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39. for some time in the monastery of Fulda. Her lover, it is affirmed,
died while they were pursuing their studies together at Athens, and
after his death she went to Rome, where, according to the most
approved version of the story, she became a very successful
professor. So high indeed became her reputation for piety and
learning that the cardinals with one consent elected the supposed
young monk the successor of Pope Leo IV. In this position she
comported herself so as to entirely justify their choice, until the
catastrophe of giving birth to a male child during a procession to the
Lateran palace suddenly and irrevocably blasted her reputation. She
is said to have died in childbirth or to have been stoned to death.
The story of the pontificate of Joan was received as fact from the
thirteenth to the fifteenth century, but it has been discredited by
later researches. The circumstantial evidence around which it clung,
and which may have aided in suggesting it, was the observance of a
circuit by the papal processions so as to avoid passing through a
certain street (a statue at one time standing in that street, said to
represent a woman and child, with a monumental stone near it
having a peculiar inscription), and the use of a pierced seat at the
enthronement of the popes. Of these facts other and more credible
explanations have, however, been given, although there is no
sufficient evidence to demonstrate beyond dispute the manner in
which the story originated. According to Dr. Döllinger,e the tradition
finds no support in the original text either of Marianus Scotus,n
Sigebert of Gemblours,o or Otto of Freysing.p She is first mentioned
by Stephen de Bourbon,q who died in 1261, and who took his
information probably from the chronicle of the Dominican Jean de
Mailly, no copy of which is now known to be in existence. The story
is not found in any of the original manuscripts of Martinus Polus,r
and according to Döllinger was interpolated in that chronicle some
time between 1278 and 1312. He attributes the propagation of the
myth chiefly to its insertion in Martinus Polus, from which it was
copied into the Flores Temporum, a chronicle founded on Martinus,
and its real originators he supposes to have been the Dominicans
40. [847-867 a.d.]
and Minorites, who had a grudge against the papacy on account of
the persecutions they were experiencing at the hands of Benedict
VIII. So rapidly did the tradition spread that in 1400 a bust of the
papess was placed in the cathedral of Siena along with other popes,
having the inscription, “John VIII, a woman from England.” The
statue occupied this position till the beginning of the seventeenth
century.f
The eight years of Leo’s papacy were chiefly
occupied in strengthening, in restoring the
plundered and desecrated churches of the two
apostles, and adorning Rome. The succession to Leo IV was
contested between Benedict III, who commanded the suffrages of
the clergy and people, and Anastasius, who, at the head of an
armed faction, seized the Lateran, stripped Benedict of his pontifical
robes, and awaited the confirmation of his violent usurpation by the
imperial legates, whose influence he thought that he had secured.
But these commissioners, after strict investigation, decided in favour
of Benedict. Anastasius was expelled with disgrace from the Lateran,
his rival consecrated in the presence of the emperor’s
representatives. Anastasius, with unwonted mercy, was only
degraded to lay communion. The pontificate of Benedict III is
memorable chiefly for the commencement of the long strife between
Ignatius and Photius for the see of Constantinople. This strife ended
in the permanent schism between the Eastern and Western
churches.
Nicholas I, the successor of Benedict, was chosen rather by the
favour of the emperor Louis and his nobles than that of the clergy
(858). He has been thought worthy to share the appellation of the
Great with Leo I, with Gregory I, with Hildebrand, and with Innocent
III. At least three great events signalised the pontificate of Nicholas
I—the strife of Photius with Ignatius for the archiepiscopal throne of
Constantinople; the prohibition of the divorce of King Lothair from
his queen Theutberga; and the humiliation of the great prelates on
the Rhine, the successful assertion of the papal supremacy even
41. over Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims. In the first two of these
momentous questions, the contest about the see of Constantinople,
and that of Lothair, king of Lorraine, with his wife Theutberga,
Nicholas took his stand on the great eternal principles of justice,
humanity, and sound morals. These were no questions of abstruse
and subtle theology nor the assertion of dubious rights. In both
cases the pope was the protector of the feeble and the oppressed,
the victims of calumny and of cruelty. The bishop of Constantinople,
unjustly deposed, persecuted, exiled, treated with the worst
inhumanity, implored the judgment of the head of western
Christendom. A queen, not only deserted by a weak and cruel
husband, but wickedly and falsely criminated by a council of bishops,
obtained a hearing at the court of Rome; her innocence was
vindicated, her accusers punished, the king himself compelled to
bow before the majesty of justice, made more venerable by religion.
If in both cases the language of Nicholas was haughty and
imperious, it was justified to the ears of men by the goodness of his
cause. The lofty supremacy which he asserted over the see of
Byzantium awoke no jealousy, being exerted in behalf of a blameless
and injured prelate. If he treated the royal dignity of France with
contempt, it had already become contemptible in the eyes of
mankind; if he annulled by his own authority the decree of a
national council, composed of the most distinguished prelates of
Gaul, that council had already been condemned by all who had
natural sympathies with justice and with innocence. Yet, though in
both cases Nicholas displayed equal ability and resolution in the
cause of right, the event of the two affairs was very different. The
dispute concerning the patriarchate of Constantinople ended in the
estrangement, the alienation, the final schism between the East and
West. It was the last time that the pope was permitted
authoritatively to interfere in the ecclesiastical affairs of the East.
The excommunication of the Greek by the Latin church was the final
act of separation. In the West Nicholas established a precedent for
control even over the private morals of princes. The vices of kings,
especially those of France, became the stronghold of papal
influence; injured queens and subjects knew to what quarter they
42. [860-867 a.d.]
might recur for justice or for revenge. And on this occasion the pope
brought not only the impotent king, but the powerful clergy of
Lorraine, beneath his feet. The great bishops of Cologne and of
Trèves were reduced to abject humiliation.
RIVALRY OF NICHOLAS AND PHOTIUS
The contention for the patriarchate of
Constantinople was, strictly speaking, no
religious controversy—it was the result of
political intrigue and personal animosity. Ignatius, who became the
patriarch, was of imperial descent. In the revolution which
dethroned his father, Michael Rhangabé, he had taken refuge, under
the cowl of a monk, from the jealousy of Leo the Armenian. Photius
was chosen as his successor. Rival councils met, and the two
patriarchs were alternately excommunicated by the adverse spiritual
factions.
Photius was the first to determine on an appeal to Rome. The
pope, he thought, would hardly resist the acknowledgment of his
superiority, with the tempting promise of the total extirpation of the
hated iconoclasts. Not merely did the pope address two lofty and
condemnatory letters to the emperor and to Photius, but a third also
to “the faithful in the East,” at the close of which he made known to
the three Eastern patriarchs his steadfast resolution to maintain the
cause of Ignatius, to refuse the recognition of the usurper Photius.
The restoration of Ignatius was commanded even in more imperious
language, and under more awful sanctions. “We, by the power
committed to us by our Lord through St. Peter, restore our brother
Ignatius to his former station, to his see, to his dignity as patriarch,
and to all the honours of his office. Whoever, after the promulgation
of this decree, shall presume to disturb him in the exercise of his
office, separate from his communion, or dare to judge him anew,
without the consent of the apostolic see, if a clerk, shall share the
eternal punishment of the traitor Judas; if a layman, he has incurred
43. [867 a.d.]
the malediction of Canaan; he is excommunicate, and will suffer the
same fearful sentence from the eternal Judge.”
Never had the power of the clergy or the supremacy of Rome
been asserted so distinctly, so inflexibly. The privileges of Rome were
eternal, immutable, anterior to, derived from no synod or council,
but granted directly by God himself; they might be assailed, but not
transferred; torn off for a time, but not plucked up by the roots. An
appeal was open to Rome from all the world, from her authority lay
no appeal. The emperor and Constantinople paid no regard to these
terrible anathemas of the pope.
SYNOD AT CONSTANTINOPLE
In the year 867 Photius had summoned a
council at Constantinople; the obsequious
prelates listened to the arraignment, and joined
in the counter excommunication of Pope Nicholas. Photius drew up
eight articles inculpating in one the faith, in the rest the departure,
of the see of Rome from ancient and canonical discipline. Among the
dreadful acts of heresy and schism which were to divide forever the
churches of the East and West were: (1) the observance of Saturday
as a fast; (2) the permission to eat milk or cheese during Lent; (4)
the restriction of the chrism to the bishops; (6) the promotion of
deacons at once to the episcopal dignity; (7) the consecration of a
lamb, according to the hated Jewish usage; (8) the shaving of their
beards by the clergy. The fifth only of the articles objected to by
Photius, the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the
Son, was an error so awful as to deserve a thousand anathemas.
The third, condemning the enforced celibacy of the clergy, was alone
of high moral or religious importance. “From this usage we see in
the West,” says Photius, “so many children who know not their
fathers.” These, however, were but the pretexts for division. The
cause lay deeper, in the total denial of the papal supremacy by the
Greeks; their unequivocal assertion that with the empire that
supremacy had passed to Constantinople.
44. [860-867 a.d.]
The decree of the council boasted the signature of the emperor
(obtained, it was said, in an hour of drunkenness); of Basil the
Macedonian, averred (most improbably) to have been forged; of the
three eastern patriarchs; of the senate and the great officers; of
abbots and bishops to the number of nearly one thousand. But the
episcopal messenger who was to bear to Rome this defiance of the
church of Constantinople and the counter-excommunication of the
pope, had proceeded but a short way on his journey when he was
stopped by the orders of the new emperor. A revolution in the palace
was a revolution in the church of Constantinople. The first act of
Basil the Macedonian was to depose Photius. Photius is said to have
refused the communion to the murderer Basil. From this time a
succession of changes agitated the empire; Photius rose or fell at
each successive change.
Leo the Philosopher, the son of Basil, once more ignominiously
expelled him from his throne. Yet, though accused of treason,
Photius was acquitted and withdrew into honoured retirement. He
did not live to witness or profit by another revolution. Though the
schism of thirty years, properly speaking, expired in his person, and
again a kind of approximation to Rome took place, yet the links were
broken which united the two churches. The articles of difference,
from which neither would depart, had been defined and hardened
into rigid dogmas. During the dark times of the papacy which
followed the disruption, even the intercourse became more and
more precarious. The popes of the next century were too busy in
defending their territories or their lives to regard the affairs of the
East. The darkness which gathered round both churches shrouded
them from each other’s sight.
Nicholas the Great had not lived to triumph
even in the first fall of Photius. In the West his
success was more complete; he had the full
enjoyment of conscious power exercised in a righteous cause. Not
merely did he behold one of Charlemagne’s successors prostrate at
his feet, obliged to abandon to papal censure and to degradation
even his high ecclesiastical partisans, but in succession the greatest
45. prelates of the West, the archbishop of Ravenna, the archbishops of
Cologne and Trèves, and even Hincmar, the archbishop of Rheims,
who seemed to rule despotically over the church and kingdom of
France, were forced to bow before his vigorous supremacy.
The matrimonial cause which for many years distracted part of
France, on which council after council met, and on which the great
prelates of Lorraine came into direct collision with the pope, and
were reduced to complete and unpitied humiliation under his
authority, was that of King Lothair and his queen Theutberga, as
elsewhere described. He threatened the king with immediate
excommunication if he did not dismiss the concubine Waldrada, and
receive his repudiated queen. He then betook himself to Attigny, the
residence of Charles the Bald. He peremptorily commanded the
restoration of the bishop Rothrad, who had been canonically, as it
was asserted, deposed by Hincmar his metropolitan, and was now
irregularly, without inquiry or examination, replaced by the arbitrary
mandate of the pope. Hincmar murmured and obeyed; the trembling
king acquiesced in the papal decree.
But Nicholas did not live to enjoy his perfect triumph; he died in
November, 867 a.d.—a pontiff who, if he advanced no absolutely
unexampled pretensions to supremacy in behalf of the Roman see,
yet, by the favourable juncture and auspicious circumstances which
he seized to assert and maintain that authority, did more than all his
predecessors to strengthen and confirm it. During all his conflicts in
the West with the royal and with the episcopal power, the moral and
religious sympathies of mankind could not but be on his side. If his
language was occasionally more violent, even contemptuous, than
became the moderation which, up to this time, had mitigated the
papal decrees, he might plead lofty and righteous indignation; if he
interfered with domestic relations, it was in defence of the innocent
and defenceless, and in vindication of the sanctity of marriage; if he
treated kings with scorn, it was because they had become
contemptible for their weakness or their vices; if he interfered with
episcopal or metropolitan jurisdiction, the inferior clergy, even
bishops, would be pleased to have a remote, and possibly
46. [858-869 a.d.]
disinterested tribunal, to which they might appeal from prelates,
chosen only from aristocratic connections, barbarians in occupation
and in ferocity; if he was inexorable to transgressors, it was to those
of the highest order, prelates who had lent themselves to injustice
and iniquity, and had defied his power; if he annulled councils, those
councils had already been condemned for their injustice, had
deserved the reproachful appellation with which they were branded
by the pope, with all who had any innate or unperverted sentiment
of justice and purity. Hence the presumptuous usurpation even of
divine power, so long as it was thus beneficently used, awed,
confounded all, and offended few. Men took no alarm at the
arrogance which befriended them against the oppressor and the
tyrant.
But this vast moral advancement of the popedom was not all
which the Roman see owes to Nicholas I; she owes the questionable
boon of the recognition of the False Decretals as the law of the
church.
THE FALSE DECRETALS
Nicholas I not only saw during his pontificate
the famous False Decretals take their place in
the jurisprudence of Latin Christendom; if he
did not promulgate, he assumed them as authentic documents; he
gave them the weight of the papal sanction; and with their aid
prostrated at his feet the one great transalpine prelate who could
still maintain the independence of the Teutonic church, Hincmar
archbishop of Rheims.
Up to this period the decretals, the letters or edicts of the bishops
of Rome, according to the authorised or common collection of
Dionysius, commenced with Pope Siricius, towards the close of the
fourth century. To the collection of Dionysius was added that of the
authentic councils, which bore the name of Isidore of Seville. On a
sudden was promulgated, unannounced, without preparation, not
absolutely unquestioned, but apparently overawing at once all
47. doubt, a new code, which to the former authentic documents added
fifty-nine letters and decrees of the twenty oldest popes from
Clement to Melchiades (Miltiades), and the donation of Constantine;
and in the third part, among the decrees of the popes and of the
councils from Silvester to Gregory II, thirty-nine false decrees, and
the acts of several unauthentic councils. In this vast manual of
sacerdotal Christianity the popes appear from the first the parents,
guardians, legislators of the faith throughout the world. The False
Decretals do not merely assert the supremacy of the popes—the
dignity and privileges of the bishop of Rome—they comprehend the
whole dogmatic system and discipline of the church, the whole
hierarchy from the highest to the lowest degree, their sanctity, and
immunities, their persecutions, their disputes, their right of appeal to
Rome.
But for the too manifest design, the aggrandisement of the see of
Rome and the aggrandisement of the whole clergy in subordination
to the see of Rome; but for the monstrous ignorance of history,
which betrays itself in glaring anachronisms, and in the utter
confusion of the order of events and the lives of distinguished men—
the former awakening keen and jealous suspicion, the latter making
the detection of the spuriousness of the whole easy, clear,
irrefragable—the False Decretals might still have maintained their
place in ecclesiastical history. They are now given up by all; not a
voice is raised in their favour; the utmost that is done by those who
cannot suppress all regret at their explosion, is to palliate the guilt of
the forger, to call in question or to weaken the influence which they
had in their own day, and throughout the later history of Christianity.
The author or authors of this most audacious and elaborate of
pious frauds are unknown; the date and place of its compilation are
driven into such narrow limits that they may be determined within a
few years, and within a very circumscribed region. The False
Decretals came not from Rome; the time of their arrival at Rome,
after they were known beyond the Alps, appears almost certain. In
one year Nicholas I is apparently ignorant of their existence, the
next he speaks of them with full knowledge. They contain words
48. manifestly used at the Council of Paris (829 a.d.), consequently are
of later date; they were known to the Levite Benedict of Metz, who
composed a supplement to the collection of capitularies by Adgesil,
between 840-847 a.d. The city of Metz is designated with nearly
equal certainty as the place in which, if not actually composed, they
were first promulgated as the canon law of Christendom.
The state of affairs in the divided and distracted empire might
seem almost to call for, almost to justify, this desperate effort to
strengthen the ecclesiastical power. All the lower clergy, including
some of the bishops, were groaning, just at this time, under heavy
oppression. By the constitution of Charlemagne, which survived
under Louis the Pious, and, so long as the empire maintained its
unity, asserted the independence of the transalpine hierarchy of all
but the temporal sovereign, the clergy were under strict
subordination to the bishop, the bishop to the metropolitan, the
metropolitan only to the emperor. Conflicting popes, or popes in
conflict with Italian enemies, or with their own subjects, had
reduced the papacy to vassalage under the empire. Conflicting kings,
on the division of the realm of Charlemagne, had not yet, but were
soon about to submit the empire to the Roman supremacy. All at
present was anarchy. The Germans and the French were drawing
asunder into separate rival nations; the sons of Louis were waging
an endless, implacable strife. Almost every year, less than every
decade of years, beheld a new partition of the empire; kingdoms
rose and fell, took new boundaries, acknowledged new sovereigns;
no government was strong enough to maintain the law; might was
the only law.
The hierarchy, if not the whole clergy, had taken the lead in the
disruption of the unity of the empire; they had abased the throne of
Louis; they were for a short disastrous period now the victims of that
abasement. Their wealth was their danger. They had become secular
princes, they had become nobles, they had become vast landed
proprietors. But during the civil wars it was not the persuasive voice,
but the strong arm, which had authority; the mitre must bow before
the helmet, the crosier before the sword. Not only the domains, the
49. An Extract from St. Augustine’s Psalter
persons of the clergy had lost their sanctity. The persecution and
oppression of the church and the clergy had reached a height
unknown in former times.
It might occur to
the most religious
that for the sake of
religion; it might
occur to those to
whom the dignity
and interest of the
sacerdotal order
were their religion,
that some effort
must be made to
reinvest the clergy in
their imperilled
sanctity. There must
be some appeal
against this secular,
this ecclesiastical
tyranny; and whither
should appeal be? It
could not be to the
Scriptures, to the
Gospel. It must be to ancient and venerable tradition, to the
unrepealed, irrepealable law of the church; to remote and awful
Rome. Rome must be proclaimed in an unusual, more emphatic
manner, the eternal, immemorial court of appeal. The tradition must
not rest on the comparatively recent names of Leo the Great, of
Innocent the Great, of Siricius, or the right of appeal depend on the
decree of the Council of Sardica. It must come down from the
successors of St. Peter himself in unbroken succession. The whole
clergy must have a perpetual, indefeasible sanctity of the same
antiquity. So may the idea of this, to us it seems, monstrous fiction
have dawned upon its author; himself may have implicitly believed
50. that he asserted no prerogative for Rome which Rome herself had
not claimed, which he did not think to be her right. It is even now
asserted, perhaps can hardly be disproved, that the False Decretals
advanced no pretensions in favour of the see of Rome which had not
been heard before in some vague and indefinite, but not therefore
less significant, language. The boldness of the act was in the new
authority in which it arrayed these pretensions. The new code was
enshrined, as it were, in a framework of deeply religious thought and
language; it was introduced under the venerated name of Isidore of
Seville; it was thus attached to the authentic work of Isidore, which
had long enjoyed undisputed authority. Hincmar, archbishop of
Rheims, as the most powerful, so, perhaps, the most learned
transalpine ecclesiastic, who might at once have exposed the fiction,
which he could hardly but know to be a fiction, co-operated more
than anyone else to establish its authority. So long as he supposed it
to advance or confirm his own power, he suppressed all intrusive
doubts; he discovered too late that it was a trap (a mousetrap is his
own undignified word) to catch unwary metropolitans. Hincmar was
caught, beyond all hope of escape. In the appeal of Rothrad, bishop
of Soissons, against Hincmar, metropolitan of Rheims, Pope Nicholas
I at first alleges no word of the new decretals in favour of his right
of appeal; he seemingly knows no older authority than that of
Innocent, Leo, Siricius, and the Council of Sardica. The next year not
merely is he fully master of the pseudo-Isidorian documents, but he
taunts Hincmar with now calling in question, when it makes against
him, authority which he was ready to acknowledge in confirmation of
his own power. Hincmar is forced to the humiliation of submission.
Rothrad, deposed by Hincmar, deposed by the Council of Senlis, is
reinstated in his see.
This immediate, if somewhat cautious, adoption of the fiction,
unquestionably not the forgery, by Pope Nicholas, appears less
capable of charitable palliation than the original invention. Nor did
the successors of Nicholas betray any greater scruple in
strengthening themselves by this welcome, and therefore only
unsuspicious aid. It is impossible to deny that, at least by citing
51. [869-876 a.d.]
without reserve or hesitation, the Roman pontiffs gave their
deliberate sanction to this great historic fraud.
Nor must be overlooked, perhaps, the more important result of
the acceptance of the pseudo-Isidorian statutes as the universal,
immemorial, irrepealable law of Christendom. It established the
great principle which Nicholas I had before announced, of the sole
legislative power of the pope. Every one of these papal epistles was
a canon of the church; every future bull therefore rested on the
same irrefragable authority, commanded the same implicit
obedience. The papacy became a legislative as well as an
administrative authority. Infallibility was the next inevitable step, if
infallibility was not already in the power asserted to have been
bestowed by the Lord on St. Peter, by St. Peter handed down in
unbroken descent, and in a plenitude which could not be restricted
or limited, to his successors.
ADRIAN II
Nicholas was succeeded (November, 867) by Adrian II, a rigid and
lofty churchman, who, though his policy at first appeared doubtful,
resolutely maintained, but not with equal judgment and success, the
principles of his predecessor. Adrian (he was now seventy-five years
old) had been married before he became a priest. At the intercession
of the emperor Louis, he took off the ban of excommunication from
Waldrada, and restored her to the communion of the church. By this
lenity he might seem to lure King Lothair to the last act of
submission. The king of Lorraine arrived in Italy. The pope seemed
to yield to the influence of Louis and the empress Ingelberga; at
least he accepted the munificent presents of the king.
From Monte Cassino, where they first met,
Lothair followed the pope to Rome. There,
instead of being received as a king, and as one
reconciled with the see of Rome, when he entered the church all
was silent and vacant; not one of the clergy appeared; he retired to
a neighbouring chamber, which was not even swept for his
52. reception. The next day was Sunday, and he hoped to hear the mass
chanted before him. The pope refused him this honour. He dined,
however, the next day with the pope, and an interchange of presents
took place. At length Adrian consented to admit him to the
communion.
Pope Adrian seized the occasion of the contest for the kingdom of
Lothair to advance still more daring and unprecedented pretensions.
But the world was not yet ripe for this broad and naked assertion of
secular power by the pope, his claim to interfere in the disposal of
kingdoms. Directly he left the strong ground of moral and religious
authority, from which his predecessor Nicholas had commanded the
world, he encountered insurmountable resistance. With all that
remained of just and generous sympathy on their side popes might
intermeddle in the domestic relations of kings; they were not
permitted as yet to touch the question of royal succession or
inheritance. The royal and the episcopal power had quailed before
Nicholas; the fulminations of Adrian were treated with contempt or
indifference: and Hincmar of Rheims in this quarrel with Adrian
regained that independence and ascendency which had been
obscured by his temporary submission to Nicholas.
Nicholas I and Adrian II thus, with different success, imperiously
dictating to sovereigns, ruling or attempting to rule the higher clergy
in foreign countries with a despotic sway, mingling in the political
revolutions of Europe, awarding crowns, and adjudging kingly
inheritances, might seem the immediate ancestors of Gregory VII, of
Innocent III, of Boniface VIII. But the papacy had to undergo a
period of gloom and degradation, even of guilt, before it emerged
again to its height of power.
The pontificate of John VIII (872) is the turning-point in this
gradual, but rapid and almost total change; among its causes were
the extinction of the imperial branch of the Carlovingian race and the
frequent transference of the empire from one line of sovereigns to
another; with the growth of the formidable dukes and counts in
Italy, which overshadowed the papal power and reduced the pope
53. [876-878 a.d.]
himself to the slave or the victim of one of the contending factions.
The pope was elected, deposed, imprisoned, murdered. In the wild
turbulence of the times not merely the reverence but the sanctity of
his character disappeared. He sank to the common level of mortals;
and the head of Christendom was as fierce and licentious as the
petty princes who surrounded him, out of whose stock he sprang,
and whose habits he did not break off when raised to the papal
throne.
John VIII, however, still stood on the vantage ground occupied by
Nicholas I and Adrian II. He was a Roman by birth. He signalised his
pontificate by an act even more imposing than those of his
predecessors, the nomination to the empire, which his language
represented rather as a grant from the papal authority than as an
hereditary dignity; it was a direct gift from heaven, conveyed at the
will of the pope. Already there appear indications of a French and
German interest contending for the papal influence which grows into
more and more decided faction, till the Carlovingian empire is
united, soon to be dissolved forever, in the person of Charles the Fat.
John VIII adopted the dangerous policy of a partial adherence to
France. But the historians are almost unanimous as to the price
which Charles was compelled to pay for his imperial crown. He
bought the pope, he bought the senators of Rome; he bought, if we
might venture to take the words to the letter, St. Peter himself.
The imperial reign of Charles the Bald was
short and inglorious. The whole pontificate of
John VIII was a long, if at times interrupted,
agony of apprehension lest Rome should fall into the hands of the
unbeliever. The reign of the late emperor Louis had been almost a
continual warfare against the Mohammedans, who had now
obtained a firm footing in southern Italy. He had successfully
repelled their progress, but at the death of Louis Rome was again in
danger of becoming a Mohammedan city. The pope wrote letter after
letter in the most urgent and feeling language to Charles the Bald
soon after he had invested him with the empire. “If all the trees in
the forest,” such is the style of the pope, “were turned into tongues,
54. they could not describe the ravages of these impious pagans; the
devout people of God are destroyed by a continual slaughter; he
who escapes the fire and the sword is carried as a captive into exile.
Cities, castles, and villages are utterly wasted, and without an
inhabitant. The bishops are wandering about in beggary, or fly to
Rome as the only place of refuge.”
Yet, if possible, even more formidable than the infidels were the
petty Christian princes of Italy. “The canker-worm eats what the
locust has left.” In many parts of Italy had gradually arisen
independent dukedoms; and none of these appear to have felt any
religious respect for the pope, some not for Christianity. On the
vacancy after the death of Pope Nicholas, Lambert of Spoleto had
occupied and pillaged Rome, respecting neither monastery nor
church, and carrying off a great number of young females of the
highest rank. Adelchis, the duke of Benevento, had dared to seize in
that city the sacred person of the emperor Louis. He was only
permitted to leave the city after he had taken a solemn oath to
Adelchis—an oath in which his wife, his daughter, and all his
attendants were compelled to join—that he would neither in his own
person nor by any other revenge this act of insolent rebellion. No
sooner, however, had Louis reached Ravenna in safety than he sent
to the pope to absolve him from his oath. Adrian II, then pope,
began to assert that dangerous privilege of absolution from solemn
and recorded oaths.
The bishop-duke of Spoleto did not scruple to return to the
unhallowed policy of his brother. He entered into a new league with
the Saracens, gave them quarters, and actually uniting his troops
with theirs, defeated the forces of Benevento, Capua, and Salerno,
and opened a free passage for their incursions to the gates of Rome.
The imperial crown was again vacant, and claimed by the
conflicting houses of France and Germany. But Carloman, son of
Ludwig of Germany, had been acknowledged as king of Italy.
Probably as partisans of the German, and to compel the pope to
abandon the interest of the French line, to which he adhered with
55. [878-891 a.d.]
unshaken fidelity, Lambert, duke of Spoleto, that antichrist, as the
pope described him, with his adulterous sister, Richildis, and his
accomplice, the treacherous Adalbert, count of Tuscany, at the head
of an irresistible force, entered Rome, seized and confined the pope,
and endeavoured to starve him into concession, and compelled the
clergy and the Romans to take an oath of allegiance to Carloman, as
king of Italy. For thirty days the religious services were interrupted;
not a single lamp burned on the altars.
No sooner had they retired than the pope
caused all the sacred treasures to be conveyed
from St. Peter’s to the Lateran, covered the altar
of St. Peter with sackcloth, closed the doors, and refused to permit
the pilgrims from distant lands to approach the shrine. He then fled
to Ostia, and embarked for France.
When he reached the shores of Provence, John VIII felt himself in
another world. Instead of turbulent and lawless enemies (such were
the counts and dukes of Italy) whose rapacity or animosity paid no
respect to sacred things, and treated the pope like an ordinary
mortal, the whole kingdom of France might seem to throw itself
humbly at his feet. No pope was more prodigal of excommunication
than John VIII. Of his letters (above three hundred) it is remarkable
how large a proportion threaten, inflict, or at least allude to this last
exercise of sacerdotal power.
The indefatigable pope returned over the Alps by the Mont Cenis,
to Turin and Pavia; but of all whom he had so commandingly
exhorted, and so earnestly implored to march for his protection
against the Saracens, and no doubt against his Italian enemies,
none obeyed but Duke Boson of Provence. The Saracens, in the
meantime, courted by all parties, impartially plundered all, made or
broke alliances with the same facility with the Christians, while the
poor monks, even of St. Benedict’s own foundation, lived in
perpetual fear of spoliation. The last days of John VIII were
occupied in writing more and more urgent letters for aid to Charles
the Fat, in warfare, or providing means of war against his Saracen
56. [891-897 a.d.]
and Christian foes, or dealing excommunications on all sides; yet
facing with gallant resolution the foes of his person and his power.
This violent pope is said (but by one writer only) to have come to a
violent end; his brains were beaten out with a mallet by some
enemy, covetous of his wealth and ambitious of the papal crown.
The short pontificate of Marinus (Marinus I or Martin II) was
followed by the still shorter rule of Adrian III, which lasted but
fourteen months. That of Stephen V, though not of longer duration,
witnessed events of far more importance to the papacy, to Italy, and
to Christendom. On the death of Charles the Fat, the ill-cemented
edifice of the Carlovingian Empire, the discordant materials of which
had reunited, not by natural affinity but almost by the force of
accident, dissolved again and forever. The legitimate race of
Charlemagne expired in the person of his unworthy descendant,
whose name, derived from mere physical bulk, contrasted with the
mental greatness, the commanding qualities of military,
administrative, and even intellectual superiority which had blended
with the name of the first Charles the appellation of the Great.
POPE FORMOSUS
The death of Stephen, September, 891, and
the election of Formosus to the papacy,
changed the aspect of affairs, and betrayed the
hostilities still rankling at Rome. By the election of Formosus was
violated the ordinary canonical rule against the translation of bishops
from one see to another (Formosus was bishop of Porto), which was
still held in some respect. There were yet stronger objections to the
election of a bishop who had been excommunicated by a former
pontiff, excommunicated as an accomplice in a conspiracy to murder
the pope. The excommunicated Formosus had been compelled to
take an oath never to resume his episcopal functions, never to
return to Rome, and never to presume but to lay communion. The
successor of John had granted absolution from these penalties, from
this oath.
57. This election must have been a desperate measure of an
unscrupulous faction. Nor was Formosus chosen without a fierce and
violent struggle.
The suffrages of a party among the clergy and people had already
fallen upon Sergius. He was actually at the altar preparing for the
solemn ceremony of inauguration, when he was torn away by the
stronger faction. Formosus, chosen, as his partisans declared, for his
superior learning and knowledge of the Scripture, was then invested
in the papal dignity.
When Pope Formosus died, May 23rd, 896, the election fell to
Boniface VII. The new pontiff laboured under the imputation of
having been twice deposed for his profligate and scandalous life,
first from the subdiaconate, afterwards from the priesthood.
Boniface died of the gout fifteen days after his elevation. The Italian
party hastened to the election of Stephen VI.
Probably the German governor had withdrawn before Stephen and
his faction proceeded to wreak their vengeance on the lifeless
remains of Formosus. Fierce political animosity took the form of
ecclesiastical solemnity. The body was disinterred, dressed in the
papal habiliments, and, before a council assembled for the purpose,
addressed in these words: “Wherefore wert thou, being bishop of
Porto, tempted by ambition to usurp the Catholic see of Rome?” The
deacon who had been assigned as counsel for the dead maintained
a prudent silence. The sacred vestments were then stripped from
the body, three of the fingers cut off, the body cast into the Tiber. All
who had been ordained by Formosus were reordained by Stephen.
Such, however, were the vicissitudes of popular feeling in Rome, that
some years after a miracle was said to have asserted the innocence
of Formosus. His body was found by fishermen in the Tiber, and
carried back for burial in the church of St. Peter. As the coffin
passed, all the images in the church reverentially bowed their heads.
The pontificate of Stephen soon came to an end. A new revolution
revenged the disinterment of the insulted prelate. And now the
fierceness of political rather than religious faction had utterly
58. A Monk of the Middle Ages
[897-911 a.d.]
destroyed all reverence for the sacred
person of the pope. Stephen was
thrown into prison by his enemies,
and strangled. The convenient charge
of usurpation, always brought against
the popes whom their adversaries
dethroned or put to death, may have
reconciled their minds to the impious
deed, but it is difficult to discover in
what respect the title of Pope Stephen
VI was defective.
Pope now
succeeded pope
with such rapidity
as to awaken the inevitable suspicion,
either that those were chosen who
were likely to make a speedy vacancy,
or they received but a fatal gift in the pontificate of Rome. Romanus
and Theodore II survived their promotion each only a few months.
The latter, by his restoration of Formosus to the rights of Christian
burial, and by his reversal of the acts of Stephen VI, may be
presumed to have belonged to that faction. The next election was
contested with all the strength and violence of the adverse parties.
John IX was successful; his competitor Sergius, according to some
accounts formerly the discomfited competitor of Formosus, and his
bitter and implacable enemy, fled to the powerful protection of the
marquis of Tuscany. Sergius was excommunicated, with several
other priests and inferior clergy, as accessory to the insults against
the body of Formosus. Sergius laughed to scorn the thunders of his
rival, so long as he was under the protection of the powerful house
of Tuscany. With John IX, who died July, 901, closed the ninth
century of Christianity; the tenth, in Italy at least the iron age, had
already darkened upon Rome; the pontificate had been won by
crime and vacated by murder.
59. This iron age, as it has been called, opened with the pontificate of
Benedict IV (900-903), the successor of John IX. The only act
recorded of Benedict IV was the coronation of the unfortunate Louis
of Provence, the competitor of Berengar for the empire. Louis,
according to imperial usage, set up his tribunal and adjudged causes
at Rome. On the death of Benedict, the prudent precautions
established by John IX to introduce some regularity and control over
the anarchy of an election by a clergy rent into factions by a lawless
nobility, and still more lawless people, during this utter helplessness
and the abeyance, or the strife for the empire between rival princes,
fell into utter neglect or impotency. The papacy became the prize of
the most active, daring, and violent. Leo V won the prize; before two
months he was ejected and thrown into prison by Christopher, one
of his own presbyters and chaplains. The same year, or early in the
next, Christopher was in his turn ignominiously driven from Rome.
It was under the protection of the powerful Tuscan prince
Berengar that the exiled Sergius, at the head of a strong force of
Tuscan soldiers, appeared in Rome, deposed Christopher, who had
just deposed Leo V, and took possession of the papal throne. Sergius
had been seven years an exile in Tuscany; for seven years he ruled
as supreme but not undisputed pontiff. This pope has been loaded
with every vice and every enormity which can blacken the character
of man. Yet as to his reign there is almost total obscurity. The only
certain act which has transpired is his restoration of the Lateran
palace, which had fallen into ruins; an act which indicates a period
of comparative peace and orderly administration, with the command
of a large revenue. In these violent times Sergius probably scrupled
at no violence; but if he drove a pope from the throne of St. Peter,
that pope had just before deposed his patron, and with great cruelty.
THEODORA IN POWER
But during the papacy of Sergius rose into power the infamous
Theodora, with her daughters Marozia and Theodora, the prostitutes
who, in the strong language of historians, disposed for many years
60. [911-928 a.d.]
the papal tiara, and not content with disgracing by their own
licentious lives the chief city of Christendom, actually placed their
profligate paramours or base-born sons in the chair of St. Peter. The
influence obtained by Theodora and her daughters, if it shows not
the criminal connivance of Pope Sergius, or a still more disgraceful
connection with which he was charged by the scandal of the times,
proves at least the utter degradation of the papal power in Rome. It
had not only lost all commanding authority, but could not even
maintain outward decency. Theodora was born of a noble and
wealthy senatorial family, on whom she has entailed an infamous
immortality. The women of Rome seem at successive periods seized
with a kind of Roman ambition to surpass their sex by the greatness
of their virtues and of their vices. These females were to the Paulas
and Eustochiums of the younger and severer age of Roman
Christianity, what the Julias and Messallinas of the empire were to
the Volumnias and Cornelias of the republic.
It must be acknowledged that if the stern
language of Tacitus and Juvenal may have
darkened the vices of the queens and daughters
of the cæsars, the bishop of Cremona,s our chief authority on the
enormities of Theodora and her daughters, wants the moral dignity,
while he is liable to the same suspicion as those great writers.
Throughout the lives of the pontiffs themselves we have to balance
between the malignant license of satire and the unmeaning phrases
of adulatory panegyric. On the other hand it is difficult to decide
which is more utterly unchristian—the profound hatred which could
invent or accredit such stories; the utter dissoluteness which made
them easily believed; or the actual truth of such charges.
Liutprands relates that John, afterwards the tenth pope of that
name, being employed in Rome on some ecclesiastical matters by
the archbishop of Ravenna, was the paramour of Theodora, who not
only allowed but compelled him to her embraces. John was first
appointed to the see of Bologna; but the archbishopric of Ravenna,
the second ecclesiastical dignity in Italy, falling vacant before he had
61. been consecrated, he was advanced by the same dominant influence
to that see. But Theodora bore with impatience the separation of
two hundred miles from her lover. Anastasius III had succeeded
Sergius (911) and occupied the papacy for rather more than two
years; after him Lando for six months (913). On the death of Lando
(914) by a more flagrant violation of the canonical rule than that
charged against the dead body of Formosus, John was translated
from the archiepiscopate of Ravenna to the see of Rome. But
Theodora, if she indeed possessed this dictatorial power, and the
clergy and people of Rome, if they yielded to her dictation, may have
been actuated by nobler and better motives than her gratification of
a lustful passion, if not by motives purely Christian. For however the
archbishop of Ravenna might be no example of piety or holiness as
the spiritual head of Christendom, he appears to have been highly
qualified for the secular part of his office. He was a man of ability
and daring, eminently wanted at this juncture to save Rome from
becoming the prey of Mohammedan conquest, organising a powerful
confederacy of neighbouring dukes to accomplish this purpose.
He placed himself at the head of the army, and for the first time
the successor of St. Peter, the vicar of the Prince of peace, rode forth
in his array to battle. And if success, as it doubtless was, might be
interpreted as a manifestation of divine approval, the total
discomfiture of the Saracens and the destruction of the troublesome
fortress on the Garigliano seemed to sanction this new and
unseemly character assumed by the pope. Even the apostles
sanctioned or secured by their presence the triumph of the warlike
pope.
For fourteen years (914-928), obscure as regards Rome and the
pontificate, this powerful prelate occupied the see of Rome. If he
gained it (a doubtful charge) by the vices and influence of the
mother Theodora, he lost it, together with his life, by the no less
flagrant vices and more monstrous power of the daughter Marozia.
THE INFAMOUS MAROZIA
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