage thither he took a French Banker, but this was no Act of Pyracy, he having a Commission for that Purpose, as we have just observ’d. When he arrived at New York he put up Articles for engaging more Hands, it being necessary to his Ships Crew, since he proposed to deal with a desperate Enemy: The Terms he offered were, that every Man should have a Share of what was taken, reserving for himself and Owners forty Shares. Upon which Encouragement he soon increas’d his Company to a hundred and fifty five Men. With this Company he sail’d first for Maderas, where he took in Wine and some other Necessaries; from thence he proceeded to
  • 54. Bonavist, one of the Cape de Verd Islands, to furnish the Ship with Salt, and from thence went immediately to St. Jago, another of the Cape de Verd Islands, in order to stock himself with Provisions. When all this was done, he bent his Course to Madagascar, the known Rendezvouz of Pyrates; in his Way he fell in with Captain Warren, Commadore of three Men of War; he acquainted them with his Design, kept them Company two or three Days, and then leaving them, made the best Way for Madagascar, where he arrived in February 1696, just nine Months from his Departure from Plymouth. It happen’d that at this Time the Pyrate Ships were most of them out in search of Prey; so that according to the best Intelligence Captain Kid could get, there was not one of them at that Time about the Island, wherefore having spent some Time in watering his Ship, and taking in more Provisions, he thought of trying his Fortune on the Coast of Malabar, where he arrived in the Month of June following, four Months from his reaching Madagascar. Hereabouts he made an unsuccessful Cruize, touching sometimes at the Island of Mahala, sometimes at that of Joanna, betwixt Malabar and Madagascar: His Provisions were every Day wasting, and his Ship began to want Repair; wherefore, when he was at Joanna, he found Means of borrowing a Sum of Money from some French Men who had lost their Ship, but saved their Effects, and with this he purchas’d Materials for putting his Ship in good Repair. It does not appear all this while that he had the least Design of turning Pyrate; for near Mahala and Joanna both, he met with several Indian Ships richly laden, to which he did not offer the least Violence, tho’ he was strong enough to have done what he pleas’d with them; and the first Outrage or Depredation I find he committed upon Mankind, was after his repairing his Ship, and leaving Joanna; he touch’d at a Place call’d Mabbee, upon the Red Sea, where he took some Guinnea Corn from the Natives, by Force. After this he sail’d to Bab’s Key, a Place upon a little Island at the Entrance of the Red Sea; here it was that he first began to open himself to his Ship’s Company, and let them understand that he intended to change his Measures; for, happening to talk of the Moca Fleet which was to sail that Way, he said, We have been
  • 55. unsuccessful hitherto, but Courage, my Boys, we’ll make our Fortunes out of this Fleet: And finding that none of them appear’d averse to it, he order’d a Boat out, well mann’d, to go upon the Coast to make Discoveries, commanding them to take a Prisoner and bring to him, or get Intelligence any Way they could. The Boat return’d in a few Days, bringing him Word, that they saw fourteen or fifteen Ships ready to sail, some with English, some with Dutch, and some with Moorish Colours. We cannot account for this sudden Change in his Conduct, otherwise than by supposing that he first meant well, while he had Hopes of making his Fortune by taking of Pyrates; but now, weary of ill Success, and fearing least his Owners, out of Humour at their great Expences, should dismiss him, and he should want Employment, and be mark’d out for an unlucky Man; rather, I say, than run the Hazard of Poverty, he resolved to do his Business one Way, since he could not do it another. He therefore order’d a Man continually to watch at the Mast Head, least this Fleet should go by them; and about four Days after, towards Evening, it appear’d in Sight, being convoy’d by one English and one Dutch Man of War. Kid soon fell in with them, and getting into the midst of them, fir’d at a Moorish Ship which was next him; but the Men of War taking the Alarm, bore down upon Kid, and firing upon him, obliged him to sheer off, he not being strong enough to contend with them. Now he had begun Hostilities, he resolv’d to go on, and therefore he went and cruis’d along the Coast of Malabar; the first Prize he met was a small Vessel belonging to Aden, the Vessel was Moorish, and the Owners were Moorish Merchants, but the Master was an English Man, his Name was Parker. Kid forc’d him and a Portugueze that was call’d Don Antonio, which were all the Europeans on Board, to take on with them; the first he design’d as a Pilot, and the last as an Interpreter. He also used the Men very cruelly, causing them to be hoisted up by the Arms, and drubb’d with a naked Cutlash, to force them to discover whether they had Money on Board, and where it lay; but as they had neither Gold nor Silver on Board, he got nothing by his Cruelty; however, he took from them a Bale of Pepper, and a Bale of Coffee, and so let them go.
  • 56. A little Time after he touch’d at Carawar, a Place upon the same Coast, where, before he arrived, the News of what he had done to the Moorish Ship had reach’d them; for some of the English Merchants there had received an Account of it from the Owners, who corresponded with them; wherefore, as soon as Kid came in, he was suspected to be the Person who committed this Pyracy; and one Mr. Harvey and Mr. Mason, two of the English Factory, came on Board and ask’d for Parker, and Antonio the Portuguese; but Kid deny’d that he knew any such Persons, having secur’d them both in a private Place in the Hold, where they were kept for seven or eight Days, that is, till Kid sail’d from thence. However, the Coast was alarm’d, and a Portuguese Man of War was sent out to cruize: Kid met with her, and fought her about six Hours, gallantly enough; but finding her too strong to be taken, he quitted her; for he was able to run away from her when he would: Then he went to a Place call’d Porco, where he water’d the Ship, and bought a Number of Hogs of the Natives to victual his Company. Soon after this, he came up with a Moorish Ship, the Master whereof was a Dutch Man, call’d Schipper Mitchel, and chased her under French Colours, which they observing, hoisted French Colours too: When he came up with her, he hail’d her in French, and they having a French Man on Board, answer’d him in the same Language; upon which he order’d them to send their Boat on Board; they were oblig’d to do so, and having examin’d who they were, and from whence they came; he ask’d the French Man, who was a Passenger, if he had a French Pass for himself? The French Man gave him to understand that he had. Then he told the French Man he must pass for Captain, and by G-d, says he, you are the Captain: The French Man durst not refuse doing as he would have him: The Meaning of this was, that he would seize the Ship as fair Prize, and as if she had belong’d to French Subjects, according to a Commission he had for that Purpose; tho’, one would think, after what he had already done, that he need not have Recourse to a Quibble to give his Actions a Colour. In short, he took the Cargoe and sold it some Time after; yet still he seem’d to have some Fears upon him least these Proceedings
  • 57. should have a bad End; for, coming up with a Dutch Ship some Time, when his Men thought of nothing but attacking her, Kid oppos’d it; upon which a Mutiny arose, and the Majority being for taking the said Ship, and arming themselves to Man the Boat to go and seize her, he told them, such as did, never should come on Board him again; which put an End to the Design, so that he kept Company with the said Ship some Time, without offering her any Violence: However, this Dispute was the Occasion of an Accident, upon which an Indictment was afterwards grounded against Kid; for Moor, the Gunner, being one Day upon Deck, and talking with Kid about the said Dutch Ship, some Words arose betwixt them, and Moor told Kid, that he had ruin’d them all; upon which, Kid, calling him Dog, took up a Bucket and struck him with it, which breaking his Skull, he died the next Day. But Kid’s penitential Fit did not last long, for coasting along Malabar, he met with a great Number of Boats, all which he plunder’d. Upon the same Coast he also light upon a Portuguese Ship, which he kept Possession of a Week, and then having taken out of her some Chests of India Goods, thirty Jars of Butter, with some Wax, Iron, and a hundred Bags of Rice, he let her go. Much about the same Time he went to one of the Malabar Islands for Wood and Water, and his Cooper being ashore, was murder’d by the Natives; upon which Kid himself landed, and burnt and pillaged several of their Houses, the People running away; but having taken one, he caused him to be tied to a Tree, and commanded one of his Men to shoot him; then putting to Sea again he took the greatest Prize, which fell into his Hands, while he followed this Trade; this was a Moorish Ship of 400 Tons richly laden, named the Queda Merchant, the Master whereof was an English Man, he was call’d Wright, for the Indians often make Use of English or Dutch Men to command their Ships, their own Mariners not being so good Artists in Navigation.—Kid chased her under French Colours, and having come up with her, he ordered her to hoist out her Boat, and to send on Board of him, which being done, he told Wright he was his Prisoner; and informing himself concerning the said Ship, he understood there were no Europeans on Board, except two Dutch,
  • 58. and one Frenchman, all the Rest being Indians or Armenians, and that the Armenians were Part Owners of the Cargoe. Kid gave the Armenians to understand, that if they would offer any Thing that was worth his taking for their Ransome, he would hearken to it: Upon which, they proposed to pay him twenty thousand Rupees, not quite three thousand Pounds Sterling; but Kid judged this would be making a bad Bargain, wherefore he rejected it, and setting the Crew on Shore, at different Places on the Coast, he soon sold as much of the Cargoe as came to near ten thousand Pounds. With Part of it he also trafficked, receiving in Exchange Provisions, or such other Goods as he wanted; by Degrees he disposed of the whole Cargoe, and when the Division was made, it came to about two hundred Pounds a Man, and having reserved forty Shares to himself, his Dividend amounted to about eight thousand Pounds Sterling. The Indians along the Coast came on Board and traffick’d with all Freedom, and he punctually performed his Bargains, till about the Time he was ready to sail; and then thinking he should have no further Occasion for them, he made no Scruple of taking their Goods, and setting them on Shore without any Payment in Money or Goods, which they little expected; for as they had been used to deal with Pyrates, they always found them Men of Honour in the Way of Trade: A People, Enemies to Deceit, and that scorn’d to rob but in their own Way. Kid put some of his Men on Board the Queda Merchant, and with this Ship and his own sail’d for Madagascar; as soon as he was arrived and had cast Anchor, there came on Board of him a Canoe, in which were several Englishmen, who had formerly been well acquainted with Kid; as soon as they saw him they saluted him, and told him, they were informed he was come to take them, and hang them, which would be a little unkind in such an old Acquaintance; Kid soon dissipated their Doubts, by swearing he had no such Design, and that he was now in every Respect their Brother, and just as bad as they; and calling for a Cup of Bomboo, drank their Captain’s Health. These Men belong’d to a Pyrate Ship, call’d the Resolution, formerly the Mocco Merchant, whereof one Captain Culliford was
  • 59. Commander, and which lay at an Anchor not far from them; Kid went on Board with them, promising them his Friendship and Assistance, and Culliford in his Turn came on Board of Kid; and Kid to testify his Sincerity in Iniquity, finding Culliford in want of some Necessaries, made him a Present of an Anchor and some Guns, to fit him out for the Sea again. The Adventure Galley was now so old and leaky, that they were forced to keep two Pumps continually going, wherefore Kid shifted all the Guns and Tackle out of her into the Queda Merchant, intending her for his Man of War; and as he had divided the Money before, he now made a Division of the Remainder of the Cargo: Soon after which, the greatest Part of the Company left him, some going on Board Captain Culliford, and others absconding in the Country, so that he had not above forty Men left. He put to Sea and happened to touch at Amboyna, one of the Dutch Spice Islands, where he was told, that the News of his Actions had reach’d England, and that he was there declared a Pyrate. The Truth on’t is, his Pyracies so alarmed our Merchants, that some Motions were made in Parliament, to enquire into the Commission that was given him, and the Persons who fitted him out: These Proceedings seem’d to lean a little hard upon the Lord Bellamont, who thought himself so much touch’d thereby, that he published a Justification of himself in a Pamphlet after Kid’s Execution. In the mean Time, it was thought adviseable, in order to stop the Course of these Pyracies, to publish a Proclamation, offering the King’s free Pardon to all such Pyrates as should voluntarily surrender themselves, whatever Pyracies they had been guilty of at any Time, before the last Day of April, 1699.—That is to say, for all Pyracies committed Eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, to the Longitude and Meridian of Socatora, and Cape Camorin. In which Proclamation, Avery and Kid were excepted by Name. When Kid left Amboyna he knew nothing of this Proclamation, for certainly had he had Notice of his being excepted in it, he would not have been so infatuated, to run himself into the very Jaws of Danger; but relying upon his Interest with the Lord Bellamont, and fancying, that a French Pass or two he found on Board some of the
  • 60. Ships he took, would serve to countenance the Matter, and that Part of the Booty he got would gain him new Friends.—I say, all these Things made him flatter himself that all would be hushed, and that Justice would but wink at him.—Wherefore he sail’d directly for New- York, where he was no sooner arrived, but by the Lord Bellamont’s Orders, he was secured with all his Papers and Effects. Many of his Fellow-Adventurers who had forsook him at Madagascar, came over from thence Passengers, some to New England and some to Jersey; where hearing of the King’s Proclamation for pardoning of Pyrates, they surrendered themselves to the Governor of those Places: At first they were admitted to Bail, but soon after were laid in strict Confinement where they were kept for some time, till an Opportunity happened of sending them with their Captain over to England to be tried. Accordingly a Sessions of Admiralty being held at the Old Baily, in May 1701, Captain Kid, Nicholas Churchill, James How, Robert Lumley, William Jenkins, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Richard Barlicorn, Abel Owens, and Darby Mullins, were arraign’d for Pyracy and Robbery on the High Seas, and all found guilty, except three; these were Robert Lumley, William Jenkins, and Richard Barlicorne, who proving themselves to be Apprentices to some of the Officers of the Ship, and producing their Indentures in Court, were acquitted. The three above-mentioned, tho’ they were proved to be concern’d in taking and sharing the Ship and Goods mentioned in the Indictment, yet, as the Gentlemen of the long Robe rightly distinguished, there was a great Difference between their Circumstances and the rest; for there must go an Intention of the Mind and a Freedom of the Will to the committing an Act of Felony or Pyracy. A Pyrate is not to be understood to be under Constraint, but a free Agent; for in this Case, the bare Act will not make a Man guilty, unless the Will make it so. Now a Servant, it is true, if he go voluntarily and have his Proportion, he must be accounted a Pyrate, for then he acts upon his own Account, and not by Compulsion; and these Persons, according to the Evidence, received their Part, but whether they accounted to their Masters for their Shares afterwards, is the Matter
  • 61. in Question, and what distinguishes them as free Agents or Men, that did go under the Compulsion of their Masters, which being left to the Consideration of the Jury, they found them Not Guilty. Kid was tryed upon an Indictment of Murder also, viz. for killing Moor the Gunner, and found guilty of the same. Nicholas Churchill and James How pleaded the King’s Pardon, as having surrendered themselves within the Time limited in the Proclamation, and Colonel Bass, Governor of West Jersey, to whom they surrendered, being in Court, and called upon, proved the same; however, this Plea was over-ruled by the Court, because there being four Commissioners named in the Proclamation, viz. Captain Thomas Warren, Israel Hayes, Peter Delannoye, and Christopher Pollard, Esqrs; who were appointed Commissioners, and sent over on Purpose to receive the Submissions of such Pyrates as should surrender, it was adjudged no other Person was qualified to receive their Surrender, and that they could not be intitled to the Benefit of the said Proclamation, because they had not in all Circumstances complied with the Conditions of it. Darby Mullins urg’d in his Defence, that he serv’d under the King’s Commission, and therefore could not disobey his Commander without incurring great Punishments; that whenever a Ship or Ships went out upon any Expedition under the King’s Commissioners, the Men were never allowed to call their Officers to an Account, why they did this, or, why they did that, because such a Liberty would destroy all Discipline; that if any Thing was done which was unlawful, the Officers were to answer it, for the Men did no more than their Duty in obeying Orders. He was told by the Court, that acting under the Commission justified in what was lawful, but not in what was unlawful; he answered, he stood in Need of nothing to justify him in what was lawful, but that the Case of Seamen must be very hard, if they must be brought into such Danger for obeying the Commands of their Officers, and punished for not obeying them; and if they were allowed to dispute the Orders, there could be no such Thing as Command kept up at Sea. This seem’d to be the best Defence the Thing could bear; but his taking a Share of the Plunder, the Seamens mutinying on Board several Times, and taking upon them to controul the Captain,
  • 62. shewed there was no Obedience paid to the Commission; and that they acted in all Things according to the Custom of Pyrates and Free-booters, which weighing with the Jury, they brought him in guilty with the rest. As to Capt. Kid’s Defence, he insisted much upon his own Innocence, and the Villany of his Men; he said, he went out in a laudable Employment, and had no Occasion, being then in good Circumstances, to go a Pyrating; that the Men often mutinied against him, and did as they pleas’d; that he was threatened to be shot in his Cabin, and that Ninety five left him at one Time, and set Fire to his Boat, so that he was disabled from bringing his Ship home, or the Prizes he took, to have them regularly condemn’d, which he said were taken by Virtue of a Commission under the Broad Seal, they having French Passes.—The Captain called one Col. Hewson to his Reputation, who gave him an extraordinary Character, and declared to the Court, that he had served under his Command, and been in two Engagements with him against the French, in which he fought as well as any Man he ever saw; that there were only Kid’s Ship and his own against Monsieur du Cass, who commanded a Squadron of six Sail, and they got the better of him.—But this being several Years before the Facts mentioned in the Indictment were committed, prov’d of no manner of Service to the Prisoner on his Tryal. As to the Friendship shewn to Culliford, a notorious Pyrate, Kid deny’d, and said, he intended to have taken him, but his Men being a Parcel of Rogues and Villains refused to stand by him, and several of them ran away from his Ship to the said Pyrate.—But the Evidence being full and particular against him, he was found guilty as before mentioned. When Kid was asked what he had to say why Sentence should not pass against him, he answered, That he had nothing to say, but that he had been sworn against by perjured wicked People. And when Sentence was pronounced, he said, My Lord, it is a very hard Sentence. For my Part, I am the innocentest Person of them all, only I have been sworn against by perjured Persons. Wherefore about a Week after, Capt. Kid, Nicholas Churchill, James How, Gabriel Loff, Hugh Parrot, Abel Owen, and Darby
  • 63. Mullins, were executed at Execution Dock, and afterwards hung up in Chains, at some Distance from each other, down the River, where their Bodies hung exposed for many Years.
  • 64. B OF Captain TEW, And his Crew. efore I enter on the Adventures of this Pyrate, I must take Notice to the Reader of the Reasons which made me not continue the Life of Misson. In reading the Notes, which I have by me, relating to Captain Tew, I found him join’d with Misson; and that I must either be guilty of Repetition, or give an Account of Tew in Misson’s Life, which is contrary to the Method I propos’d, that of giving a distinct Relation of every Pyrate who has made any Figure: And surely Tew, in Point of Gallantry, was inferior to none, and may justly claim a particular Account of his Actions. However, before I enter on the Life of this Pyrate, I shall continue that of Misson to the Time that these two Commanders met. The Blacks seeing them so much upon their Guard, brought out boiled Rice and Fowls, and after they had satisfied their Hunger, the Chief made Signs that they were the same who had carried a Negroe to their Ships, and sent for the Ax and Piece of Baze they had given him: While this pass’d, the very Negroe came from hunting, who seem’d overjoy’d to see them. The Chief made Signs that they might return, and ten Negroes coming to them laden with Fowls and Kids; he gave them to understand, they should accompany them to their Ships with these Presents.
  • 65. They parted very amicably, and in hopes of settling a good Correspondence with these Natives; all the Houses were neatly framed and jointed, not built from any Foundation, but so made, that half a dozen Men could lift and transport them from Place to Place; and sometimes a whole Village shall be in Motion, which would be an odd Sight in Europe, and surprizing to see Houses moving. The Hunters returning to their Ships, with these Presents and Negroes, were joyfully received; and the Negroes not only caressed, but laden with Baze, Iron Kettles, and Rum, besides the Present of a Cutlash for the Chief. While the Negroes stay’d, which was the Space of three Days, they examined and admired the Forts and growing Town, in which all Hands were busied, and not even the Prisoners excused. As Monsieur Misson apprehended no Danger from the Land, his Fort (tho’ of Wood) being, he thought, a sufficient Defence to his infant Colony; he took a hundred and sixty Hands, and went a second Time on the Coast of Zanguebor, and off Quiloa he gave Chase to a large Ship, which lay by for him: She prov’d an over- match for the Victoire, which engag’d her, with great Loss of Men, near eight Glasses; but finding he was more likely to be took, than to make a Prize, by the Advice of his Officers and Men, endeavour’d to leave the Portuguese, which was a 50 Gun Ship, and had 300 Men on Board; but he found this Attempt vain, for the Portuguese went as well as the Victoire, and the Commander was a resolute and brave Man, who, seeing him endeavour to shake him off, clapp’d him on Board, but lost most of the Men he enter’d. Misson’s Crew not used to be attack’d, and expecting no Quarter, fought so desperately, that they not thoroly clear’d their Decks, but some of them follow’d the Portuguese, who leap’d into their own Ship; which Misson seeing, hop’d to make an Advantage of their Despair, and crying out, Elle est a nous, a l’abordage. She’s our own, board, board her, so many of his Men followed the few, that hardly were there enough left to work the Ship; Misson observing this Resolution in his Men, grappled the Portuguese Ship, and leap’d himself on Board, crying out, la Mort, ou la Victoire, Death or Victory. The Portuguese, who thought themselves in a manner Conquerors, seeing the Enemy not
  • 66. only drive off those who enter’d them, but board with that Resolution, began to quit the Decks in Spight of their Officers: The Captain and Misson met, as he was endeavouring to hinder the Flight of his Men; they engaged with equal Bravery with their Cutlashes; but Misson striking him on the Neck, he fell down the main Hatch, which put an End to the Fight, for the Portuguese seeing their Captain fall, threw down their Arms, and call’d for Quarters, which was granted; and all the Prisoners without Distinction being order’d between Decks, and the Powder-Room secured, he put 35 Men on Board the Prize, and made the best of his Way for Libertatia. This was the dearest Prize he ever made, for he lost fifty six Men: She was vastly rich in Gold, having near 200,000 l. Sterling on Board, being her own and the Cargo of her Companion, which was lost upon the Coast, of whose Crew she had saved 100 Men out of 120, the rest being lost, by endeavouring to swim ashore; whereas had their Fear suffer’d them to have staid, there had not been a Soul lost, the Tide of Ebb leaving their Ship dry: This was the Reason that the Prize was so well mann’d, and proved so considerable. Being within Sight of Madagascar, they spied a Sloop which stood for them, and when in Gun-Shot, threw out black Colours, and fired a Gun to Windward; Misson brought to, fired another to Leeward, and hoisted out his Boat, which the Sloop perceiving, lay by for. Misson’s Lieutenant went on Board, and was received very civilly by Captain Tew, who was the Commander, to whom the Lieutenant gave a short Account of their Adventures and new Settlement, inviting him very kindly on Board Captain Misson. Tew told him, he could not consent to go with him till he had the Opinion of his Men; in the mean while Misson, coming along-side, hal’d the Sloop, and invited the Captain on Board, desiring his Lieutenant would stay as an Hostage, if they were in the least jealous of him; which they had no Reason to be, since he was of Force so much superior, that he need not employ Stratagem. This determined the Company on Board the Sloop, who advised their Captain to go with the Lieutenant, whom they would not suffer to stay behind, to shew the greater Confidence in their new Friends.
  • 67. My Reader may be surprized that a single Sloop should venture to give Chase to two Ships of such Countenance as were the Victoire and her Prize: But this Wonder will cease, when he is acquainted with the Sequel. Captain Tew after being handsomely regal’d on Board the Victoire, and thoroughly satisfied, returned on Board his Sloop, gave an Account of what he had learned, and his Men consenting, he gave Orders to steer the same Course with Misson, whose Settlement it was agreed to visit. I shall here leave them to give an Account of Captain Tew. Mr. Richier, Governor of Bermudas, fitted out two Sloops on the Privateer Account, commanded by Captain George Drew, and Captain Thomas Tew, with Instructions to make the best of their Way to the River Gambia in Africa, and there, with the Advice and Assistance of the Agent for the Royal African Company, to attempt the taking the French Factory of Goorie on that Coast. The above Commanders having their Commissions and Instructions from the Governor, took their Departure from Bermudas, and kept Company some Time; but Drew springing his Mast, and a violent Storm coming upon them, they lost each other. Tew being separated from his Consort, thought of providing for his future case, by making one bold Push; and accordingly, calling all Hands on Deck, he spoke to them to this Purpose. ‘That they were not ignorant of the Design with which the Governor fitted them out; the taking and destroying the French Factory; that he, indeed, readily agreed to take a Commission to this end, tho’ contrary to his Judgment, because it was being employ’d; but that he thought it a very injudicious Expedition, which did they succeed in, would be of no Use to the Publick, and only advantage a private Company of Men, from whom they could expect no Reward of their Bravery; that he could see nothing but Danger in the Undertaking, without the least Prospect of a Booty; that he could not suppose any Man fond of fighting, for fighting-sake; and few ventured their Lives, but with some View either of particular Interest or publick Good; but here was not the least Appearance of either. Wherefore, he was of Opinion, that they should turn their Thoughts
  • 68. on what might better their Circumstances; and if they were so inclined, he would undertake to shape a Course which should lead them to Ease and Plenty, in which they might pass the rest of their Days. That one bold Push would do their Business, and they might return home, not only without Danger, but even with Reputation.’ The Crew finding he expected their Resolution, cry’d out, one and all, A gold Chain, or a wooden Leg, we’ll stand by you. Hearing this, he desired they would chuse a Quarter Master, who might consult with him for the Common Good; which was accordingly done. I must acquaint the Reader, that on Board the West-India Privateers and Free-booters, the Quarter Master’s Opinion is like the Mufti’s among the Turk’s; the Captain can undertake nothing which the Quarter Master does not approve. We may say, the Quarter Master is an humble Imitation of the Roman Tribune of the People; he speaks for, and looks after the Interest of the Crew. Tew now, instead of his proceeding on his Voyage to Gambia, shaped his Course for the Cape of Good Hope, which doubling, he steered for the Streights of Babel Mandel, entring into the Red Sea, where they came up with a tall Ship bound from the Indies to Arabia; she was richly laden, and as she was to clear the Coasts of Rovers, five more, extreamly rich (one especially in Gold) being to follow her, she had 300 Soldiers on Board, beside her Seamen. Tew, on making this Ship, told his Men she carried their Fortunes, which they would find no Difficulty to take Possession of; for though he was satisfied she was full of Men, and was mounted with a great Number of Guns, they wanted the two Things necessary, Skill and Courage; and, indeed, so it proved, for he boarded and carried her without Loss, every one taking more Care to run from the Danger, than to exert himself in the Defence of his Goods. In rummaging this Prize, the Pyrates threw over a great many rich Bales, to search for Gold, Silver, and Jewels; and, having taken what they thought proper, together with the Powder, part of which (as being more than they could handsomely stow) they threw into the Sea; they left her, sharing 3000 l. Sterling a Man.
  • 69. Encouraged by this Success, Captain Tew proprosed the going in quest of the other five Ships, of which he had Intelligence from the Prize; but the Quarter-Master opposing him, he was obliged to drop the Design, and steer for Madagascar. Here the Quarter Master finding this Island productive of all the Necessaries of Life; that the Air was wholesome, the Soil fruitful, and the Sea abounding with Fish, proposed settling; but only three and twenty of the Crew came into the Proposal: The rest staid with Captain Tew, who having given the new Settlers their Share of Plunder, designed to return to America, as they afterwards did; but spying the Victoire and her Prize, he thought he might, by their Means, return somewhat richer, and resolved to speak with them, as I have already said. Tew and his Company having taken the above Resolution of visiting Mons. Misson’s Colony, arrived with him, and was not a little surprized to see his Fortifications. When they came under the first Fort, they saluted it with nine Guns, and they were answered with an equal Number; all the Prisoners, at their coming to an Anchor, were suffer’d to come up, a Privilege they had never before granted them, on account of the few Hands left them, except two or three at a time. The Joy those ashore expressed at the Sight of so considerable a Prize as they judged her at first Sight, was vastly allay’d, when they heard how dear a Purchase she had prov’d to them; however, the Reinforcement of the Sloop made some amends; Captain Tew was received by Caraccioli and the rest, with great Civility and Respect, who did not a little admire his Courage, both in attacking the Prize he made, and afterwards in giving Chase to Misson; he was called to the Council of Officers, which was immediately held, to consider what Methods should be taken with the Prisoners, who were, by 190 brought in by this new Prize, near as numerous as those of his own Party, though Tew join them with 70 Men; it was therefore resolved to keep them separate from the Portuguese and English, who were before taken, to make them believe they were in Amity with a Prince of the Natives, who was very powerful, and to propose to them, at their Choice, the assisting the new Colony in their Works, or the
  • 70. being sent Prisoners up the Country, if they rejected the entering with them. Seventy three took on, and the rest desired they might be any way employ’d, rather than be sent up the Country; 117 then were set to Work upon a Dock, which was laid out about half a Mile above the Mouth of the Harbour, and the other Prisoners were forbid to pass such Bounds as were prescribed them on Pain of Death; lest they, knowing their own Strength, should revolt; for I must acquaint the Reader, that on the Arrival of the Victoire, both their Loss and the Number of Portuguese they brought in, was known to none but themselves, and the Number of those who came over, magnified; besides, the Johanna Men were all arm’d and disciplin’d, and the Bijoux laid a Guardship, where the last Prisoners were set to Work; but while they provided for their Security, both within and without, they did not neglect providing also for their Support, for they dug and sow’d a large Plat of Ground with Indian and European Corn, and other Seeds which they had found on Board their Prizes. In the mean while Caraccioli, who had the Art of Perswasion, wrought on many of the Portuguese, who saw no Hopes of returning home, to join them. Misson, who could not be easy in an inactive Life, would have taken another Cruize; but fearing the Revolt of the Prisoners, durst not weaken his Colony by the Hands he must necessarily take with him: Wherefore, he propos’d giving the last Prize to, and sending away the Prisoners. Carracioli and Captain Tew were against it, saying, that it would discover their Retreat, and cause their being attacked by the Europeans, who had Settlements along the Continent, before they were able to defend themselves. Misson reply’d, he could not bear to be always diffident of those about him; that it was better die once, than live in continual Apprehensions of Death. That the Time was come for the sending away the Johanna Men, and that they could not go without a Ship, neither durst he trust a Ship out, not well mann’d, nor man her while so many Prisoners were with him. Wherefore there was a Necessity of sending them off, or of putting them all to the Sword. A Barbarity by which he would not purchase his Security. A Council was called, and what Captain Misson had proposed, agreed to. The Prisoners were then summon’d and he told them, in few Words, that he knew the
  • 71. Consequence of giving them Liberty; that he expected to be attacked as soon as the Place of his Retreat was known, and had it in his Hands, by putting them to Death to avoid the doubtful Fate of War; but his Humanity would not suffer him to entertain a Thought so cruel, and his Alliances with the Natives, he hoped, would enable him to repel his Assailants; but he required an Oath of every one, that he should not serve against him: He then enquired into the Circumstances of every particular Man, and what they had lost, all which he return’d, telling the Company it should be reckoned as Part of his Share, and the Prisoners, that he did not make War with the Oppressed, but the Oppressors. The Prisoners were charm’d with this Mark of Generosity and Humanity, and wished he might never meet a Treatment unworthy of that he gave them. The Ship being victualled for a Voyage to the Coast of Zanguebar, all her Guns and Ammunitions taken out, with the spare Sails, and spare Rigging, all were ordered to be gone, and 137 departed, highly applauding the Behaviour of their Enemies. All this while they had heard nothing from the Natives, nor had the hunting Parties met with any of them, which made Misson suspect they were afraid of his being their Neighbour, and had shifted their Quarters; but as the Johanna Men were upon going away, there came about 50 Negroes to them, driving about 100 Head of black Cattle, 20 Negroe Men bound, and 25 Women, for which Cattle and Prisoners they barter’d Rum, Hatchets, Baze and Beads; some Hogsheads of which last Commodity they had taken on the Coast of Angola. Here the Negroes belonging to Misson were provided with Wives: The Natives were caress’d, and to the Slaves Signs made that their Liberty was given them, they were immediately cloathed and put under the Care of as many Whites, who, by all possible Demonstrations, endeavoured to make them understand that they were Enemies to Slavery. The Natives staid ten Days, which retarded the Departure of the Johanna Men; but, upon their retiring, the Bijoux sailed with 100 of them on Board, under the command of Caraccioli’s Lieutenant, who excused the keeping them a Month longer than was promised, and not bringing them at once, having no more than two Ships. The Portuguese Ship, which was unrigg’d, being made a Hulk, the ten
  • 72. Men of Misson’s Company who had settled at Johanna, being desirous to return, were brought to Libertatia with their Wives (of which they had two and three a piece) and their Children, the Bijoux, at two more Voyages, carried over the rest of the Johannians. Misson hove down the Bijoux, and resolving on a Cruise on the Coast of Guiney, to strengthen his Colony by the Capture of some slaving Ship, he gave the Command of her to Captain Tew, and he and Caraccioli press’d the Work of the Dock; he gave him also 200 Hands, of which 40 were Portuguese, 37 Negroes, 17 of them expert Sailors, 30 English, and the rest French. Tew met with nothing in his Way till he came to the Northward of the Cape of Good Hope, when he fell in with a Dutch East-India Galley of 18 Guns, which he took after a small Resistance, and with the Loss of one Man only; on the Coast of Angola he took an English Man with 240 Slaves, Men, Women, and Boys. The Negroes, who had before been taken on this Coast, found among these a great many of their Acquaintance, and several of their Relations, to whom they reported their happy and unexpected change of Fortune, the great Captain (for so they now called Misson) humanly having knocked off their Chains, and of Slaves made them free Men, and Sharers in his Fortunes. That the same good Fortune had attended them in their falling into his Hands, for he abhorr’d even the Name of Slavery. Tew following the Orders, and acquainted with the Policy of Misson, order’d their Fetters and Handcuffs to be taken off, upon his Negroe Sailors, assuring him they would not revolt, and were sensible of their Happiness in falling into his Hands. Content with these Prizes, he made the best of his Way home to Libertatia, where he arrived without any sinister Accident; but I forgot to tell my Reader, that he set his Dutch Prisoners (nine excepted, who took on with him) ashore, about 30 Miles to the Northward of the Cape, in Soldinia Bay, where had been buried, by Captain Misson, the English Commander; he found a great Quantity of English Crowns on Board his Dutch Prize, which were carried into the common Treasury, Money being of no Use where every Thing was in common, and no Hedge bounded any particular Man’s Property. The Slaves he had released in this last
  • 73. Cruize were employ’d in the perfecting the Dock, and treated on the Foot of free People. They were not ignorant of the Change of their Condition, and were therefore extreamly diligent and faithful. A White Man, or one of the old standing Negroes, wrought with every four, and made them understand the French Words (by often Repetition, and the Help of their Country Mens interpreting) used in their Works. Misson ordered a couple of Sloops to be built in a Creek, of 80 Tun each, which he mounted with 8 Guns a piece, out of the Dutch Prize. These were perfected in a little Time, and proved not only shapely Vessels, but excellent Sailors. The Officers of these Sloops were chosen by ballotting, and as their first Design was only to discover and lay down a Chart of the Coast, Sands, Shoals, and Depths of Water round the Island of Madagascar; The School Master being sent for that Reason with the Command of one, Tew desired, and had the other. They were mann’d, each Sloop with 50 Whites and 50 black Men. Which Voyage round the Island was of vast Advantage in giving the new released Angola Negroes a Notion of the working a Vessel; and they were very industrious both in endeavouring to learn the French Language, and to be useful. These Sloops, the one of which was called the Childhood, and the other the Liberty, were near four Months on this Expedition; in the mean while a few of the Natives had come often to the Settlement, and they began to speak a little broken French, mix’d with the other European Languages, which they heard among Misson’s People, and six of the native Families fixed among them, which was of vast Use to the Planters of this new Colony; for they made a very advantageous Report to their Country Men of the Regularity and Harmony they observed in them. The Sloops being return’d, and an exact Chart taken of the Coast, Carraccioli had a mind for a Cruize; he proposed the visiting all the neighbouring Islands, accordingly he went out to Mascarenas, and the other Islands near it, taking one half of his Crew of Negroes, and return’d with a Dutch Prize, which he took off the abovementioned Island, where they were about fixing a Colony. This Prize, as it had on Board all Sorts of European Goods, and Necessaries for settling, was more valuable than if it had been vastly richer. The Negroes growing useful Hands, Misson resolved on a
  • 74. Cruize to the Northward, encouraged by Tew’s Success; and, with all the Blacks, which he divided between the two Ships, one of which Captain Tew commanded, set out with 500 Men: Off the Coast of Arabia Fœlix, they fell in with a Ship belonging to the Great Mogul, bound for Zidon, with Pilgrims to Mecca, who, with Moor Mariners, made up the Number of 1600 Souls. This Ship carried 110 Guns, but made a very poor Defence, being encumber’d with the Goods and Number of Passengers they carried. The two Adventurers did not think it their Business to cannonade, they therefore boarded as soon as they came up with her, and the Moors no sooner saw them enter’d, but they discharged one Volley of small Arms at Random, we may suppose, because no Execution was done, and fled the Decks. Being Masters of this Ship, which did not cost them a single Man, they consulted what they should do with her, and the Prisoners, and it was resolved to set them ashore between Ain and Aden; but as they wanted Women, to keep all the unmarried, and to navigate the Ship to Libertatia; as the Guns might be of Use to them; and, by letting her go, or sinking, they might lose, perhaps, a considerable Booty, which the Moors, might have hid in her Cielings or Ballast. This Resolution was put in Execution, and they brought off 100 Girls, from 12 to 18 Years old, who designed to make the Pilgrimage with their Parents. The Lamentations this Separation caused among the Prisoners, had such Effect on Misson, that he was for letting them go, but every one of his Men were against him. They now made the best of their Way for Madagascar, putting 200 Hands on board the Prize, which proved a very heavy Sailer, and retarded them very much. Off the Cape Guarde Fin they were overtaken with a cruel Storm, which was very near wrecking them on the Island called Irmanos; but the Wind coming about due North, they had the good Luck to escape this Danger. Though the Fury of the Wind abated, yet it blew so hard for 12 Days together, that they could only carry their Courses reef’d. They spy’d a Sail in their Passage, but the Weather would not permit their endeavouring to speak with her. In a Word, they return’d to Libertatia with their Prize, without any other Accident, but the Captors could make no Estimate of her Value, she
  • 75. having on Board a vast Quantity of Diamonds, besides rich Silks, raw Silks, Spices, Carpets, and wrought and bar Gold. The Prize was taken to pieces, as she was of no Use; her Cordage and knee Timber preserv’d, with all the Bolts, Eyes, Chains, and other Iron Work, and her Guns planted on two Points of the Harbour, where they raised Batteries, so that they were now so strongly fortified they apprehended no Danger from any Number of Shipping which could be brought into those Seas to attack them. They had, by this Time, clear’d, sown, and enclosed a good Parcel of Ground, and taken in a Quantity of Pasturage, where they had above 300 Head of black Cattle, bought of the Natives. The Dock was now finish’d, and the Victoire growing old and unfit for a long Voyage, and the last Storm having shook and loosened her very much, she was pull’d to pieces and rebuilt, keeping the same Name. She was rigg’d, victuall’d, and fit to go to Sea, and was to sail to the Coast of Guinea for more Negroes, when one of the Sloops came in, which had been sent out rather to exercise the Negroes, than with any View of making a Prize, and brought Word five tall Ships chac’d her into the Bay, and stood for their Harbour; that she judg’d them to be Portuguese by their Built, and 50 Gun Ships, full of Men. This prov’d the real Truth. The Alarm was given, the Forts and Batteries mann’d, and every Man stood to his Arms. Misson took upon him the Command of 100 Negroes, who were well disciplin’d, (for every Morning they had been used to perform their Exercise, which was taught them by a French Serjeant, one of their Company, who belong’d to the Victoire) to be ready where his Assistance should be requir’d. Tew commanded all the English. They had hardly order’d their Affairs when these Ships hove in Sight, and stood directly for the Harbour with Portuguese Colours. They were warmly received by the two Forts, which did not stop them, though it brought one of them on the Careen; they enter’d the Harbour, and thought they had done their Business, but were saluted so warmly from the Forts and Batteries, Sloops and Ships, that two of them sunk downright, and a great many Men were drowned, though some got on Board the other Ships. The Portuguese, who did not imagine they had been so well fortified, and thought in passing the two Forts they should,
  • 76. without Difficulty, land their Men, and easily root out this Nest of Pyrates, found now their Mistake, for they durst not venture to hoist out a Boat. They had wisely, however, contriv’d to enter just before the Turn of the Tide. Finding the Attempt vain, and that they lost a great many Men, they clapp’d upon a Wind, and with the Help of the Tide of Ebb, made more Haste out than they did to get in, leaving two of their Ships sunk in the Harbour; but they did not get off so cheaply, for no sooner were they clear of the Forts, but Misson manning, with the utmost Expedition, both the Ships and the Sloops, he gave them Chase, and engag’d them at the Mouth of the Bay. The Portuguese defended themselves with a great deal of Gallantry, and one of them put off the Libertatians twice, who boarded them from the two Sloops; two of them, finding themselves hard press’d, made a running Fight, and got off, and left the third to shift as well as he could. The Bijoux and Victoire finding the Portuguese endeavour’d to clear themselves, and knowing there was little to be got by the Captures, gave over the Chase, and fell upon the third, who defended himself till his Decks swam with Blood, and the greater Number of his Men killed; but finding all Resistance vain, and that he was left to an unequal Fight by his Companions, he called for Quarter, and good Quarter was given, both to himself and Men. This Prize yielded them a great Quantity of Powder and Shot, and, indeed, they expected nothing of Value out of her. None of the Prisoners were stripp’d, and the Officers, Misson, Caraccioli and Tew, invited to their Tables, treating them very civilly, and extolling the Courage they had shewn in their Defence. Unhappily two Prisoners were found on Board, who had been released, and had sworn never to serve against them; these were clapp’d in Irons, and publickly tried for their Perjury. The Portuguese Officers being present, the Witnesses proved them the very discharged Men, and they were condemned to be hanged at the Point of each Fort; which Execution was performed the next Morning after their Condemnation, with the Assistance of the Portuguese Chaplain, who attended, confess’d and absolv’d them. This was the Engagement with the Pyrates, which made so much Noise in the Lisbon Gazette, and these the Men whom the English ignorantly took for Avery; who, we had a Notion
  • 77. here in London, had 32 Sail of Men of War, and had taken upon him the State and Title of King, a Mistake we have already spoken to in the first Volume. This Execution seeming to impugn the Maxims of the Chiefs, Caraccioli made an Harangue, in which he told them, that there was no Rule could be laid down which did not allow Exceptions: That they were all sensible how tender the Commadore, Monsieur Misson, was in shedding of Blood; and that it was a Tenet of his Faith, that none had Power over the Life of another, but God alone, who gave it; but notwithstanding, Self-Preservation sometimes made it absolutely necessary to take away the Life of another, especially an avow’d and an obliged Enemy, even in cool Blood. As to the Blood shed in a lawful War, in Defence of that Liberty they had generously asserted, it was needless to say any Thing, but thought it proper to lay before them Reasons for the Execution of the Criminals, and the Heinousness of their Crimes. They had not only received their Lives from the Bounty of the Libertatians, but their Liberty, and had every Thing restored them which they laid claim to, consequently their Ingratitude rose in Proportion to the generous Treatment they had met with. That, indeed, both he and Captain Misson would have passed by the Perjury and Ingratitude they had been guilty of, with a corporal Punishment, which had not extended to the Deprivation of Life, but their gallant Friend and Companion the English Commander, Captain Tew, used such cogent Reasons for an exemplary Punishment, to deter others from the like Crimes, that they must have been Enemies to their own Preservation in not following his Advice. That the Lives of their whole Body ought to be preferr’d to those of declared and perjured Enemies, who would not cease to endeavour their Ruin; and, as they were well acquainted with their Settlement, might be fatal Instruments of it, if they were again restored to that Liberty which they had already abused. That he was obliged to do Captain Tew the Justice, to acknowledge he was inclined to the Side of Mercy, till he was thoroughly informed of the Blackness of their Ingratitude, and then he thought it would be Cruelty to themselves to let those Miscreants experience a second Time their Clemency; thus an absolute Necessity had obliged them