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CHAPTER 2
THE ENVIRONMENT AND CORPORATE CULTURE
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Are You Ready to Be a Manager?
I. The External Environment
A. General Environment
B. Task Environment
II. The Organization–Environment Relationship
A. Environmental Uncertainty
B. Adapting to the Environment
III. The Internal Environment: Corporate Culture
A. Symbols
B. Stories
C. Heroes
D. Slogans
E. Ceremonies
IV. Types of Culture
A. Adaptability Culture
B. Achievement Culture
C. Involvement Culture
D. Consistency Culture
V. Shaping Corporate Culture for Innovative Response
A. Managing the High-Performance Culture
B. Cultural Leadership
ANNOTATED LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After studying this chapter, students should be able to:
1. Describe the general and task environments and the dimensions of each.
The organizational environment consists of all elements existing outside the boundary of the
organization that have the potential to affect and influence the organization. This environment
consists of two layers: the task environment and the general environment.
The Environment and Corporate Culture 32
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The task environment is closer to the organization and includes the sectors that conduct day-to-
day transactions with the organization and directly influence its basic operations and
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performance such as competitors, suppliers, and customers.
The general environment is the outer layer that is widely dispersed and affects the organization
indirectly. It includes social, demographic, and economic factors that influence all organizations
about equally.
2. Explain the strategies managers use to help organizations adapt to an uncertain or turbulent
environment.
The environment creates uncertainty for organization members. Uncertainty means that
managers do not have sufficient information about environmental factors to understand and
predict environmental needs and changes. Two basic factors that influence uncertainty are the
number of factors that affect the organization and the extent to which those factors change.
Strategies to adapt to these changes in the environment include boundary-spanning roles,
interorganizational partnerships, and mergers or joint ventures.
Boundary-spanning roles are assumed by people and/or departments that link and coordinate the
organization with key elements in the external environment. Interorganizational partnerships are
a popular strategy for adapting to the environment by reducing boundaries and increasing
collaboration with other organizations. A merger is the combining of two or more organizations
into one. A joint venture involves a strategic alliance or program by two or more organizations.
3. Define corporate culture and give organizational examples.
Culture can be defined as the set of key values, beliefs, understandings, and norms shared by
members of an organization. It can be analyzed at three levels. At the surface are visible items,
which include manner of dress, patterns of behavior, physical symbols, organizational
ceremonies, and office layout. At a deeper level are the expressed values and beliefs, which
cannot be discerned from how people explain and justify what they do. These are values that
members of the organization hold at a conscious level. They can be interpreted from the stories,
language, and symbols organization members use to represent them. Some values become so
deeply embedded in a culture that members are no longer consciously aware of them. These
basic, underlying assumptions and beliefs are the essence of culture and subconsciously guide
behavior and decisions.
4. Explain organizational symbols, stories, heroes, slogans, and ceremonies and their
relationships to corporate culture.
Fundamental values and corporate culture cannot be observed directly, but they can be
understood through the visible manifestations of symbols, stories, heroes, slogans, and
ceremonies. A symbol is an object, act, or event that conveys meaning to others. Symbols
associated with corporate culture convey the organization’s important values. A story is a
narrative based on true events that is repeated frequently and shared among organizational
employees. Stories are told to new employees to keep the organization’s primary values alive.
A hero is a figure who exemplifies the deeds, character, and attributes of a strong culture.
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Heroes are role models for employees to follow. A slogan is a phrase or sentence that succinctly
expresses a key corporate value. Many companies use a slogan or saying to convey special
meaning to employees. A ceremony is a planned activity that makes up a special event and is
The Environment and Corporate Culture 35
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conducted for the benefit of an audience. Managers hold ceremonies to provide dramatic
examples of company values. Organizational culture represents the values, understandings, and
basic assumptions that employees share, and these values are signified by the above events.
Managers help define important symbols, stories, heroes, slogans, and ceremonies to shape the
future.
5. Describe four types of cultures and how corporate culture relates to the environment.
The adaptability culture is characterized by values that support the company’s ability to rapidly
detect, interpret, and translate signals from the environment into new behavior responses. This
culture emerges in an environment that requires fast response and high-risk decision making.
Employees have autonomy to make decisions and act freely to meet new needs, and
responsiveness to customers is highly valued.
The achievement culture is a results-oriented culture that values competitiveness,
aggressiveness, personal initiative, and willingness to work long and hard to achieve results. It is
suited to organizations concerned with serving specific customers in the external environment
but without the intense need for flexibility and rapid change. An emphasis on winning and
achieving specific ambitious goals is the glue that holds this organization together.
The involvement culture places high value on meeting the needs of employees and values
cooperation and equality. This culture has an internal focus on the involvement and participation
of employees to rapidly meet changing needs from the environment. Managers emphasize
values such as cooperation, consideration of both employees and customers, and avoiding status
differences.
The consistency culture values and rewards a methodical, rational, orderly way of doing things.
This culture has an internal focus and a consistency orientation for a stable environment.
Following the rules and being thrifty are important in this culture.
The external environment exerts a big influence on internal corporate culture. Corporate culture
should embody what it takes to succeed in the environment. If the external environment requires
extraordinary customer service, the culture should encourage good service; if it calls for careful
technical decision-making, cultural values should reinforce effective managerial decision
making.
6. Define a cultural leader and explain the tools a cultural leader uses to create a high-
performance culture.
A cultural leader is a manager who uses signals and symbols to influence corporate culture.
Cultural leaders influence culture by articulating a vision for the organizational culture that
employees can believe in, and heeding the day-to-day activities that reinforce the cultural vision.
To create a high-performance culture, a cultural leader would tie the central values that
employees believe in to the need for high performance, and then make sure that work procedures
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and reward systems match and reinforce those values. Finally, the cultural leader must be sure to
exemplify high-performance in his or her own work activities.
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LECTURE OUTLINE
Are You Ready to Be a Manager?
This questionnaire helps students determine in which types of organizations they might be most
comfortable.
INTRODUCTION
A dominant market position is never guaranteed, even for a company like Blockbuster. Video
rentals were a key aspect of home entertainment for many years and not very long ago
Blockbuster was king of the market. However, mail-order and video-on-demand have
completely changed the video rental market and Blockbuster no longer holds court. Although
Blockbuster now offers mail-order and streaming services, it was too slow to respond to market
changes and lost its influence in the market.
The environment in which companies operate is continually changing, sometimes quite rapidly,
as Blockbuster learned, and managers have to stay on their toes. For organizations in all
industries, environments are increasingly dynamic, requiring managers to be prepared to respond
quickly to even subtle environmental shifts. This chapter explains the components of the
external environment and how they affect organizations. In addition, it examines a major part of
the organization’s internal environment—corporate culture.
I. THE EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENT
INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
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The external organizational environment includes all elements existing outside the boundary of
the organization that have the potential to affect the organization. The environment includes
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competitors, resources, technology, and economic conditions that influence the organization. It
does not include those events so far removed from the organization that their impact is not
perceived.
The organizational environment can be conceptualized as having two layers surrounding the
organization: the general environment and the task environment. The organization also has an
internal environment that includes the elements within the organization’s boundaries. It is
composed of current employees, management, and corporate culture.
Business Blooper: British Petroleum Oil Spill
After the worst oil spill in U.S. history, then-CEO of British Petroleum (BP) Tony Hayward
didn’t win any friends on Capitol Hill two months later when he refused to provide details of the
spill, and where he seemed non-chalant about the 760 “egregious willful” violations between
2007 and 2009 from OSHA. Two days later, he was off the coast of England watching his yacht
in a race and spending time with his son, at the same time some 60,000 barrels of oil were still
leaking each day in a disaster that had already cost 11 lives. This was just a year after the
explosion of a BP refinery in Texas in which 15 were killed and hundreds wounded.
Exhibit 2.1: Dimensions of the Organization’s General, Task, and Internal Environments
A. General Environment
1. The general environment represents the outer layer of the environment and will
influence the organization over time, but often is not involved in day-to-day
operations. The dimensions of the general environment include international,
technological, sociocultural, economic, legal-political, and natural.
a. The international dimension represents events originating in foreign countries
and opportunities for American companies in other countries. This dimension
influences all other aspects of the external environment. This provides new
competitors, customers, and suppliers and shapes social, technical, and economic
trends. Today, every company has to compete on a global basis; high-quality,
low-priced cars from Japan have changed the U.S. auto industry. Managers in the
U.S. have been slow to understand issues and competition in foreign countries.
b. The technological dimension includes scientific and technological advancements
in a specific industry as well as society at large. Technology has created massive
changes for organizations and industries. Today, computer networks, Internet
access, videoconferencing, cell phones, and laptops are taken for granted. Other
technology will affect organizations and managers; the decoding of the human
genome could lead to revolutionary medical advances.
The Environment and Corporate Culture 40
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Spotlight on Skills: Creating Guanxi in China
With its low labor costs and huge potential market, China is luring thousands of U.S. companies
in search of growth opportunities. However, only one-third of multinationals doing business in
China have actually turned a profit. One reason Western businesses fall short of expectations is
that they fail to grasp the centuries-old concept of guanxi that lies at the heart of Chinese culture.
Guanxi is a supportive, mutually beneficial connection between two people that eventually
grows into a network, and it is through these networks that business gets done. People doing
business in China should remember the following things: business is always personal; don’t skip
the small talk; relationships are not short-term, and; make contact frequently.
c. The sociocultural dimension represents the demographic characteristics, norms,
customs, and values of the general population. Important sociocultural
characteristics are population and geographical distribution, population density,
age, and education levels. Today’s demographic profiles are the foundation of
tomorrow’s work force and customers. Forecasters see increased globalization of
both consumer markets and labor supply with increasing diversity in
organizations and consumer markets.
d. The economic dimension represents the general economic health of the country
or region in which the organization operates. Components of the economic
dimension include consumer purchasing power, the unemployment rate, and
interest rates. The frequency of mergers and acquisitions represents a recent trend
in the economic environment, but there is vitality in the small business sector.
Entrepreneurial start-ups are a significant aspect of the U.S. economy today.
e. The legal-political dimension includes federal, state, and local government
regulations and political activities designed to influence company behavior.
Government regulations influence organizations through a variety of legislation
such as Occupational Safety and Heath Administration (OSHA), the
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), fair trade practices, and others.
Pressure groups are interest groups that work within the legal-political
framework to influence companies to behave in socially responsible ways. For
example, tobacco companies are feeling the power of anti-smoking groups.
f. The natural dimension includes all elements that occur naturally on earth,
including plants, animals, rocks, and natural resources such as air, water, and
climate. Protection of the natural environment is emerging as a critical policy
focus around the world. The natural dimension is different from other sectors of
the general environment because it has no voice of its own. Influence on
managers to meet needs in the natural environment may come from other sectors,
such as government regulation, consumer concerns, the media, competitors’
actions, and even employees.
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Discussion Question #5: Why do you think that many managers are surprised by environmental
changes and hence are less able to help their organizations adapt?
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Exhibit 2.2: 2010 Environmental Performance Index
B. Task Environment
1. The task environment is the layer closest to the organization and includes those
sectors that have a direct working relationship with it. The task environment includes
customers, competitors, suppliers, and the labor market.
a. Customers are those people and organizations in the environment who acquire
goods or services from the organization. Customers are important because they
determine the organization’ success.
Discussion Question #4: Contemporary best-selling management books often argue that
customers are the most important element in the external environment. Do you agree? In what
company situations might this statement be untrue?
b. Competitors are organizations in the same industry or type of business that
provide goods or services to the same set of customers. Specific competitive
issues characterize each industry. The recording industry differs from the steel
industry and the pharmaceutical industry.
c. Suppliers are people and organizations that provide the raw materials that the
organization uses to produce its output. Many companies are using fewer
suppliers and building good relationships with them so that they will receive high-
quality goods at lower prices. These companies are also finding that being
cooperative, rather than adversarial, is the key to saving money, maintaining
quality, and speeding products to market.
d. The labor market represents people in the environment available for hire by the
organization. Labor market factors that impact organizations include:
the growing need for computer-literate information technology workers;
the necessity for continuous investment in human resources through
recruitment, education, and training to meet competitive demands of the
borderless world; and
the effects of international trading blocs, automation, and shifting plant
location upon labor dislocations, creating unused labor pools in some areas
and labor shortages in others.
Discussion Question #2: Would the task environment for a cellular phone company contain the
same elements as that for a government welfare agency? Discuss.
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II. THE ORGANIZATION-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIP
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INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
Exhibit 2.3: The External Environment of Nortel
Exhibit 2.4: The External Environment and Uncertainty
A. Environmental Uncertainty
1. Environmental uncertainty must be managed to make the organization more effective.
Uncertainty means managers do not have sufficient information about environmental
factors to understand and predict environmental needs and changes. Environmental
characteristics that influence uncertainty are the number of factors that affect the
organization and the extent to which those factors change.
2. When external factors change rapidly, the organization experiences very high
uncertainty (e.g., telecommunications firms, computer firms, and electronics firms).
When an organization deals with a few external factors that are stable, managers
experience low uncertainty (e.g., soft-drink bottlers or food processors).
Discussion Question #3: What do you think are the most important forces in the external
environment creating uncertainty for organizations today? Do the forces you identified typically
arise in the task environment or the general environment?
New Manager Self-Test: Are You Fit for Managerial Uncertainty?
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The questionnaire is designed to provide insight into whether a person is better suited for a stable
environment or in an organization with an uncertain environment.
The Environment and Corporate Culture 46
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B. Adapting to the Environment
1. Boundary spanning is an increasingly important task in organizations because
environmental shifts can happen quickly in today’s world. Managers need good
information about their competitors, customers, and other elements in the
environment to make good decisions. The most successful companies involve
everyone in boundary-spanning activities.
Exhibit 2.5: The Shift to a Partnership Paradigm
2. Managers in partnering organizations are shifting from an adversarial orientation to a
partnership orientation. Companies are joining together to become more effective
and share scarce resources. Partners are frequently involved in one another’s product
design and production, and they are committed for the long term.
3. Mergers and joint ventures also reduce uncertainty. A merger occurs when two or
more organizations combine to become one. A joint venture involves a strategic
alliance or program by two or more organizations that occurs when the project is too
complex, expensive, or uncertain for one firm to handle alone.
Discussion Question #6: Why are interorganizational partnerships so important for today’s
companies? What elements in the current environment might contribute to either an increase or
decrease in interorganizational collaboration? Discuss.
III.THE INTERNAL ENVIRONMENT: CORPORATE CULTURE
INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
The Environment and Corporate Culture 47
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Exhibit 2.5: Levels of Corporate Culture
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Spotlight on Skills: Zappos Shoes
Zappos.com, an online retail site best known for its wide selection of shoes and its free shipping,
boldly proclaims its unique culture in an offbeat set of ten core values, including “Create fun and
a little weirdness.” CEO Tony Hsieh believes these core values illustrate the company’s
innovative culture and demonstrate its ultimate business goal—cultivating happiness. Hsieh’s
management theory is that if you create a work culture that fosters well-being, good practices
and (eventually) good profits will naturally flow out of the operation. One way the Zappos
Family of companies perpetuates its unique culture is by hiring employees who will fit into the
slightly wacky, drama-club atmosphere.
The internal environment includes: corporate culture, production technology, organization
structure, and physical facilities. Corporate culture is extremely important in an organization
attempting to achieve a competitive advantage. The internal culture must fit the needs of the
external environment and company strategy.
Culture is defined as the set of key values, beliefs, understandings, and norms shared by
members of an organization. Culture is a pattern of shared values and assumptions about how
things are done within the organization. It can be analyzed at two levels. At the surface level are
visible artifacts—all the things one can see, hear, and observe by watching members of the
organization. At a deeper level are the expressed values and beliefs, which are not observable
but can be discerned from how people explain and justify what they do. Some values become so
deeply embedded in a culture that members are no longer consciously aware of them. These
basic, underlying assumptions and beliefs are the essence of culture and subconsciously guide
behavior and decisions.
A. Symbols
1. A symbol is an object, act, or event that conveys meaning to others. Symbols
associated with corporate culture convey the organization’s important values.
B. Stories
1. A story is a narrative based on true events that is repeated and shared among
organizational employees. Stories are told to new employees to keep the
organization’s primary values alive.
C. Heroes
1. A hero is a figure who exemplifies the deeds, character, and attributes of a strong
corporate culture. Heroes are role models for employees to follow.
The Environment and Corporate Culture 49
49 Chapter 2
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D. Slogans
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1. A slogan is a phrase or sentence that succinctly expresses a key organizational value.
E. Ceremonies
1. A ceremony is a planned affair that makes up a special event and is conducted for the
benefit of an audience.
Discussion Question #8: Cultural symbols are usually noticed through sight, sound, touch, and
smell. For example, Abercrombie retail stores use music, attractive models, and fragrance to
communicate elements of its retail store culture. Why are symbols important to a corporate
culture?
IV.TYPES OF CULTURE
INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
The external environment has a major influence on internal organizational culture. The internal
culture should embody what it takes to succeed in the environment.
Exhibit 2.7: Four Types of Corporate Cultures
A. The adaptability culture is characterized by values that support the company’s ability to
rapidly detect, interpret, and translate signals from the environment into new behavior
responses. This culture emerges in an environment that requires fast response and high-
risk decision making. Employees have autonomy to make decisions and act freely to
meet new needs, and responsiveness to customers is highly valued.
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B. The achievement culture is a results-oriented culture that values competitiveness,
aggressiveness, personal initiative, and willingness to work long and hard to achieve
results. It is suited to organizations concerned with serving specific customers in the
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external environment but without the intense need for flexibility and rapid change. An
emphasis on winning and achieving specific ambitious goals is the glue that holds this
organization together.
C. The involvement culture places high value on meeting the needs of employees and
values cooperation and equality. This culture has an internal focus on the involvement
and participation of employees to rapidly meet changing needs from the environment.
Managers emphasize values such as cooperation, consideration of both employees and
customers, and avoiding status differences.
D. The consistency culture values and rewards a methodical, rational, orderly way of doing
things. This culture has an internal focus and a consistency orientation for a stable
environment. Following the rules and being thrifty are important in this culture.
Discussion Question #10: General Electric is famous for firing the lowest-performing 10
percent of its managers each year. With its strict no-layoff policy, Valero Energy believes
people need to feel secure in their jobs to perform their best. Yet both are high-performing
companies. How do you account for the success of such opposite philosophies?
V. SHAPING CORPORATE CULTURE FOR INNOVATIVE RESPONSE
INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
New Manager Self-Test: Culture Preference
The fit between a new manager and organization can determine success and satisfaction. This
exercise helps students better understand which type(s) of organizational culture they prefer.
Research shows that one factor that increases a company’s value the most is people and how they
are treated. Corporate culture has become increasingly important to managers as they recognize
its importance in attracting, motivating, and keeping good employees. Culture plays a key role
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in creating an organizational climate that enables learning and innovative responses to threats
from the external environment, challenging new opportunities, or organizational crises.
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Exhibit 2.8: Combining Culture and Performance
A. Managing the High-Performance Culture
1. Companies that succeed in a turbulent world are those that pay attention to both
cultural values and business performance. Cultural values can energize and motivate
employees by appealing to higher ideals and unifying people around shared goals.
Values boost performance by shaping and guiding employee behavior, so that
everyone’s actions are aligned with strategic priorities. Four organizational outcomes
are possible based on the relative attention managers pay to cultural values and
business performance.
a. Companies that pay little attention to either values or business results are unlikely
to survive for long.
b. Companies that focus on values but pay little attention to business results are
likely to miss important environmental changes, eventually resulting in loss of
market share.
c. Companies that focus primarily on business results but pay little attention to
organizational values will find it difficult to survive in times of crisis.
d. Companies that emphasize both values and business performance will develop a
strong organizational culture that gives employees a sense of identity, holds the
company together during tough times, and helps it adapt quickly to a changing
environment. These companies represent the high-performance culture that:
is based on a solid organizational mission or purpose;
embodies shared adaptive values that guide decisions and business practices;
and
encourages individual employee ownership of both bottom-line results and the
organization’s cultural backbone.
B. Cultural Leadership
1. One-way managers change norms and values to build a high-performance culture is
through cultural leadership. A cultural leader defines and uses signals and symbols
to influence corporate culture by:
a. articulating a vision for the organizational culture that generates excitement and
that employees can believe in; and
b. heeding the day-to-day activities that reinforce the cultural vision.
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2. Managers widely communicate the cultural values through words and actions. Value
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statements that aren’t reinforced by management behavior are meaningless. Cultural
leaders also uphold their commitment to values during difficult times or crises.
Maintaining consistency with the cultural values helps organizations weather the
storm and come out stronger on the other side. Cultural leaders let everyone know
what really counts.
Benchmarking: Netflix
Stock analyst Michael Pachter called Netflix a “worthless piece of cr**” in 2005 and said it
would be taken over by Walmart, Amazon, and Blockbuster. Reed Hastings was bothered by
having to pay a $40 late fee for one video and started to think people might join a DVD club the
same way they might join a health club, with monthly fees. That’s how Netflix was born. At
first, no one thought the idea of people renting movies through the mail had any merit, but when
others started offering similar services, Hastings lowered costs, speeded up DVD turnaround,
and improved the computer algorithm to make the experience more personal. The hard-driving,
risk-taking culture Hastings developed at Netflix means he didn’t even balk at the prospect of
cannibalizing the mail-order portion of his own business to introduce the movie-streaming side,
and now Netflix is the market leader in streaming video content.
Answers to Discussion Questions
1. How can you prepare yourself to become an effective manager in an increasingly uncertain
global business environment?
The range of things students could do is quite broad. Some specific things they could do inside
the classroom include learning more about other countries and ethnic groups and their cultures,
studying abroad, learning other languages, engaging in role plays that involve international
settings, and interacting with students from other countries/cultures.
Some ideas for things to do outside the classroom include visiting other countries, taking on
internships in international organizations, hosting exchange students, and attending multicultural
events in the community.
2. Would the task environment for a cellular phone company contain the same elements as that
for a government welfare agency? Discuss.
There are three components of the task environment: competitors, suppliers, and customers. An
analysis of each of these components for the two organizations illustrates the differences in their
task environments.
Competitors for cellular phone companies include not only other cellular phone companies, but
also traditional phone companies, broadband phone services, and other electronic communication
services. It is debatable whether there are competitors for most government welfare agencies.
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Churches and other charitable organizations often provide similar services, but do not really
compete with the agencies.
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Suppliers of cellular phone companies include the cell phone and other electronic device
manufacturers, investors, and companies that build and operate cell phone towers. Suppliers of
government agencies, in addition to material suppliers, are ultimately the taxpayers.
Customers of cellular phone companies generally include businesses and members of the general
public who are financially sound and able to afford the services offered by the cellular phone
companies. Customers or clients of a government welfare agency are generally persons who are
financially weak.
3. What do you think are the most important forces in the external environment creating
uncertainty for organizations today? Do the forces you identified typically arise in the task
environment or the general environment?
The forces influencing the external environment are competitors, resources, technology, and
economic conditions. The general environment forces include international, technological,
sociocultural, economic, and legal-political dimensions. The task environment includes those
sectors that have a direct working relationship with the organization, among them customers,
competitors, suppliers, and the labor market. Organizations are challenged by uncertainty in the
market place and must be able to respond quickly to changing conditions. These forces impact
management and create uncertainty, especially in the general environment. A manager must be
able to utilize a contingency approach to planning and control events and activities as they
develop.
4. Contemporary best-selling management books often argue that customers are the most
important element in the external environment. Do you agree? In what company situations
might this statement be untrue?
Companies in the public and private sector must be customer driven to remain competitive.
Management and employees must be customer sensitive and custom deliver the right bundle of
utilities to create optimal customer satisfaction. Every organization must have a customer focus
and this should be reflected in the mission, goals, and strategies of every firm.
5. Why do you think that many managers are surprised by environmental changes and hence
are less able to help their organizations adapt?
Managers sometimes do not realize the need to carefully monitor the environment so that they
can anticipate and prepare for changes, and there are also things that happen in the environment
that cannot reasonably be predicted. By definition, uncertainty means that managers lack
sufficient information about the environment to understand and predict needs and changes.
Companies have to make an effort to adapt to the rapid changes in their environments.
6. Why are interorganizational partnerships so important for today’s companies? What
elements in the current environment might contribute to either an increase or decrease in
interorganizational collaboration? Discuss.
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Interorganizational partnerships are important for today’s companies to survive and grow in the
future. Sharing information and resources is essential to cost effectiveness and satisfying
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stockholders of these organizations. Terrorist activities will add to the need for sharing of
information among the interorganizational companies. Technological advancements will
continue to increase the ease with which interorganizational collaboration occurs.
7. Many companies are “going green” or adopting environmentally friendly business
strategies. Clorox, for example, now offers an eco-friendly household cleaner called Green
Works. How do companies benefit from going green?
As more of their customers become involved in recycling and other environmentally friendly
projects and activities, companies benefit from going green in many ways. They can expand
their product lines, as Clorox did, to take advantage of the growing market for eco-friendly
products. They may be able to reduce costs by using more natural products, or increase revenues
by selling previously discarded materials. Companies may also be able to create goodwill
among consumers by presenting themselves as environmentally aware and concerned.
8. Cultural symbols are usually noticed through sight, sound, touch, and smell. For example,
Abercrombie retail stores use music, attractive models, and fragrance to communicate
elements of its retail store culture. Why are symbols important to a corporate culture?
Symbols are important to corporate culture because they are tangible objects, acts, or events that
embody deeper values shared by organization members. Astute managers create symbols to help
reinforce key values. Almost anything can serve as a symbol. Thus, stories, heroes, slogans, and
ceremonies all serve their own purpose, but also have symbolic value by indicating to employees
the values and understandings that are especially significant for the organization.
9. Both China and India are rising economic powers. How might your approach to doing
business with Communist China be different from your approach to doing business with
India, the world’s most populous democracy? In which country would you expect to
encounter the most rules? The most bureaucracy?
China will have many more rules and much more bureaucracy than will India, as its government
tries to strictly control the activities of foreign businesses, as well as those of its own citizens.
Doing business in India will be considerably easier than in China due, in large measure, to the
greater openness of its society and government. Additionally, there may be less risk of
government interference or even takeover of company facilities and properties in India than there
is in China.
10. General Electric is famous for firing the lowest-performing 10 percent of its managers each
year. With its strict no-layoff policy, Valero Energy believes people need to feel secure in
their jobs to perform their best. Yet both are high-performing companies. How do you
account for the success of such opposite philosophies?
The most likely answer to this question is that, while the companies have very different
philosophies about the impact of employees’ sense of job security, both companies probably
place strong emphasis on organizational values and business performance. Their views about
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for some time in the monastery of Fulda. Her lover, it is affirmed,
died while they were pursuing their studies together at Athens, and
after his death she went to Rome, where, according to the most
approved version of the story, she became a very successful
professor. So high indeed became her reputation for piety and
learning that the cardinals with one consent elected the supposed
young monk the successor of Pope Leo IV. In this position she
comported herself so as to entirely justify their choice, until the
catastrophe of giving birth to a male child during a procession to the
Lateran palace suddenly and irrevocably blasted her reputation. She
is said to have died in childbirth or to have been stoned to death.
The story of the pontificate of Joan was received as fact from the
thirteenth to the fifteenth century, but it has been discredited by
later researches. The circumstantial evidence around which it clung,
and which may have aided in suggesting it, was the observance of a
circuit by the papal processions so as to avoid passing through a
certain street (a statue at one time standing in that street, said to
represent a woman and child, with a monumental stone near it
having a peculiar inscription), and the use of a pierced seat at the
enthronement of the popes. Of these facts other and more credible
explanations have, however, been given, although there is no
sufficient evidence to demonstrate beyond dispute the manner in
which the story originated. According to Dr. Döllinger,e the tradition
finds no support in the original text either of Marianus Scotus,n
Sigebert of Gemblours,o or Otto of Freysing.p She is first mentioned
by Stephen de Bourbon,q who died in 1261, and who took his
information probably from the chronicle of the Dominican Jean de
Mailly, no copy of which is now known to be in existence. The story
is not found in any of the original manuscripts of Martinus Polus,r
and according to Döllinger was interpolated in that chronicle some
time between 1278 and 1312. He attributes the propagation of the
myth chiefly to its insertion in Martinus Polus, from which it was
copied into the Flores Temporum, a chronicle founded on Martinus,
and its real originators he supposes to have been the Dominicans
[847-867 a.d.]
and Minorites, who had a grudge against the papacy on account of
the persecutions they were experiencing at the hands of Benedict
VIII. So rapidly did the tradition spread that in 1400 a bust of the
papess was placed in the cathedral of Siena along with other popes,
having the inscription, “John VIII, a woman from England.” The
statue occupied this position till the beginning of the seventeenth
century.f
The eight years of Leo’s papacy were chiefly
occupied in strengthening, in restoring the
plundered and desecrated churches of the two
apostles, and adorning Rome. The succession to Leo IV was
contested between Benedict III, who commanded the suffrages of
the clergy and people, and Anastasius, who, at the head of an
armed faction, seized the Lateran, stripped Benedict of his pontifical
robes, and awaited the confirmation of his violent usurpation by the
imperial legates, whose influence he thought that he had secured.
But these commissioners, after strict investigation, decided in favour
of Benedict. Anastasius was expelled with disgrace from the Lateran,
his rival consecrated in the presence of the emperor’s
representatives. Anastasius, with unwonted mercy, was only
degraded to lay communion. The pontificate of Benedict III is
memorable chiefly for the commencement of the long strife between
Ignatius and Photius for the see of Constantinople. This strife ended
in the permanent schism between the Eastern and Western
churches.
Nicholas I, the successor of Benedict, was chosen rather by the
favour of the emperor Louis and his nobles than that of the clergy
(858). He has been thought worthy to share the appellation of the
Great with Leo I, with Gregory I, with Hildebrand, and with Innocent
III. At least three great events signalised the pontificate of Nicholas
I—the strife of Photius with Ignatius for the archiepiscopal throne of
Constantinople; the prohibition of the divorce of King Lothair from
his queen Theutberga; and the humiliation of the great prelates on
the Rhine, the successful assertion of the papal supremacy even
over Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims. In the first two of these
momentous questions, the contest about the see of Constantinople,
and that of Lothair, king of Lorraine, with his wife Theutberga,
Nicholas took his stand on the great eternal principles of justice,
humanity, and sound morals. These were no questions of abstruse
and subtle theology nor the assertion of dubious rights. In both
cases the pope was the protector of the feeble and the oppressed,
the victims of calumny and of cruelty. The bishop of Constantinople,
unjustly deposed, persecuted, exiled, treated with the worst
inhumanity, implored the judgment of the head of western
Christendom. A queen, not only deserted by a weak and cruel
husband, but wickedly and falsely criminated by a council of bishops,
obtained a hearing at the court of Rome; her innocence was
vindicated, her accusers punished, the king himself compelled to
bow before the majesty of justice, made more venerable by religion.
If in both cases the language of Nicholas was haughty and
imperious, it was justified to the ears of men by the goodness of his
cause. The lofty supremacy which he asserted over the see of
Byzantium awoke no jealousy, being exerted in behalf of a blameless
and injured prelate. If he treated the royal dignity of France with
contempt, it had already become contemptible in the eyes of
mankind; if he annulled by his own authority the decree of a
national council, composed of the most distinguished prelates of
Gaul, that council had already been condemned by all who had
natural sympathies with justice and with innocence. Yet, though in
both cases Nicholas displayed equal ability and resolution in the
cause of right, the event of the two affairs was very different. The
dispute concerning the patriarchate of Constantinople ended in the
estrangement, the alienation, the final schism between the East and
West. It was the last time that the pope was permitted
authoritatively to interfere in the ecclesiastical affairs of the East.
The excommunication of the Greek by the Latin church was the final
act of separation. In the West Nicholas established a precedent for
control even over the private morals of princes. The vices of kings,
especially those of France, became the stronghold of papal
influence; injured queens and subjects knew to what quarter they
[860-867 a.d.]
might recur for justice or for revenge. And on this occasion the pope
brought not only the impotent king, but the powerful clergy of
Lorraine, beneath his feet. The great bishops of Cologne and of
Trèves were reduced to abject humiliation.
RIVALRY OF NICHOLAS AND PHOTIUS
The contention for the patriarchate of
Constantinople was, strictly speaking, no
religious controversy—it was the result of
political intrigue and personal animosity. Ignatius, who became the
patriarch, was of imperial descent. In the revolution which
dethroned his father, Michael Rhangabé, he had taken refuge, under
the cowl of a monk, from the jealousy of Leo the Armenian. Photius
was chosen as his successor. Rival councils met, and the two
patriarchs were alternately excommunicated by the adverse spiritual
factions.
Photius was the first to determine on an appeal to Rome. The
pope, he thought, would hardly resist the acknowledgment of his
superiority, with the tempting promise of the total extirpation of the
hated iconoclasts. Not merely did the pope address two lofty and
condemnatory letters to the emperor and to Photius, but a third also
to “the faithful in the East,” at the close of which he made known to
the three Eastern patriarchs his steadfast resolution to maintain the
cause of Ignatius, to refuse the recognition of the usurper Photius.
The restoration of Ignatius was commanded even in more imperious
language, and under more awful sanctions. “We, by the power
committed to us by our Lord through St. Peter, restore our brother
Ignatius to his former station, to his see, to his dignity as patriarch,
and to all the honours of his office. Whoever, after the promulgation
of this decree, shall presume to disturb him in the exercise of his
office, separate from his communion, or dare to judge him anew,
without the consent of the apostolic see, if a clerk, shall share the
eternal punishment of the traitor Judas; if a layman, he has incurred
[867 a.d.]
the malediction of Canaan; he is excommunicate, and will suffer the
same fearful sentence from the eternal Judge.”
Never had the power of the clergy or the supremacy of Rome
been asserted so distinctly, so inflexibly. The privileges of Rome were
eternal, immutable, anterior to, derived from no synod or council,
but granted directly by God himself; they might be assailed, but not
transferred; torn off for a time, but not plucked up by the roots. An
appeal was open to Rome from all the world, from her authority lay
no appeal. The emperor and Constantinople paid no regard to these
terrible anathemas of the pope.
SYNOD AT CONSTANTINOPLE
In the year 867 Photius had summoned a
council at Constantinople; the obsequious
prelates listened to the arraignment, and joined
in the counter excommunication of Pope Nicholas. Photius drew up
eight articles inculpating in one the faith, in the rest the departure,
of the see of Rome from ancient and canonical discipline. Among the
dreadful acts of heresy and schism which were to divide forever the
churches of the East and West were: (1) the observance of Saturday
as a fast; (2) the permission to eat milk or cheese during Lent; (4)
the restriction of the chrism to the bishops; (6) the promotion of
deacons at once to the episcopal dignity; (7) the consecration of a
lamb, according to the hated Jewish usage; (8) the shaving of their
beards by the clergy. The fifth only of the articles objected to by
Photius, the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the
Son, was an error so awful as to deserve a thousand anathemas.
The third, condemning the enforced celibacy of the clergy, was alone
of high moral or religious importance. “From this usage we see in
the West,” says Photius, “so many children who know not their
fathers.” These, however, were but the pretexts for division. The
cause lay deeper, in the total denial of the papal supremacy by the
Greeks; their unequivocal assertion that with the empire that
supremacy had passed to Constantinople.
[860-867 a.d.]
The decree of the council boasted the signature of the emperor
(obtained, it was said, in an hour of drunkenness); of Basil the
Macedonian, averred (most improbably) to have been forged; of the
three eastern patriarchs; of the senate and the great officers; of
abbots and bishops to the number of nearly one thousand. But the
episcopal messenger who was to bear to Rome this defiance of the
church of Constantinople and the counter-excommunication of the
pope, had proceeded but a short way on his journey when he was
stopped by the orders of the new emperor. A revolution in the palace
was a revolution in the church of Constantinople. The first act of
Basil the Macedonian was to depose Photius. Photius is said to have
refused the communion to the murderer Basil. From this time a
succession of changes agitated the empire; Photius rose or fell at
each successive change.
Leo the Philosopher, the son of Basil, once more ignominiously
expelled him from his throne. Yet, though accused of treason,
Photius was acquitted and withdrew into honoured retirement. He
did not live to witness or profit by another revolution. Though the
schism of thirty years, properly speaking, expired in his person, and
again a kind of approximation to Rome took place, yet the links were
broken which united the two churches. The articles of difference,
from which neither would depart, had been defined and hardened
into rigid dogmas. During the dark times of the papacy which
followed the disruption, even the intercourse became more and
more precarious. The popes of the next century were too busy in
defending their territories or their lives to regard the affairs of the
East. The darkness which gathered round both churches shrouded
them from each other’s sight.
Nicholas the Great had not lived to triumph
even in the first fall of Photius. In the West his
success was more complete; he had the full
enjoyment of conscious power exercised in a righteous cause. Not
merely did he behold one of Charlemagne’s successors prostrate at
his feet, obliged to abandon to papal censure and to degradation
even his high ecclesiastical partisans, but in succession the greatest
prelates of the West, the archbishop of Ravenna, the archbishops of
Cologne and Trèves, and even Hincmar, the archbishop of Rheims,
who seemed to rule despotically over the church and kingdom of
France, were forced to bow before his vigorous supremacy.
The matrimonial cause which for many years distracted part of
France, on which council after council met, and on which the great
prelates of Lorraine came into direct collision with the pope, and
were reduced to complete and unpitied humiliation under his
authority, was that of King Lothair and his queen Theutberga, as
elsewhere described. He threatened the king with immediate
excommunication if he did not dismiss the concubine Waldrada, and
receive his repudiated queen. He then betook himself to Attigny, the
residence of Charles the Bald. He peremptorily commanded the
restoration of the bishop Rothrad, who had been canonically, as it
was asserted, deposed by Hincmar his metropolitan, and was now
irregularly, without inquiry or examination, replaced by the arbitrary
mandate of the pope. Hincmar murmured and obeyed; the trembling
king acquiesced in the papal decree.
But Nicholas did not live to enjoy his perfect triumph; he died in
November, 867 a.d.—a pontiff who, if he advanced no absolutely
unexampled pretensions to supremacy in behalf of the Roman see,
yet, by the favourable juncture and auspicious circumstances which
he seized to assert and maintain that authority, did more than all his
predecessors to strengthen and confirm it. During all his conflicts in
the West with the royal and with the episcopal power, the moral and
religious sympathies of mankind could not but be on his side. If his
language was occasionally more violent, even contemptuous, than
became the moderation which, up to this time, had mitigated the
papal decrees, he might plead lofty and righteous indignation; if he
interfered with domestic relations, it was in defence of the innocent
and defenceless, and in vindication of the sanctity of marriage; if he
treated kings with scorn, it was because they had become
contemptible for their weakness or their vices; if he interfered with
episcopal or metropolitan jurisdiction, the inferior clergy, even
bishops, would be pleased to have a remote, and possibly
[858-869 a.d.]
disinterested tribunal, to which they might appeal from prelates,
chosen only from aristocratic connections, barbarians in occupation
and in ferocity; if he was inexorable to transgressors, it was to those
of the highest order, prelates who had lent themselves to injustice
and iniquity, and had defied his power; if he annulled councils, those
councils had already been condemned for their injustice, had
deserved the reproachful appellation with which they were branded
by the pope, with all who had any innate or unperverted sentiment
of justice and purity. Hence the presumptuous usurpation even of
divine power, so long as it was thus beneficently used, awed,
confounded all, and offended few. Men took no alarm at the
arrogance which befriended them against the oppressor and the
tyrant.
But this vast moral advancement of the popedom was not all
which the Roman see owes to Nicholas I; she owes the questionable
boon of the recognition of the False Decretals as the law of the
church.
THE FALSE DECRETALS
Nicholas I not only saw during his pontificate
the famous False Decretals take their place in
the jurisprudence of Latin Christendom; if he
did not promulgate, he assumed them as authentic documents; he
gave them the weight of the papal sanction; and with their aid
prostrated at his feet the one great transalpine prelate who could
still maintain the independence of the Teutonic church, Hincmar
archbishop of Rheims.
Up to this period the decretals, the letters or edicts of the bishops
of Rome, according to the authorised or common collection of
Dionysius, commenced with Pope Siricius, towards the close of the
fourth century. To the collection of Dionysius was added that of the
authentic councils, which bore the name of Isidore of Seville. On a
sudden was promulgated, unannounced, without preparation, not
absolutely unquestioned, but apparently overawing at once all
doubt, a new code, which to the former authentic documents added
fifty-nine letters and decrees of the twenty oldest popes from
Clement to Melchiades (Miltiades), and the donation of Constantine;
and in the third part, among the decrees of the popes and of the
councils from Silvester to Gregory II, thirty-nine false decrees, and
the acts of several unauthentic councils. In this vast manual of
sacerdotal Christianity the popes appear from the first the parents,
guardians, legislators of the faith throughout the world. The False
Decretals do not merely assert the supremacy of the popes—the
dignity and privileges of the bishop of Rome—they comprehend the
whole dogmatic system and discipline of the church, the whole
hierarchy from the highest to the lowest degree, their sanctity, and
immunities, their persecutions, their disputes, their right of appeal to
Rome.
But for the too manifest design, the aggrandisement of the see of
Rome and the aggrandisement of the whole clergy in subordination
to the see of Rome; but for the monstrous ignorance of history,
which betrays itself in glaring anachronisms, and in the utter
confusion of the order of events and the lives of distinguished men—
the former awakening keen and jealous suspicion, the latter making
the detection of the spuriousness of the whole easy, clear,
irrefragable—the False Decretals might still have maintained their
place in ecclesiastical history. They are now given up by all; not a
voice is raised in their favour; the utmost that is done by those who
cannot suppress all regret at their explosion, is to palliate the guilt of
the forger, to call in question or to weaken the influence which they
had in their own day, and throughout the later history of Christianity.
The author or authors of this most audacious and elaborate of
pious frauds are unknown; the date and place of its compilation are
driven into such narrow limits that they may be determined within a
few years, and within a very circumscribed region. The False
Decretals came not from Rome; the time of their arrival at Rome,
after they were known beyond the Alps, appears almost certain. In
one year Nicholas I is apparently ignorant of their existence, the
next he speaks of them with full knowledge. They contain words
manifestly used at the Council of Paris (829 a.d.), consequently are
of later date; they were known to the Levite Benedict of Metz, who
composed a supplement to the collection of capitularies by Adgesil,
between 840-847 a.d. The city of Metz is designated with nearly
equal certainty as the place in which, if not actually composed, they
were first promulgated as the canon law of Christendom.
The state of affairs in the divided and distracted empire might
seem almost to call for, almost to justify, this desperate effort to
strengthen the ecclesiastical power. All the lower clergy, including
some of the bishops, were groaning, just at this time, under heavy
oppression. By the constitution of Charlemagne, which survived
under Louis the Pious, and, so long as the empire maintained its
unity, asserted the independence of the transalpine hierarchy of all
but the temporal sovereign, the clergy were under strict
subordination to the bishop, the bishop to the metropolitan, the
metropolitan only to the emperor. Conflicting popes, or popes in
conflict with Italian enemies, or with their own subjects, had
reduced the papacy to vassalage under the empire. Conflicting kings,
on the division of the realm of Charlemagne, had not yet, but were
soon about to submit the empire to the Roman supremacy. All at
present was anarchy. The Germans and the French were drawing
asunder into separate rival nations; the sons of Louis were waging
an endless, implacable strife. Almost every year, less than every
decade of years, beheld a new partition of the empire; kingdoms
rose and fell, took new boundaries, acknowledged new sovereigns;
no government was strong enough to maintain the law; might was
the only law.
The hierarchy, if not the whole clergy, had taken the lead in the
disruption of the unity of the empire; they had abased the throne of
Louis; they were for a short disastrous period now the victims of that
abasement. Their wealth was their danger. They had become secular
princes, they had become nobles, they had become vast landed
proprietors. But during the civil wars it was not the persuasive voice,
but the strong arm, which had authority; the mitre must bow before
the helmet, the crosier before the sword. Not only the domains, the
An Extract from St. Augustine’s Psalter
persons of the clergy had lost their sanctity. The persecution and
oppression of the church and the clergy had reached a height
unknown in former times.
It might occur to
the most religious
that for the sake of
religion; it might
occur to those to
whom the dignity
and interest of the
sacerdotal order
were their religion,
that some effort
must be made to
reinvest the clergy in
their imperilled
sanctity. There must
be some appeal
against this secular,
this ecclesiastical
tyranny; and whither
should appeal be? It
could not be to the
Scriptures, to the
Gospel. It must be to ancient and venerable tradition, to the
unrepealed, irrepealable law of the church; to remote and awful
Rome. Rome must be proclaimed in an unusual, more emphatic
manner, the eternal, immemorial court of appeal. The tradition must
not rest on the comparatively recent names of Leo the Great, of
Innocent the Great, of Siricius, or the right of appeal depend on the
decree of the Council of Sardica. It must come down from the
successors of St. Peter himself in unbroken succession. The whole
clergy must have a perpetual, indefeasible sanctity of the same
antiquity. So may the idea of this, to us it seems, monstrous fiction
have dawned upon its author; himself may have implicitly believed
that he asserted no prerogative for Rome which Rome herself had
not claimed, which he did not think to be her right. It is even now
asserted, perhaps can hardly be disproved, that the False Decretals
advanced no pretensions in favour of the see of Rome which had not
been heard before in some vague and indefinite, but not therefore
less significant, language. The boldness of the act was in the new
authority in which it arrayed these pretensions. The new code was
enshrined, as it were, in a framework of deeply religious thought and
language; it was introduced under the venerated name of Isidore of
Seville; it was thus attached to the authentic work of Isidore, which
had long enjoyed undisputed authority. Hincmar, archbishop of
Rheims, as the most powerful, so, perhaps, the most learned
transalpine ecclesiastic, who might at once have exposed the fiction,
which he could hardly but know to be a fiction, co-operated more
than anyone else to establish its authority. So long as he supposed it
to advance or confirm his own power, he suppressed all intrusive
doubts; he discovered too late that it was a trap (a mousetrap is his
own undignified word) to catch unwary metropolitans. Hincmar was
caught, beyond all hope of escape. In the appeal of Rothrad, bishop
of Soissons, against Hincmar, metropolitan of Rheims, Pope Nicholas
I at first alleges no word of the new decretals in favour of his right
of appeal; he seemingly knows no older authority than that of
Innocent, Leo, Siricius, and the Council of Sardica. The next year not
merely is he fully master of the pseudo-Isidorian documents, but he
taunts Hincmar with now calling in question, when it makes against
him, authority which he was ready to acknowledge in confirmation of
his own power. Hincmar is forced to the humiliation of submission.
Rothrad, deposed by Hincmar, deposed by the Council of Senlis, is
reinstated in his see.
This immediate, if somewhat cautious, adoption of the fiction,
unquestionably not the forgery, by Pope Nicholas, appears less
capable of charitable palliation than the original invention. Nor did
the successors of Nicholas betray any greater scruple in
strengthening themselves by this welcome, and therefore only
unsuspicious aid. It is impossible to deny that, at least by citing
[869-876 a.d.]
without reserve or hesitation, the Roman pontiffs gave their
deliberate sanction to this great historic fraud.
Nor must be overlooked, perhaps, the more important result of
the acceptance of the pseudo-Isidorian statutes as the universal,
immemorial, irrepealable law of Christendom. It established the
great principle which Nicholas I had before announced, of the sole
legislative power of the pope. Every one of these papal epistles was
a canon of the church; every future bull therefore rested on the
same irrefragable authority, commanded the same implicit
obedience. The papacy became a legislative as well as an
administrative authority. Infallibility was the next inevitable step, if
infallibility was not already in the power asserted to have been
bestowed by the Lord on St. Peter, by St. Peter handed down in
unbroken descent, and in a plenitude which could not be restricted
or limited, to his successors.
ADRIAN II
Nicholas was succeeded (November, 867) by Adrian II, a rigid and
lofty churchman, who, though his policy at first appeared doubtful,
resolutely maintained, but not with equal judgment and success, the
principles of his predecessor. Adrian (he was now seventy-five years
old) had been married before he became a priest. At the intercession
of the emperor Louis, he took off the ban of excommunication from
Waldrada, and restored her to the communion of the church. By this
lenity he might seem to lure King Lothair to the last act of
submission. The king of Lorraine arrived in Italy. The pope seemed
to yield to the influence of Louis and the empress Ingelberga; at
least he accepted the munificent presents of the king.
From Monte Cassino, where they first met,
Lothair followed the pope to Rome. There,
instead of being received as a king, and as one
reconciled with the see of Rome, when he entered the church all
was silent and vacant; not one of the clergy appeared; he retired to
a neighbouring chamber, which was not even swept for his
reception. The next day was Sunday, and he hoped to hear the mass
chanted before him. The pope refused him this honour. He dined,
however, the next day with the pope, and an interchange of presents
took place. At length Adrian consented to admit him to the
communion.
Pope Adrian seized the occasion of the contest for the kingdom of
Lothair to advance still more daring and unprecedented pretensions.
But the world was not yet ripe for this broad and naked assertion of
secular power by the pope, his claim to interfere in the disposal of
kingdoms. Directly he left the strong ground of moral and religious
authority, from which his predecessor Nicholas had commanded the
world, he encountered insurmountable resistance. With all that
remained of just and generous sympathy on their side popes might
intermeddle in the domestic relations of kings; they were not
permitted as yet to touch the question of royal succession or
inheritance. The royal and the episcopal power had quailed before
Nicholas; the fulminations of Adrian were treated with contempt or
indifference: and Hincmar of Rheims in this quarrel with Adrian
regained that independence and ascendency which had been
obscured by his temporary submission to Nicholas.
Nicholas I and Adrian II thus, with different success, imperiously
dictating to sovereigns, ruling or attempting to rule the higher clergy
in foreign countries with a despotic sway, mingling in the political
revolutions of Europe, awarding crowns, and adjudging kingly
inheritances, might seem the immediate ancestors of Gregory VII, of
Innocent III, of Boniface VIII. But the papacy had to undergo a
period of gloom and degradation, even of guilt, before it emerged
again to its height of power.
The pontificate of John VIII (872) is the turning-point in this
gradual, but rapid and almost total change; among its causes were
the extinction of the imperial branch of the Carlovingian race and the
frequent transference of the empire from one line of sovereigns to
another; with the growth of the formidable dukes and counts in
Italy, which overshadowed the papal power and reduced the pope
[876-878 a.d.]
himself to the slave or the victim of one of the contending factions.
The pope was elected, deposed, imprisoned, murdered. In the wild
turbulence of the times not merely the reverence but the sanctity of
his character disappeared. He sank to the common level of mortals;
and the head of Christendom was as fierce and licentious as the
petty princes who surrounded him, out of whose stock he sprang,
and whose habits he did not break off when raised to the papal
throne.
John VIII, however, still stood on the vantage ground occupied by
Nicholas I and Adrian II. He was a Roman by birth. He signalised his
pontificate by an act even more imposing than those of his
predecessors, the nomination to the empire, which his language
represented rather as a grant from the papal authority than as an
hereditary dignity; it was a direct gift from heaven, conveyed at the
will of the pope. Already there appear indications of a French and
German interest contending for the papal influence which grows into
more and more decided faction, till the Carlovingian empire is
united, soon to be dissolved forever, in the person of Charles the Fat.
John VIII adopted the dangerous policy of a partial adherence to
France. But the historians are almost unanimous as to the price
which Charles was compelled to pay for his imperial crown. He
bought the pope, he bought the senators of Rome; he bought, if we
might venture to take the words to the letter, St. Peter himself.
The imperial reign of Charles the Bald was
short and inglorious. The whole pontificate of
John VIII was a long, if at times interrupted,
agony of apprehension lest Rome should fall into the hands of the
unbeliever. The reign of the late emperor Louis had been almost a
continual warfare against the Mohammedans, who had now
obtained a firm footing in southern Italy. He had successfully
repelled their progress, but at the death of Louis Rome was again in
danger of becoming a Mohammedan city. The pope wrote letter after
letter in the most urgent and feeling language to Charles the Bald
soon after he had invested him with the empire. “If all the trees in
the forest,” such is the style of the pope, “were turned into tongues,
they could not describe the ravages of these impious pagans; the
devout people of God are destroyed by a continual slaughter; he
who escapes the fire and the sword is carried as a captive into exile.
Cities, castles, and villages are utterly wasted, and without an
inhabitant. The bishops are wandering about in beggary, or fly to
Rome as the only place of refuge.”
Yet, if possible, even more formidable than the infidels were the
petty Christian princes of Italy. “The canker-worm eats what the
locust has left.” In many parts of Italy had gradually arisen
independent dukedoms; and none of these appear to have felt any
religious respect for the pope, some not for Christianity. On the
vacancy after the death of Pope Nicholas, Lambert of Spoleto had
occupied and pillaged Rome, respecting neither monastery nor
church, and carrying off a great number of young females of the
highest rank. Adelchis, the duke of Benevento, had dared to seize in
that city the sacred person of the emperor Louis. He was only
permitted to leave the city after he had taken a solemn oath to
Adelchis—an oath in which his wife, his daughter, and all his
attendants were compelled to join—that he would neither in his own
person nor by any other revenge this act of insolent rebellion. No
sooner, however, had Louis reached Ravenna in safety than he sent
to the pope to absolve him from his oath. Adrian II, then pope,
began to assert that dangerous privilege of absolution from solemn
and recorded oaths.
The bishop-duke of Spoleto did not scruple to return to the
unhallowed policy of his brother. He entered into a new league with
the Saracens, gave them quarters, and actually uniting his troops
with theirs, defeated the forces of Benevento, Capua, and Salerno,
and opened a free passage for their incursions to the gates of Rome.
The imperial crown was again vacant, and claimed by the
conflicting houses of France and Germany. But Carloman, son of
Ludwig of Germany, had been acknowledged as king of Italy.
Probably as partisans of the German, and to compel the pope to
abandon the interest of the French line, to which he adhered with
[878-891 a.d.]
unshaken fidelity, Lambert, duke of Spoleto, that antichrist, as the
pope described him, with his adulterous sister, Richildis, and his
accomplice, the treacherous Adalbert, count of Tuscany, at the head
of an irresistible force, entered Rome, seized and confined the pope,
and endeavoured to starve him into concession, and compelled the
clergy and the Romans to take an oath of allegiance to Carloman, as
king of Italy. For thirty days the religious services were interrupted;
not a single lamp burned on the altars.
No sooner had they retired than the pope
caused all the sacred treasures to be conveyed
from St. Peter’s to the Lateran, covered the altar
of St. Peter with sackcloth, closed the doors, and refused to permit
the pilgrims from distant lands to approach the shrine. He then fled
to Ostia, and embarked for France.
When he reached the shores of Provence, John VIII felt himself in
another world. Instead of turbulent and lawless enemies (such were
the counts and dukes of Italy) whose rapacity or animosity paid no
respect to sacred things, and treated the pope like an ordinary
mortal, the whole kingdom of France might seem to throw itself
humbly at his feet. No pope was more prodigal of excommunication
than John VIII. Of his letters (above three hundred) it is remarkable
how large a proportion threaten, inflict, or at least allude to this last
exercise of sacerdotal power.
The indefatigable pope returned over the Alps by the Mont Cenis,
to Turin and Pavia; but of all whom he had so commandingly
exhorted, and so earnestly implored to march for his protection
against the Saracens, and no doubt against his Italian enemies,
none obeyed but Duke Boson of Provence. The Saracens, in the
meantime, courted by all parties, impartially plundered all, made or
broke alliances with the same facility with the Christians, while the
poor monks, even of St. Benedict’s own foundation, lived in
perpetual fear of spoliation. The last days of John VIII were
occupied in writing more and more urgent letters for aid to Charles
the Fat, in warfare, or providing means of war against his Saracen
[891-897 a.d.]
and Christian foes, or dealing excommunications on all sides; yet
facing with gallant resolution the foes of his person and his power.
This violent pope is said (but by one writer only) to have come to a
violent end; his brains were beaten out with a mallet by some
enemy, covetous of his wealth and ambitious of the papal crown.
The short pontificate of Marinus (Marinus I or Martin II) was
followed by the still shorter rule of Adrian III, which lasted but
fourteen months. That of Stephen V, though not of longer duration,
witnessed events of far more importance to the papacy, to Italy, and
to Christendom. On the death of Charles the Fat, the ill-cemented
edifice of the Carlovingian Empire, the discordant materials of which
had reunited, not by natural affinity but almost by the force of
accident, dissolved again and forever. The legitimate race of
Charlemagne expired in the person of his unworthy descendant,
whose name, derived from mere physical bulk, contrasted with the
mental greatness, the commanding qualities of military,
administrative, and even intellectual superiority which had blended
with the name of the first Charles the appellation of the Great.
POPE FORMOSUS
The death of Stephen, September, 891, and
the election of Formosus to the papacy,
changed the aspect of affairs, and betrayed the
hostilities still rankling at Rome. By the election of Formosus was
violated the ordinary canonical rule against the translation of bishops
from one see to another (Formosus was bishop of Porto), which was
still held in some respect. There were yet stronger objections to the
election of a bishop who had been excommunicated by a former
pontiff, excommunicated as an accomplice in a conspiracy to murder
the pope. The excommunicated Formosus had been compelled to
take an oath never to resume his episcopal functions, never to
return to Rome, and never to presume but to lay communion. The
successor of John had granted absolution from these penalties, from
this oath.
This election must have been a desperate measure of an
unscrupulous faction. Nor was Formosus chosen without a fierce and
violent struggle.
The suffrages of a party among the clergy and people had already
fallen upon Sergius. He was actually at the altar preparing for the
solemn ceremony of inauguration, when he was torn away by the
stronger faction. Formosus, chosen, as his partisans declared, for his
superior learning and knowledge of the Scripture, was then invested
in the papal dignity.
When Pope Formosus died, May 23rd, 896, the election fell to
Boniface VII. The new pontiff laboured under the imputation of
having been twice deposed for his profligate and scandalous life,
first from the subdiaconate, afterwards from the priesthood.
Boniface died of the gout fifteen days after his elevation. The Italian
party hastened to the election of Stephen VI.
Probably the German governor had withdrawn before Stephen and
his faction proceeded to wreak their vengeance on the lifeless
remains of Formosus. Fierce political animosity took the form of
ecclesiastical solemnity. The body was disinterred, dressed in the
papal habiliments, and, before a council assembled for the purpose,
addressed in these words: “Wherefore wert thou, being bishop of
Porto, tempted by ambition to usurp the Catholic see of Rome?” The
deacon who had been assigned as counsel for the dead maintained
a prudent silence. The sacred vestments were then stripped from
the body, three of the fingers cut off, the body cast into the Tiber. All
who had been ordained by Formosus were reordained by Stephen.
Such, however, were the vicissitudes of popular feeling in Rome, that
some years after a miracle was said to have asserted the innocence
of Formosus. His body was found by fishermen in the Tiber, and
carried back for burial in the church of St. Peter. As the coffin
passed, all the images in the church reverentially bowed their heads.
The pontificate of Stephen soon came to an end. A new revolution
revenged the disinterment of the insulted prelate. And now the
fierceness of political rather than religious faction had utterly
A Monk of the Middle Ages
[897-911 a.d.]
destroyed all reverence for the sacred
person of the pope. Stephen was
thrown into prison by his enemies,
and strangled. The convenient charge
of usurpation, always brought against
the popes whom their adversaries
dethroned or put to death, may have
reconciled their minds to the impious
deed, but it is difficult to discover in
what respect the title of Pope Stephen
VI was defective.
Pope now
succeeded pope
with such rapidity
as to awaken the inevitable suspicion,
either that those were chosen who
were likely to make a speedy vacancy,
or they received but a fatal gift in the pontificate of Rome. Romanus
and Theodore II survived their promotion each only a few months.
The latter, by his restoration of Formosus to the rights of Christian
burial, and by his reversal of the acts of Stephen VI, may be
presumed to have belonged to that faction. The next election was
contested with all the strength and violence of the adverse parties.
John IX was successful; his competitor Sergius, according to some
accounts formerly the discomfited competitor of Formosus, and his
bitter and implacable enemy, fled to the powerful protection of the
marquis of Tuscany. Sergius was excommunicated, with several
other priests and inferior clergy, as accessory to the insults against
the body of Formosus. Sergius laughed to scorn the thunders of his
rival, so long as he was under the protection of the powerful house
of Tuscany. With John IX, who died July, 901, closed the ninth
century of Christianity; the tenth, in Italy at least the iron age, had
already darkened upon Rome; the pontificate had been won by
crime and vacated by murder.
This iron age, as it has been called, opened with the pontificate of
Benedict IV (900-903), the successor of John IX. The only act
recorded of Benedict IV was the coronation of the unfortunate Louis
of Provence, the competitor of Berengar for the empire. Louis,
according to imperial usage, set up his tribunal and adjudged causes
at Rome. On the death of Benedict, the prudent precautions
established by John IX to introduce some regularity and control over
the anarchy of an election by a clergy rent into factions by a lawless
nobility, and still more lawless people, during this utter helplessness
and the abeyance, or the strife for the empire between rival princes,
fell into utter neglect or impotency. The papacy became the prize of
the most active, daring, and violent. Leo V won the prize; before two
months he was ejected and thrown into prison by Christopher, one
of his own presbyters and chaplains. The same year, or early in the
next, Christopher was in his turn ignominiously driven from Rome.
It was under the protection of the powerful Tuscan prince
Berengar that the exiled Sergius, at the head of a strong force of
Tuscan soldiers, appeared in Rome, deposed Christopher, who had
just deposed Leo V, and took possession of the papal throne. Sergius
had been seven years an exile in Tuscany; for seven years he ruled
as supreme but not undisputed pontiff. This pope has been loaded
with every vice and every enormity which can blacken the character
of man. Yet as to his reign there is almost total obscurity. The only
certain act which has transpired is his restoration of the Lateran
palace, which had fallen into ruins; an act which indicates a period
of comparative peace and orderly administration, with the command
of a large revenue. In these violent times Sergius probably scrupled
at no violence; but if he drove a pope from the throne of St. Peter,
that pope had just before deposed his patron, and with great cruelty.
THEODORA IN POWER
But during the papacy of Sergius rose into power the infamous
Theodora, with her daughters Marozia and Theodora, the prostitutes
who, in the strong language of historians, disposed for many years
[911-928 a.d.]
the papal tiara, and not content with disgracing by their own
licentious lives the chief city of Christendom, actually placed their
profligate paramours or base-born sons in the chair of St. Peter. The
influence obtained by Theodora and her daughters, if it shows not
the criminal connivance of Pope Sergius, or a still more disgraceful
connection with which he was charged by the scandal of the times,
proves at least the utter degradation of the papal power in Rome. It
had not only lost all commanding authority, but could not even
maintain outward decency. Theodora was born of a noble and
wealthy senatorial family, on whom she has entailed an infamous
immortality. The women of Rome seem at successive periods seized
with a kind of Roman ambition to surpass their sex by the greatness
of their virtues and of their vices. These females were to the Paulas
and Eustochiums of the younger and severer age of Roman
Christianity, what the Julias and Messallinas of the empire were to
the Volumnias and Cornelias of the republic.
It must be acknowledged that if the stern
language of Tacitus and Juvenal may have
darkened the vices of the queens and daughters
of the cæsars, the bishop of Cremona,s our chief authority on the
enormities of Theodora and her daughters, wants the moral dignity,
while he is liable to the same suspicion as those great writers.
Throughout the lives of the pontiffs themselves we have to balance
between the malignant license of satire and the unmeaning phrases
of adulatory panegyric. On the other hand it is difficult to decide
which is more utterly unchristian—the profound hatred which could
invent or accredit such stories; the utter dissoluteness which made
them easily believed; or the actual truth of such charges.
Liutprands relates that John, afterwards the tenth pope of that
name, being employed in Rome on some ecclesiastical matters by
the archbishop of Ravenna, was the paramour of Theodora, who not
only allowed but compelled him to her embraces. John was first
appointed to the see of Bologna; but the archbishopric of Ravenna,
the second ecclesiastical dignity in Italy, falling vacant before he had
been consecrated, he was advanced by the same dominant influence
to that see. But Theodora bore with impatience the separation of
two hundred miles from her lover. Anastasius III had succeeded
Sergius (911) and occupied the papacy for rather more than two
years; after him Lando for six months (913). On the death of Lando
(914) by a more flagrant violation of the canonical rule than that
charged against the dead body of Formosus, John was translated
from the archiepiscopate of Ravenna to the see of Rome. But
Theodora, if she indeed possessed this dictatorial power, and the
clergy and people of Rome, if they yielded to her dictation, may have
been actuated by nobler and better motives than her gratification of
a lustful passion, if not by motives purely Christian. For however the
archbishop of Ravenna might be no example of piety or holiness as
the spiritual head of Christendom, he appears to have been highly
qualified for the secular part of his office. He was a man of ability
and daring, eminently wanted at this juncture to save Rome from
becoming the prey of Mohammedan conquest, organising a powerful
confederacy of neighbouring dukes to accomplish this purpose.
He placed himself at the head of the army, and for the first time
the successor of St. Peter, the vicar of the Prince of peace, rode forth
in his array to battle. And if success, as it doubtless was, might be
interpreted as a manifestation of divine approval, the total
discomfiture of the Saracens and the destruction of the troublesome
fortress on the Garigliano seemed to sanction this new and
unseemly character assumed by the pope. Even the apostles
sanctioned or secured by their presence the triumph of the warlike
pope.
For fourteen years (914-928), obscure as regards Rome and the
pontificate, this powerful prelate occupied the see of Rome. If he
gained it (a doubtful charge) by the vices and influence of the
mother Theodora, he lost it, together with his life, by the no less
flagrant vices and more monstrous power of the daughter Marozia.
THE INFAMOUS MAROZIA
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Fundamental of Management. Lecture 2
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The Environment and Corporate Culture
Understanding Management 8th Edition Daft Solutions Manual
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Understanding Management 8th Edition Daft Solutions Manual
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
Solution Manual for Understanding Management, 9th Edition
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Understanding Management 8th Edition Daft Solutions Manual

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  • 5. The Environment and Corporate Culture 31 31 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. CHAPTER 2 THE ENVIRONMENT AND CORPORATE CULTURE CHAPTER OUTLINE Are You Ready to Be a Manager? I. The External Environment A. General Environment B. Task Environment II. The Organization–Environment Relationship A. Environmental Uncertainty B. Adapting to the Environment III. The Internal Environment: Corporate Culture A. Symbols B. Stories C. Heroes D. Slogans E. Ceremonies IV. Types of Culture A. Adaptability Culture B. Achievement Culture C. Involvement Culture D. Consistency Culture V. Shaping Corporate Culture for Innovative Response A. Managing the High-Performance Culture B. Cultural Leadership ANNOTATED LEARNING OBJECTIVES After studying this chapter, students should be able to: 1. Describe the general and task environments and the dimensions of each. The organizational environment consists of all elements existing outside the boundary of the organization that have the potential to affect and influence the organization. This environment consists of two layers: the task environment and the general environment.
  • 6. The Environment and Corporate Culture 32 32 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. The task environment is closer to the organization and includes the sectors that conduct day-to- day transactions with the organization and directly influence its basic operations and
  • 7. The Environment and Corporate Culture 33 33 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. performance such as competitors, suppliers, and customers. The general environment is the outer layer that is widely dispersed and affects the organization indirectly. It includes social, demographic, and economic factors that influence all organizations about equally. 2. Explain the strategies managers use to help organizations adapt to an uncertain or turbulent environment. The environment creates uncertainty for organization members. Uncertainty means that managers do not have sufficient information about environmental factors to understand and predict environmental needs and changes. Two basic factors that influence uncertainty are the number of factors that affect the organization and the extent to which those factors change. Strategies to adapt to these changes in the environment include boundary-spanning roles, interorganizational partnerships, and mergers or joint ventures. Boundary-spanning roles are assumed by people and/or departments that link and coordinate the organization with key elements in the external environment. Interorganizational partnerships are a popular strategy for adapting to the environment by reducing boundaries and increasing collaboration with other organizations. A merger is the combining of two or more organizations into one. A joint venture involves a strategic alliance or program by two or more organizations. 3. Define corporate culture and give organizational examples. Culture can be defined as the set of key values, beliefs, understandings, and norms shared by members of an organization. It can be analyzed at three levels. At the surface are visible items, which include manner of dress, patterns of behavior, physical symbols, organizational ceremonies, and office layout. At a deeper level are the expressed values and beliefs, which cannot be discerned from how people explain and justify what they do. These are values that members of the organization hold at a conscious level. They can be interpreted from the stories, language, and symbols organization members use to represent them. Some values become so deeply embedded in a culture that members are no longer consciously aware of them. These basic, underlying assumptions and beliefs are the essence of culture and subconsciously guide behavior and decisions. 4. Explain organizational symbols, stories, heroes, slogans, and ceremonies and their relationships to corporate culture. Fundamental values and corporate culture cannot be observed directly, but they can be understood through the visible manifestations of symbols, stories, heroes, slogans, and ceremonies. A symbol is an object, act, or event that conveys meaning to others. Symbols associated with corporate culture convey the organization’s important values. A story is a narrative based on true events that is repeated frequently and shared among organizational employees. Stories are told to new employees to keep the organization’s primary values alive. A hero is a figure who exemplifies the deeds, character, and attributes of a strong culture.
  • 8. The Environment and Corporate Culture 34 34 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Heroes are role models for employees to follow. A slogan is a phrase or sentence that succinctly expresses a key corporate value. Many companies use a slogan or saying to convey special meaning to employees. A ceremony is a planned activity that makes up a special event and is
  • 9. The Environment and Corporate Culture 35 35 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. conducted for the benefit of an audience. Managers hold ceremonies to provide dramatic examples of company values. Organizational culture represents the values, understandings, and basic assumptions that employees share, and these values are signified by the above events. Managers help define important symbols, stories, heroes, slogans, and ceremonies to shape the future. 5. Describe four types of cultures and how corporate culture relates to the environment. The adaptability culture is characterized by values that support the company’s ability to rapidly detect, interpret, and translate signals from the environment into new behavior responses. This culture emerges in an environment that requires fast response and high-risk decision making. Employees have autonomy to make decisions and act freely to meet new needs, and responsiveness to customers is highly valued. The achievement culture is a results-oriented culture that values competitiveness, aggressiveness, personal initiative, and willingness to work long and hard to achieve results. It is suited to organizations concerned with serving specific customers in the external environment but without the intense need for flexibility and rapid change. An emphasis on winning and achieving specific ambitious goals is the glue that holds this organization together. The involvement culture places high value on meeting the needs of employees and values cooperation and equality. This culture has an internal focus on the involvement and participation of employees to rapidly meet changing needs from the environment. Managers emphasize values such as cooperation, consideration of both employees and customers, and avoiding status differences. The consistency culture values and rewards a methodical, rational, orderly way of doing things. This culture has an internal focus and a consistency orientation for a stable environment. Following the rules and being thrifty are important in this culture. The external environment exerts a big influence on internal corporate culture. Corporate culture should embody what it takes to succeed in the environment. If the external environment requires extraordinary customer service, the culture should encourage good service; if it calls for careful technical decision-making, cultural values should reinforce effective managerial decision making. 6. Define a cultural leader and explain the tools a cultural leader uses to create a high- performance culture. A cultural leader is a manager who uses signals and symbols to influence corporate culture. Cultural leaders influence culture by articulating a vision for the organizational culture that employees can believe in, and heeding the day-to-day activities that reinforce the cultural vision. To create a high-performance culture, a cultural leader would tie the central values that employees believe in to the need for high performance, and then make sure that work procedures
  • 10. The Environment and Corporate Culture 36 36 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. and reward systems match and reinforce those values. Finally, the cultural leader must be sure to exemplify high-performance in his or her own work activities.
  • 11. The Environment and Corporate Culture 37 37 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. LECTURE OUTLINE Are You Ready to Be a Manager? This questionnaire helps students determine in which types of organizations they might be most comfortable. INTRODUCTION A dominant market position is never guaranteed, even for a company like Blockbuster. Video rentals were a key aspect of home entertainment for many years and not very long ago Blockbuster was king of the market. However, mail-order and video-on-demand have completely changed the video rental market and Blockbuster no longer holds court. Although Blockbuster now offers mail-order and streaming services, it was too slow to respond to market changes and lost its influence in the market. The environment in which companies operate is continually changing, sometimes quite rapidly, as Blockbuster learned, and managers have to stay on their toes. For organizations in all industries, environments are increasingly dynamic, requiring managers to be prepared to respond quickly to even subtle environmental shifts. This chapter explains the components of the external environment and how they affect organizations. In addition, it examines a major part of the organization’s internal environment—corporate culture. I. THE EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENT INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
  • 12. The Environment and Corporate Culture 38 38 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. The external organizational environment includes all elements existing outside the boundary of the organization that have the potential to affect the organization. The environment includes
  • 13. The Environment and Corporate Culture 39 39 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. competitors, resources, technology, and economic conditions that influence the organization. It does not include those events so far removed from the organization that their impact is not perceived. The organizational environment can be conceptualized as having two layers surrounding the organization: the general environment and the task environment. The organization also has an internal environment that includes the elements within the organization’s boundaries. It is composed of current employees, management, and corporate culture. Business Blooper: British Petroleum Oil Spill After the worst oil spill in U.S. history, then-CEO of British Petroleum (BP) Tony Hayward didn’t win any friends on Capitol Hill two months later when he refused to provide details of the spill, and where he seemed non-chalant about the 760 “egregious willful” violations between 2007 and 2009 from OSHA. Two days later, he was off the coast of England watching his yacht in a race and spending time with his son, at the same time some 60,000 barrels of oil were still leaking each day in a disaster that had already cost 11 lives. This was just a year after the explosion of a BP refinery in Texas in which 15 were killed and hundreds wounded. Exhibit 2.1: Dimensions of the Organization’s General, Task, and Internal Environments A. General Environment 1. The general environment represents the outer layer of the environment and will influence the organization over time, but often is not involved in day-to-day operations. The dimensions of the general environment include international, technological, sociocultural, economic, legal-political, and natural. a. The international dimension represents events originating in foreign countries and opportunities for American companies in other countries. This dimension influences all other aspects of the external environment. This provides new competitors, customers, and suppliers and shapes social, technical, and economic trends. Today, every company has to compete on a global basis; high-quality, low-priced cars from Japan have changed the U.S. auto industry. Managers in the U.S. have been slow to understand issues and competition in foreign countries. b. The technological dimension includes scientific and technological advancements in a specific industry as well as society at large. Technology has created massive changes for organizations and industries. Today, computer networks, Internet access, videoconferencing, cell phones, and laptops are taken for granted. Other technology will affect organizations and managers; the decoding of the human genome could lead to revolutionary medical advances.
  • 14. The Environment and Corporate Culture 40 40 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Spotlight on Skills: Creating Guanxi in China With its low labor costs and huge potential market, China is luring thousands of U.S. companies in search of growth opportunities. However, only one-third of multinationals doing business in China have actually turned a profit. One reason Western businesses fall short of expectations is that they fail to grasp the centuries-old concept of guanxi that lies at the heart of Chinese culture. Guanxi is a supportive, mutually beneficial connection between two people that eventually grows into a network, and it is through these networks that business gets done. People doing business in China should remember the following things: business is always personal; don’t skip the small talk; relationships are not short-term, and; make contact frequently. c. The sociocultural dimension represents the demographic characteristics, norms, customs, and values of the general population. Important sociocultural characteristics are population and geographical distribution, population density, age, and education levels. Today’s demographic profiles are the foundation of tomorrow’s work force and customers. Forecasters see increased globalization of both consumer markets and labor supply with increasing diversity in organizations and consumer markets. d. The economic dimension represents the general economic health of the country or region in which the organization operates. Components of the economic dimension include consumer purchasing power, the unemployment rate, and interest rates. The frequency of mergers and acquisitions represents a recent trend in the economic environment, but there is vitality in the small business sector. Entrepreneurial start-ups are a significant aspect of the U.S. economy today. e. The legal-political dimension includes federal, state, and local government regulations and political activities designed to influence company behavior. Government regulations influence organizations through a variety of legislation such as Occupational Safety and Heath Administration (OSHA), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), fair trade practices, and others. Pressure groups are interest groups that work within the legal-political framework to influence companies to behave in socially responsible ways. For example, tobacco companies are feeling the power of anti-smoking groups. f. The natural dimension includes all elements that occur naturally on earth, including plants, animals, rocks, and natural resources such as air, water, and climate. Protection of the natural environment is emerging as a critical policy focus around the world. The natural dimension is different from other sectors of the general environment because it has no voice of its own. Influence on managers to meet needs in the natural environment may come from other sectors, such as government regulation, consumer concerns, the media, competitors’ actions, and even employees.
  • 15. Visit https://testbankbell.com now to explore a rich collection of testbank, solution manual and enjoy exciting offers!
  • 16. The Environment and Corporate Culture 41 41 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Discussion Question #5: Why do you think that many managers are surprised by environmental changes and hence are less able to help their organizations adapt?
  • 17. The Environment and Corporate Culture 42 42 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Exhibit 2.2: 2010 Environmental Performance Index B. Task Environment 1. The task environment is the layer closest to the organization and includes those sectors that have a direct working relationship with it. The task environment includes customers, competitors, suppliers, and the labor market. a. Customers are those people and organizations in the environment who acquire goods or services from the organization. Customers are important because they determine the organization’ success. Discussion Question #4: Contemporary best-selling management books often argue that customers are the most important element in the external environment. Do you agree? In what company situations might this statement be untrue? b. Competitors are organizations in the same industry or type of business that provide goods or services to the same set of customers. Specific competitive issues characterize each industry. The recording industry differs from the steel industry and the pharmaceutical industry. c. Suppliers are people and organizations that provide the raw materials that the organization uses to produce its output. Many companies are using fewer suppliers and building good relationships with them so that they will receive high- quality goods at lower prices. These companies are also finding that being cooperative, rather than adversarial, is the key to saving money, maintaining quality, and speeding products to market. d. The labor market represents people in the environment available for hire by the organization. Labor market factors that impact organizations include: the growing need for computer-literate information technology workers; the necessity for continuous investment in human resources through recruitment, education, and training to meet competitive demands of the borderless world; and the effects of international trading blocs, automation, and shifting plant location upon labor dislocations, creating unused labor pools in some areas and labor shortages in others. Discussion Question #2: Would the task environment for a cellular phone company contain the same elements as that for a government welfare agency? Discuss.
  • 18. The Environment and Corporate Culture 43 43 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. II. THE ORGANIZATION-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIP
  • 19. The Environment and Corporate Culture 44 44 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES Exhibit 2.3: The External Environment of Nortel Exhibit 2.4: The External Environment and Uncertainty A. Environmental Uncertainty 1. Environmental uncertainty must be managed to make the organization more effective. Uncertainty means managers do not have sufficient information about environmental factors to understand and predict environmental needs and changes. Environmental characteristics that influence uncertainty are the number of factors that affect the organization and the extent to which those factors change. 2. When external factors change rapidly, the organization experiences very high uncertainty (e.g., telecommunications firms, computer firms, and electronics firms). When an organization deals with a few external factors that are stable, managers experience low uncertainty (e.g., soft-drink bottlers or food processors). Discussion Question #3: What do you think are the most important forces in the external environment creating uncertainty for organizations today? Do the forces you identified typically arise in the task environment or the general environment? New Manager Self-Test: Are You Fit for Managerial Uncertainty?
  • 20. The Environment and Corporate Culture 45 45 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. The questionnaire is designed to provide insight into whether a person is better suited for a stable environment or in an organization with an uncertain environment.
  • 21. The Environment and Corporate Culture 46 46 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. B. Adapting to the Environment 1. Boundary spanning is an increasingly important task in organizations because environmental shifts can happen quickly in today’s world. Managers need good information about their competitors, customers, and other elements in the environment to make good decisions. The most successful companies involve everyone in boundary-spanning activities. Exhibit 2.5: The Shift to a Partnership Paradigm 2. Managers in partnering organizations are shifting from an adversarial orientation to a partnership orientation. Companies are joining together to become more effective and share scarce resources. Partners are frequently involved in one another’s product design and production, and they are committed for the long term. 3. Mergers and joint ventures also reduce uncertainty. A merger occurs when two or more organizations combine to become one. A joint venture involves a strategic alliance or program by two or more organizations that occurs when the project is too complex, expensive, or uncertain for one firm to handle alone. Discussion Question #6: Why are interorganizational partnerships so important for today’s companies? What elements in the current environment might contribute to either an increase or decrease in interorganizational collaboration? Discuss. III.THE INTERNAL ENVIRONMENT: CORPORATE CULTURE INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES
  • 22. The Environment and Corporate Culture 47 47 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Exhibit 2.5: Levels of Corporate Culture
  • 23. The Environment and Corporate Culture 48 48 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Spotlight on Skills: Zappos Shoes Zappos.com, an online retail site best known for its wide selection of shoes and its free shipping, boldly proclaims its unique culture in an offbeat set of ten core values, including “Create fun and a little weirdness.” CEO Tony Hsieh believes these core values illustrate the company’s innovative culture and demonstrate its ultimate business goal—cultivating happiness. Hsieh’s management theory is that if you create a work culture that fosters well-being, good practices and (eventually) good profits will naturally flow out of the operation. One way the Zappos Family of companies perpetuates its unique culture is by hiring employees who will fit into the slightly wacky, drama-club atmosphere. The internal environment includes: corporate culture, production technology, organization structure, and physical facilities. Corporate culture is extremely important in an organization attempting to achieve a competitive advantage. The internal culture must fit the needs of the external environment and company strategy. Culture is defined as the set of key values, beliefs, understandings, and norms shared by members of an organization. Culture is a pattern of shared values and assumptions about how things are done within the organization. It can be analyzed at two levels. At the surface level are visible artifacts—all the things one can see, hear, and observe by watching members of the organization. At a deeper level are the expressed values and beliefs, which are not observable but can be discerned from how people explain and justify what they do. Some values become so deeply embedded in a culture that members are no longer consciously aware of them. These basic, underlying assumptions and beliefs are the essence of culture and subconsciously guide behavior and decisions. A. Symbols 1. A symbol is an object, act, or event that conveys meaning to others. Symbols associated with corporate culture convey the organization’s important values. B. Stories 1. A story is a narrative based on true events that is repeated and shared among organizational employees. Stories are told to new employees to keep the organization’s primary values alive. C. Heroes 1. A hero is a figure who exemplifies the deeds, character, and attributes of a strong corporate culture. Heroes are role models for employees to follow.
  • 24. The Environment and Corporate Culture 49 49 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. D. Slogans
  • 25. The Environment and Corporate Culture 50 50 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. 1. A slogan is a phrase or sentence that succinctly expresses a key organizational value. E. Ceremonies 1. A ceremony is a planned affair that makes up a special event and is conducted for the benefit of an audience. Discussion Question #8: Cultural symbols are usually noticed through sight, sound, touch, and smell. For example, Abercrombie retail stores use music, attractive models, and fragrance to communicate elements of its retail store culture. Why are symbols important to a corporate culture? IV.TYPES OF CULTURE INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES The external environment has a major influence on internal organizational culture. The internal culture should embody what it takes to succeed in the environment. Exhibit 2.7: Four Types of Corporate Cultures A. The adaptability culture is characterized by values that support the company’s ability to rapidly detect, interpret, and translate signals from the environment into new behavior responses. This culture emerges in an environment that requires fast response and high- risk decision making. Employees have autonomy to make decisions and act freely to meet new needs, and responsiveness to customers is highly valued.
  • 26. Visit https://testbankbell.com now to explore a rich collection of testbank, solution manual and enjoy exciting offers!
  • 27. The Environment and Corporate Culture 51 51 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. B. The achievement culture is a results-oriented culture that values competitiveness, aggressiveness, personal initiative, and willingness to work long and hard to achieve results. It is suited to organizations concerned with serving specific customers in the
  • 28. The Environment and Corporate Culture 52 52 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. external environment but without the intense need for flexibility and rapid change. An emphasis on winning and achieving specific ambitious goals is the glue that holds this organization together. C. The involvement culture places high value on meeting the needs of employees and values cooperation and equality. This culture has an internal focus on the involvement and participation of employees to rapidly meet changing needs from the environment. Managers emphasize values such as cooperation, consideration of both employees and customers, and avoiding status differences. D. The consistency culture values and rewards a methodical, rational, orderly way of doing things. This culture has an internal focus and a consistency orientation for a stable environment. Following the rules and being thrifty are important in this culture. Discussion Question #10: General Electric is famous for firing the lowest-performing 10 percent of its managers each year. With its strict no-layoff policy, Valero Energy believes people need to feel secure in their jobs to perform their best. Yet both are high-performing companies. How do you account for the success of such opposite philosophies? V. SHAPING CORPORATE CULTURE FOR INNOVATIVE RESPONSE INSTRUCTOR’S NOTES New Manager Self-Test: Culture Preference The fit between a new manager and organization can determine success and satisfaction. This exercise helps students better understand which type(s) of organizational culture they prefer. Research shows that one factor that increases a company’s value the most is people and how they are treated. Corporate culture has become increasingly important to managers as they recognize its importance in attracting, motivating, and keeping good employees. Culture plays a key role
  • 29. The Environment and Corporate Culture 53 53 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. in creating an organizational climate that enables learning and innovative responses to threats from the external environment, challenging new opportunities, or organizational crises.
  • 30. The Environment and Corporate Culture 54 54 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Exhibit 2.8: Combining Culture and Performance A. Managing the High-Performance Culture 1. Companies that succeed in a turbulent world are those that pay attention to both cultural values and business performance. Cultural values can energize and motivate employees by appealing to higher ideals and unifying people around shared goals. Values boost performance by shaping and guiding employee behavior, so that everyone’s actions are aligned with strategic priorities. Four organizational outcomes are possible based on the relative attention managers pay to cultural values and business performance. a. Companies that pay little attention to either values or business results are unlikely to survive for long. b. Companies that focus on values but pay little attention to business results are likely to miss important environmental changes, eventually resulting in loss of market share. c. Companies that focus primarily on business results but pay little attention to organizational values will find it difficult to survive in times of crisis. d. Companies that emphasize both values and business performance will develop a strong organizational culture that gives employees a sense of identity, holds the company together during tough times, and helps it adapt quickly to a changing environment. These companies represent the high-performance culture that: is based on a solid organizational mission or purpose; embodies shared adaptive values that guide decisions and business practices; and encourages individual employee ownership of both bottom-line results and the organization’s cultural backbone. B. Cultural Leadership 1. One-way managers change norms and values to build a high-performance culture is through cultural leadership. A cultural leader defines and uses signals and symbols to influence corporate culture by: a. articulating a vision for the organizational culture that generates excitement and that employees can believe in; and b. heeding the day-to-day activities that reinforce the cultural vision.
  • 31. The Environment and Corporate Culture 55 55 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. 2. Managers widely communicate the cultural values through words and actions. Value
  • 32. The Environment and Corporate Culture 56 56 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. statements that aren’t reinforced by management behavior are meaningless. Cultural leaders also uphold their commitment to values during difficult times or crises. Maintaining consistency with the cultural values helps organizations weather the storm and come out stronger on the other side. Cultural leaders let everyone know what really counts. Benchmarking: Netflix Stock analyst Michael Pachter called Netflix a “worthless piece of cr**” in 2005 and said it would be taken over by Walmart, Amazon, and Blockbuster. Reed Hastings was bothered by having to pay a $40 late fee for one video and started to think people might join a DVD club the same way they might join a health club, with monthly fees. That’s how Netflix was born. At first, no one thought the idea of people renting movies through the mail had any merit, but when others started offering similar services, Hastings lowered costs, speeded up DVD turnaround, and improved the computer algorithm to make the experience more personal. The hard-driving, risk-taking culture Hastings developed at Netflix means he didn’t even balk at the prospect of cannibalizing the mail-order portion of his own business to introduce the movie-streaming side, and now Netflix is the market leader in streaming video content. Answers to Discussion Questions 1. How can you prepare yourself to become an effective manager in an increasingly uncertain global business environment? The range of things students could do is quite broad. Some specific things they could do inside the classroom include learning more about other countries and ethnic groups and their cultures, studying abroad, learning other languages, engaging in role plays that involve international settings, and interacting with students from other countries/cultures. Some ideas for things to do outside the classroom include visiting other countries, taking on internships in international organizations, hosting exchange students, and attending multicultural events in the community. 2. Would the task environment for a cellular phone company contain the same elements as that for a government welfare agency? Discuss. There are three components of the task environment: competitors, suppliers, and customers. An analysis of each of these components for the two organizations illustrates the differences in their task environments. Competitors for cellular phone companies include not only other cellular phone companies, but also traditional phone companies, broadband phone services, and other electronic communication services. It is debatable whether there are competitors for most government welfare agencies.
  • 33. The Environment and Corporate Culture 57 57 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Churches and other charitable organizations often provide similar services, but do not really compete with the agencies.
  • 34. The Environment and Corporate Culture 58 58 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Suppliers of cellular phone companies include the cell phone and other electronic device manufacturers, investors, and companies that build and operate cell phone towers. Suppliers of government agencies, in addition to material suppliers, are ultimately the taxpayers. Customers of cellular phone companies generally include businesses and members of the general public who are financially sound and able to afford the services offered by the cellular phone companies. Customers or clients of a government welfare agency are generally persons who are financially weak. 3. What do you think are the most important forces in the external environment creating uncertainty for organizations today? Do the forces you identified typically arise in the task environment or the general environment? The forces influencing the external environment are competitors, resources, technology, and economic conditions. The general environment forces include international, technological, sociocultural, economic, and legal-political dimensions. The task environment includes those sectors that have a direct working relationship with the organization, among them customers, competitors, suppliers, and the labor market. Organizations are challenged by uncertainty in the market place and must be able to respond quickly to changing conditions. These forces impact management and create uncertainty, especially in the general environment. A manager must be able to utilize a contingency approach to planning and control events and activities as they develop. 4. Contemporary best-selling management books often argue that customers are the most important element in the external environment. Do you agree? In what company situations might this statement be untrue? Companies in the public and private sector must be customer driven to remain competitive. Management and employees must be customer sensitive and custom deliver the right bundle of utilities to create optimal customer satisfaction. Every organization must have a customer focus and this should be reflected in the mission, goals, and strategies of every firm. 5. Why do you think that many managers are surprised by environmental changes and hence are less able to help their organizations adapt? Managers sometimes do not realize the need to carefully monitor the environment so that they can anticipate and prepare for changes, and there are also things that happen in the environment that cannot reasonably be predicted. By definition, uncertainty means that managers lack sufficient information about the environment to understand and predict needs and changes. Companies have to make an effort to adapt to the rapid changes in their environments. 6. Why are interorganizational partnerships so important for today’s companies? What elements in the current environment might contribute to either an increase or decrease in interorganizational collaboration? Discuss.
  • 35. The Environment and Corporate Culture 59 59 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Interorganizational partnerships are important for today’s companies to survive and grow in the future. Sharing information and resources is essential to cost effectiveness and satisfying
  • 36. The Environment and Corporate Culture 60 60 Chapter 2 © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. © 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. stockholders of these organizations. Terrorist activities will add to the need for sharing of information among the interorganizational companies. Technological advancements will continue to increase the ease with which interorganizational collaboration occurs. 7. Many companies are “going green” or adopting environmentally friendly business strategies. Clorox, for example, now offers an eco-friendly household cleaner called Green Works. How do companies benefit from going green? As more of their customers become involved in recycling and other environmentally friendly projects and activities, companies benefit from going green in many ways. They can expand their product lines, as Clorox did, to take advantage of the growing market for eco-friendly products. They may be able to reduce costs by using more natural products, or increase revenues by selling previously discarded materials. Companies may also be able to create goodwill among consumers by presenting themselves as environmentally aware and concerned. 8. Cultural symbols are usually noticed through sight, sound, touch, and smell. For example, Abercrombie retail stores use music, attractive models, and fragrance to communicate elements of its retail store culture. Why are symbols important to a corporate culture? Symbols are important to corporate culture because they are tangible objects, acts, or events that embody deeper values shared by organization members. Astute managers create symbols to help reinforce key values. Almost anything can serve as a symbol. Thus, stories, heroes, slogans, and ceremonies all serve their own purpose, but also have symbolic value by indicating to employees the values and understandings that are especially significant for the organization. 9. Both China and India are rising economic powers. How might your approach to doing business with Communist China be different from your approach to doing business with India, the world’s most populous democracy? In which country would you expect to encounter the most rules? The most bureaucracy? China will have many more rules and much more bureaucracy than will India, as its government tries to strictly control the activities of foreign businesses, as well as those of its own citizens. Doing business in India will be considerably easier than in China due, in large measure, to the greater openness of its society and government. Additionally, there may be less risk of government interference or even takeover of company facilities and properties in India than there is in China. 10. General Electric is famous for firing the lowest-performing 10 percent of its managers each year. With its strict no-layoff policy, Valero Energy believes people need to feel secure in their jobs to perform their best. Yet both are high-performing companies. How do you account for the success of such opposite philosophies? The most likely answer to this question is that, while the companies have very different philosophies about the impact of employees’ sense of job security, both companies probably place strong emphasis on organizational values and business performance. Their views about
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  • 39. for some time in the monastery of Fulda. Her lover, it is affirmed, died while they were pursuing their studies together at Athens, and after his death she went to Rome, where, according to the most approved version of the story, she became a very successful professor. So high indeed became her reputation for piety and learning that the cardinals with one consent elected the supposed young monk the successor of Pope Leo IV. In this position she comported herself so as to entirely justify their choice, until the catastrophe of giving birth to a male child during a procession to the Lateran palace suddenly and irrevocably blasted her reputation. She is said to have died in childbirth or to have been stoned to death. The story of the pontificate of Joan was received as fact from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, but it has been discredited by later researches. The circumstantial evidence around which it clung, and which may have aided in suggesting it, was the observance of a circuit by the papal processions so as to avoid passing through a certain street (a statue at one time standing in that street, said to represent a woman and child, with a monumental stone near it having a peculiar inscription), and the use of a pierced seat at the enthronement of the popes. Of these facts other and more credible explanations have, however, been given, although there is no sufficient evidence to demonstrate beyond dispute the manner in which the story originated. According to Dr. Döllinger,e the tradition finds no support in the original text either of Marianus Scotus,n Sigebert of Gemblours,o or Otto of Freysing.p She is first mentioned by Stephen de Bourbon,q who died in 1261, and who took his information probably from the chronicle of the Dominican Jean de Mailly, no copy of which is now known to be in existence. The story is not found in any of the original manuscripts of Martinus Polus,r and according to Döllinger was interpolated in that chronicle some time between 1278 and 1312. He attributes the propagation of the myth chiefly to its insertion in Martinus Polus, from which it was copied into the Flores Temporum, a chronicle founded on Martinus, and its real originators he supposes to have been the Dominicans
  • 40. [847-867 a.d.] and Minorites, who had a grudge against the papacy on account of the persecutions they were experiencing at the hands of Benedict VIII. So rapidly did the tradition spread that in 1400 a bust of the papess was placed in the cathedral of Siena along with other popes, having the inscription, “John VIII, a woman from England.” The statue occupied this position till the beginning of the seventeenth century.f The eight years of Leo’s papacy were chiefly occupied in strengthening, in restoring the plundered and desecrated churches of the two apostles, and adorning Rome. The succession to Leo IV was contested between Benedict III, who commanded the suffrages of the clergy and people, and Anastasius, who, at the head of an armed faction, seized the Lateran, stripped Benedict of his pontifical robes, and awaited the confirmation of his violent usurpation by the imperial legates, whose influence he thought that he had secured. But these commissioners, after strict investigation, decided in favour of Benedict. Anastasius was expelled with disgrace from the Lateran, his rival consecrated in the presence of the emperor’s representatives. Anastasius, with unwonted mercy, was only degraded to lay communion. The pontificate of Benedict III is memorable chiefly for the commencement of the long strife between Ignatius and Photius for the see of Constantinople. This strife ended in the permanent schism between the Eastern and Western churches. Nicholas I, the successor of Benedict, was chosen rather by the favour of the emperor Louis and his nobles than that of the clergy (858). He has been thought worthy to share the appellation of the Great with Leo I, with Gregory I, with Hildebrand, and with Innocent III. At least three great events signalised the pontificate of Nicholas I—the strife of Photius with Ignatius for the archiepiscopal throne of Constantinople; the prohibition of the divorce of King Lothair from his queen Theutberga; and the humiliation of the great prelates on the Rhine, the successful assertion of the papal supremacy even
  • 41. over Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims. In the first two of these momentous questions, the contest about the see of Constantinople, and that of Lothair, king of Lorraine, with his wife Theutberga, Nicholas took his stand on the great eternal principles of justice, humanity, and sound morals. These were no questions of abstruse and subtle theology nor the assertion of dubious rights. In both cases the pope was the protector of the feeble and the oppressed, the victims of calumny and of cruelty. The bishop of Constantinople, unjustly deposed, persecuted, exiled, treated with the worst inhumanity, implored the judgment of the head of western Christendom. A queen, not only deserted by a weak and cruel husband, but wickedly and falsely criminated by a council of bishops, obtained a hearing at the court of Rome; her innocence was vindicated, her accusers punished, the king himself compelled to bow before the majesty of justice, made more venerable by religion. If in both cases the language of Nicholas was haughty and imperious, it was justified to the ears of men by the goodness of his cause. The lofty supremacy which he asserted over the see of Byzantium awoke no jealousy, being exerted in behalf of a blameless and injured prelate. If he treated the royal dignity of France with contempt, it had already become contemptible in the eyes of mankind; if he annulled by his own authority the decree of a national council, composed of the most distinguished prelates of Gaul, that council had already been condemned by all who had natural sympathies with justice and with innocence. Yet, though in both cases Nicholas displayed equal ability and resolution in the cause of right, the event of the two affairs was very different. The dispute concerning the patriarchate of Constantinople ended in the estrangement, the alienation, the final schism between the East and West. It was the last time that the pope was permitted authoritatively to interfere in the ecclesiastical affairs of the East. The excommunication of the Greek by the Latin church was the final act of separation. In the West Nicholas established a precedent for control even over the private morals of princes. The vices of kings, especially those of France, became the stronghold of papal influence; injured queens and subjects knew to what quarter they
  • 42. [860-867 a.d.] might recur for justice or for revenge. And on this occasion the pope brought not only the impotent king, but the powerful clergy of Lorraine, beneath his feet. The great bishops of Cologne and of Trèves were reduced to abject humiliation. RIVALRY OF NICHOLAS AND PHOTIUS The contention for the patriarchate of Constantinople was, strictly speaking, no religious controversy—it was the result of political intrigue and personal animosity. Ignatius, who became the patriarch, was of imperial descent. In the revolution which dethroned his father, Michael Rhangabé, he had taken refuge, under the cowl of a monk, from the jealousy of Leo the Armenian. Photius was chosen as his successor. Rival councils met, and the two patriarchs were alternately excommunicated by the adverse spiritual factions. Photius was the first to determine on an appeal to Rome. The pope, he thought, would hardly resist the acknowledgment of his superiority, with the tempting promise of the total extirpation of the hated iconoclasts. Not merely did the pope address two lofty and condemnatory letters to the emperor and to Photius, but a third also to “the faithful in the East,” at the close of which he made known to the three Eastern patriarchs his steadfast resolution to maintain the cause of Ignatius, to refuse the recognition of the usurper Photius. The restoration of Ignatius was commanded even in more imperious language, and under more awful sanctions. “We, by the power committed to us by our Lord through St. Peter, restore our brother Ignatius to his former station, to his see, to his dignity as patriarch, and to all the honours of his office. Whoever, after the promulgation of this decree, shall presume to disturb him in the exercise of his office, separate from his communion, or dare to judge him anew, without the consent of the apostolic see, if a clerk, shall share the eternal punishment of the traitor Judas; if a layman, he has incurred
  • 43. [867 a.d.] the malediction of Canaan; he is excommunicate, and will suffer the same fearful sentence from the eternal Judge.” Never had the power of the clergy or the supremacy of Rome been asserted so distinctly, so inflexibly. The privileges of Rome were eternal, immutable, anterior to, derived from no synod or council, but granted directly by God himself; they might be assailed, but not transferred; torn off for a time, but not plucked up by the roots. An appeal was open to Rome from all the world, from her authority lay no appeal. The emperor and Constantinople paid no regard to these terrible anathemas of the pope. SYNOD AT CONSTANTINOPLE In the year 867 Photius had summoned a council at Constantinople; the obsequious prelates listened to the arraignment, and joined in the counter excommunication of Pope Nicholas. Photius drew up eight articles inculpating in one the faith, in the rest the departure, of the see of Rome from ancient and canonical discipline. Among the dreadful acts of heresy and schism which were to divide forever the churches of the East and West were: (1) the observance of Saturday as a fast; (2) the permission to eat milk or cheese during Lent; (4) the restriction of the chrism to the bishops; (6) the promotion of deacons at once to the episcopal dignity; (7) the consecration of a lamb, according to the hated Jewish usage; (8) the shaving of their beards by the clergy. The fifth only of the articles objected to by Photius, the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son, was an error so awful as to deserve a thousand anathemas. The third, condemning the enforced celibacy of the clergy, was alone of high moral or religious importance. “From this usage we see in the West,” says Photius, “so many children who know not their fathers.” These, however, were but the pretexts for division. The cause lay deeper, in the total denial of the papal supremacy by the Greeks; their unequivocal assertion that with the empire that supremacy had passed to Constantinople.
  • 44. [860-867 a.d.] The decree of the council boasted the signature of the emperor (obtained, it was said, in an hour of drunkenness); of Basil the Macedonian, averred (most improbably) to have been forged; of the three eastern patriarchs; of the senate and the great officers; of abbots and bishops to the number of nearly one thousand. But the episcopal messenger who was to bear to Rome this defiance of the church of Constantinople and the counter-excommunication of the pope, had proceeded but a short way on his journey when he was stopped by the orders of the new emperor. A revolution in the palace was a revolution in the church of Constantinople. The first act of Basil the Macedonian was to depose Photius. Photius is said to have refused the communion to the murderer Basil. From this time a succession of changes agitated the empire; Photius rose or fell at each successive change. Leo the Philosopher, the son of Basil, once more ignominiously expelled him from his throne. Yet, though accused of treason, Photius was acquitted and withdrew into honoured retirement. He did not live to witness or profit by another revolution. Though the schism of thirty years, properly speaking, expired in his person, and again a kind of approximation to Rome took place, yet the links were broken which united the two churches. The articles of difference, from which neither would depart, had been defined and hardened into rigid dogmas. During the dark times of the papacy which followed the disruption, even the intercourse became more and more precarious. The popes of the next century were too busy in defending their territories or their lives to regard the affairs of the East. The darkness which gathered round both churches shrouded them from each other’s sight. Nicholas the Great had not lived to triumph even in the first fall of Photius. In the West his success was more complete; he had the full enjoyment of conscious power exercised in a righteous cause. Not merely did he behold one of Charlemagne’s successors prostrate at his feet, obliged to abandon to papal censure and to degradation even his high ecclesiastical partisans, but in succession the greatest
  • 45. prelates of the West, the archbishop of Ravenna, the archbishops of Cologne and Trèves, and even Hincmar, the archbishop of Rheims, who seemed to rule despotically over the church and kingdom of France, were forced to bow before his vigorous supremacy. The matrimonial cause which for many years distracted part of France, on which council after council met, and on which the great prelates of Lorraine came into direct collision with the pope, and were reduced to complete and unpitied humiliation under his authority, was that of King Lothair and his queen Theutberga, as elsewhere described. He threatened the king with immediate excommunication if he did not dismiss the concubine Waldrada, and receive his repudiated queen. He then betook himself to Attigny, the residence of Charles the Bald. He peremptorily commanded the restoration of the bishop Rothrad, who had been canonically, as it was asserted, deposed by Hincmar his metropolitan, and was now irregularly, without inquiry or examination, replaced by the arbitrary mandate of the pope. Hincmar murmured and obeyed; the trembling king acquiesced in the papal decree. But Nicholas did not live to enjoy his perfect triumph; he died in November, 867 a.d.—a pontiff who, if he advanced no absolutely unexampled pretensions to supremacy in behalf of the Roman see, yet, by the favourable juncture and auspicious circumstances which he seized to assert and maintain that authority, did more than all his predecessors to strengthen and confirm it. During all his conflicts in the West with the royal and with the episcopal power, the moral and religious sympathies of mankind could not but be on his side. If his language was occasionally more violent, even contemptuous, than became the moderation which, up to this time, had mitigated the papal decrees, he might plead lofty and righteous indignation; if he interfered with domestic relations, it was in defence of the innocent and defenceless, and in vindication of the sanctity of marriage; if he treated kings with scorn, it was because they had become contemptible for their weakness or their vices; if he interfered with episcopal or metropolitan jurisdiction, the inferior clergy, even bishops, would be pleased to have a remote, and possibly
  • 46. [858-869 a.d.] disinterested tribunal, to which they might appeal from prelates, chosen only from aristocratic connections, barbarians in occupation and in ferocity; if he was inexorable to transgressors, it was to those of the highest order, prelates who had lent themselves to injustice and iniquity, and had defied his power; if he annulled councils, those councils had already been condemned for their injustice, had deserved the reproachful appellation with which they were branded by the pope, with all who had any innate or unperverted sentiment of justice and purity. Hence the presumptuous usurpation even of divine power, so long as it was thus beneficently used, awed, confounded all, and offended few. Men took no alarm at the arrogance which befriended them against the oppressor and the tyrant. But this vast moral advancement of the popedom was not all which the Roman see owes to Nicholas I; she owes the questionable boon of the recognition of the False Decretals as the law of the church. THE FALSE DECRETALS Nicholas I not only saw during his pontificate the famous False Decretals take their place in the jurisprudence of Latin Christendom; if he did not promulgate, he assumed them as authentic documents; he gave them the weight of the papal sanction; and with their aid prostrated at his feet the one great transalpine prelate who could still maintain the independence of the Teutonic church, Hincmar archbishop of Rheims. Up to this period the decretals, the letters or edicts of the bishops of Rome, according to the authorised or common collection of Dionysius, commenced with Pope Siricius, towards the close of the fourth century. To the collection of Dionysius was added that of the authentic councils, which bore the name of Isidore of Seville. On a sudden was promulgated, unannounced, without preparation, not absolutely unquestioned, but apparently overawing at once all
  • 47. doubt, a new code, which to the former authentic documents added fifty-nine letters and decrees of the twenty oldest popes from Clement to Melchiades (Miltiades), and the donation of Constantine; and in the third part, among the decrees of the popes and of the councils from Silvester to Gregory II, thirty-nine false decrees, and the acts of several unauthentic councils. In this vast manual of sacerdotal Christianity the popes appear from the first the parents, guardians, legislators of the faith throughout the world. The False Decretals do not merely assert the supremacy of the popes—the dignity and privileges of the bishop of Rome—they comprehend the whole dogmatic system and discipline of the church, the whole hierarchy from the highest to the lowest degree, their sanctity, and immunities, their persecutions, their disputes, their right of appeal to Rome. But for the too manifest design, the aggrandisement of the see of Rome and the aggrandisement of the whole clergy in subordination to the see of Rome; but for the monstrous ignorance of history, which betrays itself in glaring anachronisms, and in the utter confusion of the order of events and the lives of distinguished men— the former awakening keen and jealous suspicion, the latter making the detection of the spuriousness of the whole easy, clear, irrefragable—the False Decretals might still have maintained their place in ecclesiastical history. They are now given up by all; not a voice is raised in their favour; the utmost that is done by those who cannot suppress all regret at their explosion, is to palliate the guilt of the forger, to call in question or to weaken the influence which they had in their own day, and throughout the later history of Christianity. The author or authors of this most audacious and elaborate of pious frauds are unknown; the date and place of its compilation are driven into such narrow limits that they may be determined within a few years, and within a very circumscribed region. The False Decretals came not from Rome; the time of their arrival at Rome, after they were known beyond the Alps, appears almost certain. In one year Nicholas I is apparently ignorant of their existence, the next he speaks of them with full knowledge. They contain words
  • 48. manifestly used at the Council of Paris (829 a.d.), consequently are of later date; they were known to the Levite Benedict of Metz, who composed a supplement to the collection of capitularies by Adgesil, between 840-847 a.d. The city of Metz is designated with nearly equal certainty as the place in which, if not actually composed, they were first promulgated as the canon law of Christendom. The state of affairs in the divided and distracted empire might seem almost to call for, almost to justify, this desperate effort to strengthen the ecclesiastical power. All the lower clergy, including some of the bishops, were groaning, just at this time, under heavy oppression. By the constitution of Charlemagne, which survived under Louis the Pious, and, so long as the empire maintained its unity, asserted the independence of the transalpine hierarchy of all but the temporal sovereign, the clergy were under strict subordination to the bishop, the bishop to the metropolitan, the metropolitan only to the emperor. Conflicting popes, or popes in conflict with Italian enemies, or with their own subjects, had reduced the papacy to vassalage under the empire. Conflicting kings, on the division of the realm of Charlemagne, had not yet, but were soon about to submit the empire to the Roman supremacy. All at present was anarchy. The Germans and the French were drawing asunder into separate rival nations; the sons of Louis were waging an endless, implacable strife. Almost every year, less than every decade of years, beheld a new partition of the empire; kingdoms rose and fell, took new boundaries, acknowledged new sovereigns; no government was strong enough to maintain the law; might was the only law. The hierarchy, if not the whole clergy, had taken the lead in the disruption of the unity of the empire; they had abased the throne of Louis; they were for a short disastrous period now the victims of that abasement. Their wealth was their danger. They had become secular princes, they had become nobles, they had become vast landed proprietors. But during the civil wars it was not the persuasive voice, but the strong arm, which had authority; the mitre must bow before the helmet, the crosier before the sword. Not only the domains, the
  • 49. An Extract from St. Augustine’s Psalter persons of the clergy had lost their sanctity. The persecution and oppression of the church and the clergy had reached a height unknown in former times. It might occur to the most religious that for the sake of religion; it might occur to those to whom the dignity and interest of the sacerdotal order were their religion, that some effort must be made to reinvest the clergy in their imperilled sanctity. There must be some appeal against this secular, this ecclesiastical tyranny; and whither should appeal be? It could not be to the Scriptures, to the Gospel. It must be to ancient and venerable tradition, to the unrepealed, irrepealable law of the church; to remote and awful Rome. Rome must be proclaimed in an unusual, more emphatic manner, the eternal, immemorial court of appeal. The tradition must not rest on the comparatively recent names of Leo the Great, of Innocent the Great, of Siricius, or the right of appeal depend on the decree of the Council of Sardica. It must come down from the successors of St. Peter himself in unbroken succession. The whole clergy must have a perpetual, indefeasible sanctity of the same antiquity. So may the idea of this, to us it seems, monstrous fiction have dawned upon its author; himself may have implicitly believed
  • 50. that he asserted no prerogative for Rome which Rome herself had not claimed, which he did not think to be her right. It is even now asserted, perhaps can hardly be disproved, that the False Decretals advanced no pretensions in favour of the see of Rome which had not been heard before in some vague and indefinite, but not therefore less significant, language. The boldness of the act was in the new authority in which it arrayed these pretensions. The new code was enshrined, as it were, in a framework of deeply religious thought and language; it was introduced under the venerated name of Isidore of Seville; it was thus attached to the authentic work of Isidore, which had long enjoyed undisputed authority. Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, as the most powerful, so, perhaps, the most learned transalpine ecclesiastic, who might at once have exposed the fiction, which he could hardly but know to be a fiction, co-operated more than anyone else to establish its authority. So long as he supposed it to advance or confirm his own power, he suppressed all intrusive doubts; he discovered too late that it was a trap (a mousetrap is his own undignified word) to catch unwary metropolitans. Hincmar was caught, beyond all hope of escape. In the appeal of Rothrad, bishop of Soissons, against Hincmar, metropolitan of Rheims, Pope Nicholas I at first alleges no word of the new decretals in favour of his right of appeal; he seemingly knows no older authority than that of Innocent, Leo, Siricius, and the Council of Sardica. The next year not merely is he fully master of the pseudo-Isidorian documents, but he taunts Hincmar with now calling in question, when it makes against him, authority which he was ready to acknowledge in confirmation of his own power. Hincmar is forced to the humiliation of submission. Rothrad, deposed by Hincmar, deposed by the Council of Senlis, is reinstated in his see. This immediate, if somewhat cautious, adoption of the fiction, unquestionably not the forgery, by Pope Nicholas, appears less capable of charitable palliation than the original invention. Nor did the successors of Nicholas betray any greater scruple in strengthening themselves by this welcome, and therefore only unsuspicious aid. It is impossible to deny that, at least by citing
  • 51. [869-876 a.d.] without reserve or hesitation, the Roman pontiffs gave their deliberate sanction to this great historic fraud. Nor must be overlooked, perhaps, the more important result of the acceptance of the pseudo-Isidorian statutes as the universal, immemorial, irrepealable law of Christendom. It established the great principle which Nicholas I had before announced, of the sole legislative power of the pope. Every one of these papal epistles was a canon of the church; every future bull therefore rested on the same irrefragable authority, commanded the same implicit obedience. The papacy became a legislative as well as an administrative authority. Infallibility was the next inevitable step, if infallibility was not already in the power asserted to have been bestowed by the Lord on St. Peter, by St. Peter handed down in unbroken descent, and in a plenitude which could not be restricted or limited, to his successors. ADRIAN II Nicholas was succeeded (November, 867) by Adrian II, a rigid and lofty churchman, who, though his policy at first appeared doubtful, resolutely maintained, but not with equal judgment and success, the principles of his predecessor. Adrian (he was now seventy-five years old) had been married before he became a priest. At the intercession of the emperor Louis, he took off the ban of excommunication from Waldrada, and restored her to the communion of the church. By this lenity he might seem to lure King Lothair to the last act of submission. The king of Lorraine arrived in Italy. The pope seemed to yield to the influence of Louis and the empress Ingelberga; at least he accepted the munificent presents of the king. From Monte Cassino, where they first met, Lothair followed the pope to Rome. There, instead of being received as a king, and as one reconciled with the see of Rome, when he entered the church all was silent and vacant; not one of the clergy appeared; he retired to a neighbouring chamber, which was not even swept for his
  • 52. reception. The next day was Sunday, and he hoped to hear the mass chanted before him. The pope refused him this honour. He dined, however, the next day with the pope, and an interchange of presents took place. At length Adrian consented to admit him to the communion. Pope Adrian seized the occasion of the contest for the kingdom of Lothair to advance still more daring and unprecedented pretensions. But the world was not yet ripe for this broad and naked assertion of secular power by the pope, his claim to interfere in the disposal of kingdoms. Directly he left the strong ground of moral and religious authority, from which his predecessor Nicholas had commanded the world, he encountered insurmountable resistance. With all that remained of just and generous sympathy on their side popes might intermeddle in the domestic relations of kings; they were not permitted as yet to touch the question of royal succession or inheritance. The royal and the episcopal power had quailed before Nicholas; the fulminations of Adrian were treated with contempt or indifference: and Hincmar of Rheims in this quarrel with Adrian regained that independence and ascendency which had been obscured by his temporary submission to Nicholas. Nicholas I and Adrian II thus, with different success, imperiously dictating to sovereigns, ruling or attempting to rule the higher clergy in foreign countries with a despotic sway, mingling in the political revolutions of Europe, awarding crowns, and adjudging kingly inheritances, might seem the immediate ancestors of Gregory VII, of Innocent III, of Boniface VIII. But the papacy had to undergo a period of gloom and degradation, even of guilt, before it emerged again to its height of power. The pontificate of John VIII (872) is the turning-point in this gradual, but rapid and almost total change; among its causes were the extinction of the imperial branch of the Carlovingian race and the frequent transference of the empire from one line of sovereigns to another; with the growth of the formidable dukes and counts in Italy, which overshadowed the papal power and reduced the pope
  • 53. [876-878 a.d.] himself to the slave or the victim of one of the contending factions. The pope was elected, deposed, imprisoned, murdered. In the wild turbulence of the times not merely the reverence but the sanctity of his character disappeared. He sank to the common level of mortals; and the head of Christendom was as fierce and licentious as the petty princes who surrounded him, out of whose stock he sprang, and whose habits he did not break off when raised to the papal throne. John VIII, however, still stood on the vantage ground occupied by Nicholas I and Adrian II. He was a Roman by birth. He signalised his pontificate by an act even more imposing than those of his predecessors, the nomination to the empire, which his language represented rather as a grant from the papal authority than as an hereditary dignity; it was a direct gift from heaven, conveyed at the will of the pope. Already there appear indications of a French and German interest contending for the papal influence which grows into more and more decided faction, till the Carlovingian empire is united, soon to be dissolved forever, in the person of Charles the Fat. John VIII adopted the dangerous policy of a partial adherence to France. But the historians are almost unanimous as to the price which Charles was compelled to pay for his imperial crown. He bought the pope, he bought the senators of Rome; he bought, if we might venture to take the words to the letter, St. Peter himself. The imperial reign of Charles the Bald was short and inglorious. The whole pontificate of John VIII was a long, if at times interrupted, agony of apprehension lest Rome should fall into the hands of the unbeliever. The reign of the late emperor Louis had been almost a continual warfare against the Mohammedans, who had now obtained a firm footing in southern Italy. He had successfully repelled their progress, but at the death of Louis Rome was again in danger of becoming a Mohammedan city. The pope wrote letter after letter in the most urgent and feeling language to Charles the Bald soon after he had invested him with the empire. “If all the trees in the forest,” such is the style of the pope, “were turned into tongues,
  • 54. they could not describe the ravages of these impious pagans; the devout people of God are destroyed by a continual slaughter; he who escapes the fire and the sword is carried as a captive into exile. Cities, castles, and villages are utterly wasted, and without an inhabitant. The bishops are wandering about in beggary, or fly to Rome as the only place of refuge.” Yet, if possible, even more formidable than the infidels were the petty Christian princes of Italy. “The canker-worm eats what the locust has left.” In many parts of Italy had gradually arisen independent dukedoms; and none of these appear to have felt any religious respect for the pope, some not for Christianity. On the vacancy after the death of Pope Nicholas, Lambert of Spoleto had occupied and pillaged Rome, respecting neither monastery nor church, and carrying off a great number of young females of the highest rank. Adelchis, the duke of Benevento, had dared to seize in that city the sacred person of the emperor Louis. He was only permitted to leave the city after he had taken a solemn oath to Adelchis—an oath in which his wife, his daughter, and all his attendants were compelled to join—that he would neither in his own person nor by any other revenge this act of insolent rebellion. No sooner, however, had Louis reached Ravenna in safety than he sent to the pope to absolve him from his oath. Adrian II, then pope, began to assert that dangerous privilege of absolution from solemn and recorded oaths. The bishop-duke of Spoleto did not scruple to return to the unhallowed policy of his brother. He entered into a new league with the Saracens, gave them quarters, and actually uniting his troops with theirs, defeated the forces of Benevento, Capua, and Salerno, and opened a free passage for their incursions to the gates of Rome. The imperial crown was again vacant, and claimed by the conflicting houses of France and Germany. But Carloman, son of Ludwig of Germany, had been acknowledged as king of Italy. Probably as partisans of the German, and to compel the pope to abandon the interest of the French line, to which he adhered with
  • 55. [878-891 a.d.] unshaken fidelity, Lambert, duke of Spoleto, that antichrist, as the pope described him, with his adulterous sister, Richildis, and his accomplice, the treacherous Adalbert, count of Tuscany, at the head of an irresistible force, entered Rome, seized and confined the pope, and endeavoured to starve him into concession, and compelled the clergy and the Romans to take an oath of allegiance to Carloman, as king of Italy. For thirty days the religious services were interrupted; not a single lamp burned on the altars. No sooner had they retired than the pope caused all the sacred treasures to be conveyed from St. Peter’s to the Lateran, covered the altar of St. Peter with sackcloth, closed the doors, and refused to permit the pilgrims from distant lands to approach the shrine. He then fled to Ostia, and embarked for France. When he reached the shores of Provence, John VIII felt himself in another world. Instead of turbulent and lawless enemies (such were the counts and dukes of Italy) whose rapacity or animosity paid no respect to sacred things, and treated the pope like an ordinary mortal, the whole kingdom of France might seem to throw itself humbly at his feet. No pope was more prodigal of excommunication than John VIII. Of his letters (above three hundred) it is remarkable how large a proportion threaten, inflict, or at least allude to this last exercise of sacerdotal power. The indefatigable pope returned over the Alps by the Mont Cenis, to Turin and Pavia; but of all whom he had so commandingly exhorted, and so earnestly implored to march for his protection against the Saracens, and no doubt against his Italian enemies, none obeyed but Duke Boson of Provence. The Saracens, in the meantime, courted by all parties, impartially plundered all, made or broke alliances with the same facility with the Christians, while the poor monks, even of St. Benedict’s own foundation, lived in perpetual fear of spoliation. The last days of John VIII were occupied in writing more and more urgent letters for aid to Charles the Fat, in warfare, or providing means of war against his Saracen
  • 56. [891-897 a.d.] and Christian foes, or dealing excommunications on all sides; yet facing with gallant resolution the foes of his person and his power. This violent pope is said (but by one writer only) to have come to a violent end; his brains were beaten out with a mallet by some enemy, covetous of his wealth and ambitious of the papal crown. The short pontificate of Marinus (Marinus I or Martin II) was followed by the still shorter rule of Adrian III, which lasted but fourteen months. That of Stephen V, though not of longer duration, witnessed events of far more importance to the papacy, to Italy, and to Christendom. On the death of Charles the Fat, the ill-cemented edifice of the Carlovingian Empire, the discordant materials of which had reunited, not by natural affinity but almost by the force of accident, dissolved again and forever. The legitimate race of Charlemagne expired in the person of his unworthy descendant, whose name, derived from mere physical bulk, contrasted with the mental greatness, the commanding qualities of military, administrative, and even intellectual superiority which had blended with the name of the first Charles the appellation of the Great. POPE FORMOSUS The death of Stephen, September, 891, and the election of Formosus to the papacy, changed the aspect of affairs, and betrayed the hostilities still rankling at Rome. By the election of Formosus was violated the ordinary canonical rule against the translation of bishops from one see to another (Formosus was bishop of Porto), which was still held in some respect. There were yet stronger objections to the election of a bishop who had been excommunicated by a former pontiff, excommunicated as an accomplice in a conspiracy to murder the pope. The excommunicated Formosus had been compelled to take an oath never to resume his episcopal functions, never to return to Rome, and never to presume but to lay communion. The successor of John had granted absolution from these penalties, from this oath.
  • 57. This election must have been a desperate measure of an unscrupulous faction. Nor was Formosus chosen without a fierce and violent struggle. The suffrages of a party among the clergy and people had already fallen upon Sergius. He was actually at the altar preparing for the solemn ceremony of inauguration, when he was torn away by the stronger faction. Formosus, chosen, as his partisans declared, for his superior learning and knowledge of the Scripture, was then invested in the papal dignity. When Pope Formosus died, May 23rd, 896, the election fell to Boniface VII. The new pontiff laboured under the imputation of having been twice deposed for his profligate and scandalous life, first from the subdiaconate, afterwards from the priesthood. Boniface died of the gout fifteen days after his elevation. The Italian party hastened to the election of Stephen VI. Probably the German governor had withdrawn before Stephen and his faction proceeded to wreak their vengeance on the lifeless remains of Formosus. Fierce political animosity took the form of ecclesiastical solemnity. The body was disinterred, dressed in the papal habiliments, and, before a council assembled for the purpose, addressed in these words: “Wherefore wert thou, being bishop of Porto, tempted by ambition to usurp the Catholic see of Rome?” The deacon who had been assigned as counsel for the dead maintained a prudent silence. The sacred vestments were then stripped from the body, three of the fingers cut off, the body cast into the Tiber. All who had been ordained by Formosus were reordained by Stephen. Such, however, were the vicissitudes of popular feeling in Rome, that some years after a miracle was said to have asserted the innocence of Formosus. His body was found by fishermen in the Tiber, and carried back for burial in the church of St. Peter. As the coffin passed, all the images in the church reverentially bowed their heads. The pontificate of Stephen soon came to an end. A new revolution revenged the disinterment of the insulted prelate. And now the fierceness of political rather than religious faction had utterly
  • 58. A Monk of the Middle Ages [897-911 a.d.] destroyed all reverence for the sacred person of the pope. Stephen was thrown into prison by his enemies, and strangled. The convenient charge of usurpation, always brought against the popes whom their adversaries dethroned or put to death, may have reconciled their minds to the impious deed, but it is difficult to discover in what respect the title of Pope Stephen VI was defective. Pope now succeeded pope with such rapidity as to awaken the inevitable suspicion, either that those were chosen who were likely to make a speedy vacancy, or they received but a fatal gift in the pontificate of Rome. Romanus and Theodore II survived their promotion each only a few months. The latter, by his restoration of Formosus to the rights of Christian burial, and by his reversal of the acts of Stephen VI, may be presumed to have belonged to that faction. The next election was contested with all the strength and violence of the adverse parties. John IX was successful; his competitor Sergius, according to some accounts formerly the discomfited competitor of Formosus, and his bitter and implacable enemy, fled to the powerful protection of the marquis of Tuscany. Sergius was excommunicated, with several other priests and inferior clergy, as accessory to the insults against the body of Formosus. Sergius laughed to scorn the thunders of his rival, so long as he was under the protection of the powerful house of Tuscany. With John IX, who died July, 901, closed the ninth century of Christianity; the tenth, in Italy at least the iron age, had already darkened upon Rome; the pontificate had been won by crime and vacated by murder.
  • 59. This iron age, as it has been called, opened with the pontificate of Benedict IV (900-903), the successor of John IX. The only act recorded of Benedict IV was the coronation of the unfortunate Louis of Provence, the competitor of Berengar for the empire. Louis, according to imperial usage, set up his tribunal and adjudged causes at Rome. On the death of Benedict, the prudent precautions established by John IX to introduce some regularity and control over the anarchy of an election by a clergy rent into factions by a lawless nobility, and still more lawless people, during this utter helplessness and the abeyance, or the strife for the empire between rival princes, fell into utter neglect or impotency. The papacy became the prize of the most active, daring, and violent. Leo V won the prize; before two months he was ejected and thrown into prison by Christopher, one of his own presbyters and chaplains. The same year, or early in the next, Christopher was in his turn ignominiously driven from Rome. It was under the protection of the powerful Tuscan prince Berengar that the exiled Sergius, at the head of a strong force of Tuscan soldiers, appeared in Rome, deposed Christopher, who had just deposed Leo V, and took possession of the papal throne. Sergius had been seven years an exile in Tuscany; for seven years he ruled as supreme but not undisputed pontiff. This pope has been loaded with every vice and every enormity which can blacken the character of man. Yet as to his reign there is almost total obscurity. The only certain act which has transpired is his restoration of the Lateran palace, which had fallen into ruins; an act which indicates a period of comparative peace and orderly administration, with the command of a large revenue. In these violent times Sergius probably scrupled at no violence; but if he drove a pope from the throne of St. Peter, that pope had just before deposed his patron, and with great cruelty. THEODORA IN POWER But during the papacy of Sergius rose into power the infamous Theodora, with her daughters Marozia and Theodora, the prostitutes who, in the strong language of historians, disposed for many years
  • 60. [911-928 a.d.] the papal tiara, and not content with disgracing by their own licentious lives the chief city of Christendom, actually placed their profligate paramours or base-born sons in the chair of St. Peter. The influence obtained by Theodora and her daughters, if it shows not the criminal connivance of Pope Sergius, or a still more disgraceful connection with which he was charged by the scandal of the times, proves at least the utter degradation of the papal power in Rome. It had not only lost all commanding authority, but could not even maintain outward decency. Theodora was born of a noble and wealthy senatorial family, on whom she has entailed an infamous immortality. The women of Rome seem at successive periods seized with a kind of Roman ambition to surpass their sex by the greatness of their virtues and of their vices. These females were to the Paulas and Eustochiums of the younger and severer age of Roman Christianity, what the Julias and Messallinas of the empire were to the Volumnias and Cornelias of the republic. It must be acknowledged that if the stern language of Tacitus and Juvenal may have darkened the vices of the queens and daughters of the cæsars, the bishop of Cremona,s our chief authority on the enormities of Theodora and her daughters, wants the moral dignity, while he is liable to the same suspicion as those great writers. Throughout the lives of the pontiffs themselves we have to balance between the malignant license of satire and the unmeaning phrases of adulatory panegyric. On the other hand it is difficult to decide which is more utterly unchristian—the profound hatred which could invent or accredit such stories; the utter dissoluteness which made them easily believed; or the actual truth of such charges. Liutprands relates that John, afterwards the tenth pope of that name, being employed in Rome on some ecclesiastical matters by the archbishop of Ravenna, was the paramour of Theodora, who not only allowed but compelled him to her embraces. John was first appointed to the see of Bologna; but the archbishopric of Ravenna, the second ecclesiastical dignity in Italy, falling vacant before he had
  • 61. been consecrated, he was advanced by the same dominant influence to that see. But Theodora bore with impatience the separation of two hundred miles from her lover. Anastasius III had succeeded Sergius (911) and occupied the papacy for rather more than two years; after him Lando for six months (913). On the death of Lando (914) by a more flagrant violation of the canonical rule than that charged against the dead body of Formosus, John was translated from the archiepiscopate of Ravenna to the see of Rome. But Theodora, if she indeed possessed this dictatorial power, and the clergy and people of Rome, if they yielded to her dictation, may have been actuated by nobler and better motives than her gratification of a lustful passion, if not by motives purely Christian. For however the archbishop of Ravenna might be no example of piety or holiness as the spiritual head of Christendom, he appears to have been highly qualified for the secular part of his office. He was a man of ability and daring, eminently wanted at this juncture to save Rome from becoming the prey of Mohammedan conquest, organising a powerful confederacy of neighbouring dukes to accomplish this purpose. He placed himself at the head of the army, and for the first time the successor of St. Peter, the vicar of the Prince of peace, rode forth in his array to battle. And if success, as it doubtless was, might be interpreted as a manifestation of divine approval, the total discomfiture of the Saracens and the destruction of the troublesome fortress on the Garigliano seemed to sanction this new and unseemly character assumed by the pope. Even the apostles sanctioned or secured by their presence the triumph of the warlike pope. For fourteen years (914-928), obscure as regards Rome and the pontificate, this powerful prelate occupied the see of Rome. If he gained it (a doubtful charge) by the vices and influence of the mother Theodora, he lost it, together with his life, by the no less flagrant vices and more monstrous power of the daughter Marozia. THE INFAMOUS MAROZIA
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