Metric handbook planning and design data 4th ed Edition David Littlefield
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- 5. Metric handbook planning and design data 4th ed Edition David Littlefield Digital Instant Download Author(s): David Littlefield ISBN(s): 9781856178068, 1856178064 Edition: 4th ed File Details: PDF, 102.00 MB Year: 2012 Language: english
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- 9. METRIC HANDBOOK Planning and Design Data Fourth Edition David Littlefield SW_440_Prelims.indd iii SW_440_Prelims.indd iii 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM
- 10. Fourth edition published 2012 By Architectural Press 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Architectural Press 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2012 Architectural Press, Taylor & Francis All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Every effort has been made to contact and acknowledge copyright owners. The publishers would be grateful to hear from any copyright holder who is not acknowledged here and will undertake to rectify any errors or omissions in future printings or editions of the book. This publication presents material of a broad scope and applicability. Despite stringent efforts by all concerned in the publishing process, some typographical or editorial errors may occur, and readers are encouraged to bring these to our attention where they represent errors of substance. The publisher and author disclaim any liability, in whole or in part, arising from information contained in this publication. The reader is urged to consult with an appropriate licensed professional prior to taking any action or making any interpretation that is within the realm of a licensed professional practice. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. First edition published as AJ Metric Handbook by the Architectural Press 1968 Third edition published by the Architectural Press 2007 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this title has been requested ISBN: 978–1–85617–806–8 (pbk) ISBN: 978–0–08–096341–9 (ebk) Typeset in Times by Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon SW_440_Prelims.indd iv SW_440_Prelims.indd iv 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM
- 11. Preface vii Acknowledgements ix 1 Design information and dimensional coordination Terry Nichols with David King 2 Basic design data: people and space 3 Design basics: buildings and movement 4 Capital and whole life costs of buildings David Holmes, Chris Bicknell and John Davies 5 Master-planning and landscaping David Simister with Guy Walters, with contributions by Sarah Burgess, Hugh Barton and Marcus Grant 6 Crime prevention design Nick Hughes 7 Security and counter-terrorism Mark Whyte and Chris Johnson 8 Houses and flats Ian Chown 9 Student housing and housing for young people Liz Pride 10 Homes for older people Ian Smith (updated by David Littlefield) 11 Hotels Fred Lawson and John Rawson 12 Offices Frank Duffy with Jay McMahan and Jack Pringle 13 Retail shops and stores Fred Lawson 14 Industrial facilities Jolyon Drury and Ian Brebner 15 Industrial storage buildings Jolyon Drury, updated with advice from Stephen George & partners 16 Agricultural buildings John Weller, Rod Sheard, Frank Bradbeer and others 17 Restaurants and foodservice facilities Fred Lawson 18 Sports facilities: indoor and outdoor Philip Johnson and Tom Jones 19 Fire stations Michael Bowman 20 Community centres Jim Tanner 21 Schools Anthony Langan 22 Universities Mike Hart and Rod McAllister 23 Laboratories Catherine Nikolaou and Neville Surti 24 Primary health care Geoffrey Purves 25 Hospitals David Clarke 26 Payment and counselling offices Richard Napier 27 Public buildings 28 Museums, art galleries and temporary exhibition spaces Geoffrey Mathews 29 Libraries Brian Edwards with Ayub Khan 30 Terminals and transport interchanges 31 Designing for vehicles 32 Studios for sound and vision David Binns 33 Auditoria Ian Appleton and Stefanie Fischer 34 Places of worship Leslie Fairweather, Ian Brewerton, Atba Al-Samarraie, David Adler and Derek Kemp. Revised by Maurice Walton 35 Tropical design Patricia Tutt 36 Structure David Adler and Norman Seward. Revised by Andrew Peters 37 Materials Arthur Lyons with Aedas 38 Thermal environment Phil Jones Contents SW_440_Prelims.indd v SW_440_Prelims.indd v 2/11/2012 11:06:09 AM 2/11/2012 11:06:09 AM
- 12. vi Contents 39 Light Joe Lynes 40 Sound Chris Steel 41 Fire Beryl Menzies 42 Access and inclusion Neil Smith and David Dropkin Appendix A The SI system Appendix B Conversion factors and tables Index SW_440_Prelims.indd vi SW_440_Prelims.indd vi 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM
- 13. Preface This is the fourth edition of the Metric Handbook. Between 1979 and 2008 this book had been revised just twice; but the speed of change within architecture and the built environment (including technological, procedural and legislative shifts) has caused the publisher to offer less of a Bible of immutable codes and more of a resource which aims to capture the standards and requirements of a profession at a particular point of time. This edition is a consid- erable update of the book issued in 2008 – more than 50% of the book is updated and new chapters have been introduced covering, for example, security and the design of fire stations. Other chapters, such as drawing notation, masterplanning and structure, have been considerably rewritten and updated. It is a gargantuan task – one which relies on the contributions of a wide range of specialists who must reach a judgement between the essentials of a given subject area and technical data that is so specific that this book can have no room for it. Despite the size and title of this large book, the Metric Handbook cannot seek to be the last word in building design and assembly. Rather, it should be con- sidered a starting point, a collection of rules, codes, principles and conventions which largely govern how building types are tackled. Drawing on both good practice and the regulatory codebook, this book gives the reader a headstart when entering new design terri- tory, outlining the factors through which they can frame a design response. Matters such as sizes, volumes, adjacencies, precedents, materials, tolerances, standards and expectations are covered here. Thus if one needs to know the dimensions of a badminton court, standards in lighting and acoustic performance, or the procedures for diagnostic imaging within a large hospital, you can expect to find the answer within these pages. We have also retained the CI/ FsB product classification codes and library search codes at the start of many chapters, in order that readers can obtain further informa- tion through online links. However, the Metric Handbook does not pretend to offer a com- plete solution for every building. It does not (cannot) cover aes- thetics and design language; nor can it offer a substitute for the sensitive response by an architect to a specific brief from a specific client for a specific site. Therein lies the judgement, intelligence and training of the professional. Nonetheless, this book is designed to assist the architect in their deliberations, offering them a way into new fields or supplying the language from which a meaningful conversation can be had. Finally, the sharp-eyed reader might notice a small change on the cover, apart from the edition number. This book is now published by Routledge, an imprint of Taylor & Francis. Purchased from Elsevier in 2011, the Metric Handbook is in very good hands, and I wish the new publisher and all readers every success with it. David Littlefield December 2011 SW_440_Prelims.indd vii SW_440_Prelims.indd vii 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM
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- 15. Acknowledgements This book could not have been completed without the expert help of many individuals from practice and academia. Many thanks are due to the five practices who formed an editorial board and helped with the review of chapters from the third edition: Aecom, Aedas, Gensler, HOK and 3DReid. In particular, I would like to thank Alan Robertson and his team from Aedas, who helped not only with the review of chapters but also in the revision of many of them. Thanks too to the various (incredibly supportive) commis- sioning editors who have worked on this book at its different stages: Hannah Shakespeare, Liz Burton and Fran Ford. Finally, many thanks to all the contributors to this book – some of whom have worked on the book before, while others are new to it. The Metric Handbook is certainly not a one-person project, and the small army of writers, reviewers, administrators and organisers who make it possible should not be underestimated. We dedicate this book to Maurice Walton, who helped to revise the chapter on religious buildings, and who died on Christmas Day 2011. SW_440_Prelims.indd ix SW_440_Prelims.indd ix 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM 2/10/2012 1:38:27 PM
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- 17. 1 Design information and dimensional coordination Terry Nichols with David King Terry Nichols, Director, ELE and David King, HOK London, Director for Project Delivery KEY POINT: • For clear understanding the conventions must be followed Contents 1 Design information standards 2 Metric annotation 3 Drawings 4 Drawing content 5 Dimensional coordination 6 Reprographics and paper size 7 Ordnance survey maps 8 References 9 Case study 1 DESIGN INFORMATION STANDARDS 1.1 Production methods Several methods for the production and sharing of project information are available to the AEC industry. Though some firms continue to use traditional manual drafting techniques many have adopted 2D CAD systems and an increasing number have progressed onto 3D paramet- ric object-based design systems and Building Information Modelling. Whichever of these methods is selected, the adoption of standards is important for clarity in communication between the members of the designteam.Thissectionsummarisesstandardsastheyrelatetovisual output whether that be on paper or screen display. 1.2 Traditional drafting Intraditionaldrafting,paperisthemaininformationexchangemech- anism. Though individual drawing styles can be accommodated, it is only by the inclusion of standard drawing conventions and symbols that the content can be correctly interpreted. 1.3 2D CAD systems 2D CAD tools provide easier ways of editing and copying draw- ing content. Information sharing can be achieved by the transfer of drawing files and this has led to improved levels of collaboration between members of the design team. In some cases the data transfer is supported by a web-based collaboration services. For this data exchange to be effective, standards have been introduced for file naming conventions, drawing layering structures. When different CAD systems are employed, translation processes are also needed to overcome any system incompatibilities. The AEC (UK) CAD Standards Initiative was formed in 2000 to improve the process of design information production, manage- ment and data exchange. The initiative addressed CAD layering conventions as the primary concern for users of design data. As design needs and technology has developed, the scope has expanded to cover other aspects of design data production and information exchange. The AEC (UK) CAD Standard Basic Layer Code was released in 2001, with an Advanced Code released in 2002. 1.4 3D parametric object based systems The introduction of 3D parametric object-based modelling systems offers further advantages in terms of the automatic co-ordination of 3D views, plans, sections, elevations and component schedules, the ability to carry out clash detection plus structural and environmental analysis. 1.5 BIM Building Information Modelling (BIM) involves more than the adoption of a 2D CAD or 3D object based tool. It is founded on the development of a Common Data Environment for sharing information between the members of the design, manufacturing and construction teams. The technicalities involved are set out in BS 29481-1:2010 Building information modelling. Information deliverymanual–methodologyandformat.Typicallymanydifferent software applications will access and interrogate the common data set to generate information that is appropriate for a specific purpose. Ultimately the aim is for a fully integrated set of data incorporating 4D (construction timing) and 5D (costing) elements plus any other data necessary for the life-cycle management of the facility. These features are becoming increasingly important as a part of the drive for Integrated Project Delivery (IPD). With the increased use of computer methods for electronic trans- fer and the combining of models from different members of the design team, the use of common standards is essential. For BIM much of the work on standards, originated with organisations such as BuildingSmart who have developed and promoted the adoption of Industry Foundation Class (IFC). This open system is designed to enable interoperability between different proprietary systems. It is registered as the international standard ISO 16739. The AEC (UK) BIM Standards builds on the guidelines defined by world-wide standards initiatives, including BS1192:2007, the US National BIM Standard (NBIMS) and existing, proven internal company procedures. It is aimed at providing a base starting point for a unified BIM standard that can easily be adopted ‘as is’ or developed and adapted for implementation within projects that have specific requirements for the structuring of their BIM data. In 2011 the UK government published its Building Information Modelling (BIM) Working Party Strategy and announced the intention to require collaborative 3D BIM (with all project and asset information, documentation and data being electronic) on its projects by 2016. The standard recommended for non- graphical information is COBie: Construction Operations Building information exchange. This was developed by a number of US public agencies to improve the handover process to building owner- operators. A growing number of software packages now support the import and export of data in this format. 2 METRIC ANNOTATATION 2.1 Units The main units should be used as shown in Table I. SW_440_Ch 1.indd 1 SW_440_Ch 1.indd 1 2/10/2012 1:42:34 PM 2/10/2012 1:42:34 PM
- 18. 1-2 Design information and dimensional coordination On a drawing, either metres or millimetres should be used: these units should not be mixed. If this rule is followed, ambiguity is avoided – it is not possible to confuse which units are intended. Common practice is to use mm without a decimal, so 2 m is shown simply as 2000. 2.2 Decimal marker The decimal marker (full stop) on the baseline is the standard deci- mal point in the UK; but the marker at the halfway position is also acceptable. It should be noted that Continental practice is to use the comma on the baseline. The appropriate number of decimal places should be chosen depending on the circumstances in which the resulting value is to be used. 2.3 Thousand marker To avoid confusion with the Continental decimal marker, no thou- sand marker should be used. Where legibility needs to be improved a space can be left in large groups of digits at every thousand point. Where there are only four digits, a space between the first digit and the others is not desirable (e.g. 15000, 1500). (However, the comma is used in currency, e.g. £115,000.) 2.4 Notation As a rule the sizes of components should be expressed in consistent and not mixed units, e.g. 1500 mm × 600 mm × 25 mm thick and not 1.5 m × 600 mm × 25 mm thick. However, for long thin components such as timbers, it is preferable to mix the units, e.g. 100 mm × 75 mm × 10 m long. It is important to distinguish clearly between the metric tonne and the imperial ton. The tonne is equivalent to 2204.6 lb while the ton is equal to 2240 lb – a difference of 1.6 per cent. The interval of temperature should be referred to as degree Celsius (°C) and not as centigrade. The word centigrade is used by the Continental metric countries as a measure of plane angle and equals 1/10000th part of a right angle. 3 DRAWINGS 3.1 Information required The following table indicates the typical drawings required during the design phases of a project. The work stage summary is taken from the RIBA Outline Plan of Work 2007 (amended November 2008). This organises the process of managing and designing projects into a number of key work stages. The sequence or content of these stages may vary and/or overlap dependent on the procurement method selected – and the RIBA Outline Plan of Work provides guidance on their applicability to the principal procurement routes. Table I Summary of symbols and notation Quantity Description Correct unit Acceptable Incorrect use Notes symbol alternatives Numerical values 0.1 .1 When the value is less than unity, the decimal point should be 0.01 .01 preceded by zero 0.001 .001 Length metre m m. M meter millimetre mm m.m. mm. MM M.M. milli-metre Area square m2 sqm m.sq sm metre sq.m sqm. Volume cubic metre m3 cu m cu.m m.cu cubic millimetre mm3 cumm cu.mm. mm.cub. mm.cu. litre (liquid volume) 1, ltr l. lit Preferably write litre in full to avoid ‘l’ being taken for figure ‘one’ Mass (weight) tonne t ton Preferably write tonne in full to avoid being mistaken for imperial ton kilogram kg Kg kG kg. kilogramme gram g g. G. Force newton N N. n Note that when used in written text, the unit of newton is spelled out in full and begins with a lower-case letter ‘n’. When used as unit symbol, in calculation or in a formula it is then expressed as capital letter ‘N’ Examples Correct use Incorrect use 33m 3cm 3mm 10.100m 10m 100mm* 50.750kg 50kg 750g Note. Some metric values are expressed differently in certain countries. The value of 10.100m, for example, could mean ten thousand one hundred metres and not ten metres one hundred millimetres, as in the UK. SW_440_Ch 1.indd 2 SW_440_Ch 1.indd 2 2/10/2012 1:42:36 PM 2/10/2012 1:42:36 PM
- 19. Design information and dimensional coordination 1-3 3.2 Graphic techniques Graphic techniques should follow the recommendations in BS EN ISO 9431, and in particular: (a) line thickness should be not less than 0.25 mm on drawings to be reproduced without reduction, or to be microfilmed; (b) if different line thicknesses are used, each thickness should be at least twice the next thinner line; (c) the space between lines should be not less than 0.7 mm; (d) inclined lines should be at an angle of 15° or a multiple of 15°; (e) lettering (including numbers) should have a capital height of: (1) not less than 2.5 mm for drawings as in (a) above; (2) not less than 3.5 mm for drawings as in (b) above. While these guidelines originally refer to manual drafting the same principles should ensure clarity when applied to plotted output from 2D CAD and 3D modelling systems. 3.3 Drawing scales The internationally agreed and recommended range of scales for use in the construction industry is given in Table II. Where two or more scales are used on the same sheet, these should be clearly indicated. 3.4 Traditional types of drawings Types of drawings at the most suitable scales are shown in 1.1 to 1.7. Note that in 1.5 and 1.6 alternative dimensional units are shown for comparison. The method of expressing dimensions as shown in the shaded drawings is not recommended. 2D CAD systems provide the capability for creating similar output but with the advantage of being able to edit, copy and rescale portions of the drawing set. 3.5 Drawings from 3D systems and BIM Similar 2D building plans, sections, and elevations can be created using a 3D modelling system. Being derived from a single model these have the added benefit of being automatically coordinated. The scale, location and cut planes of any particular view can be adjusted dynamically making the production of a drawing set extremely flex- ible. Of course, not everything needs to be modelled in 3D and it Table III Preferred scales Use Scale Maps 1:1000000 1:500000 1:200000 1:100000 Town surveys 1:50000 1:20000 1:10000 1:5000 1:2500 1:2000 1:1250 1:1000 Location drawings Site plan 1:500 1:200 General location 1:200 1:100 1:50 Ranges 1:100 1:50 1:20 Component drawings Assembly 1:20 1:10 1:5 Details 1:10 1:5 1:1 Table II RIBA work stages – outline plan of work (design phase) Work stage Information required Typical drawings C: Concept design Prepare concept design, including outline Drawings will typically illustrate the outline proposals for each building element. This (previously called proposals for structure and building systems, may include diagrammatic analyses of requirements, use of site, functional and circulation Outline Proposals) outline specifications and preliminary cost plan. criteria, massing, construction and environmental strategies; the design sufficiently Submit for outline planning if required. developed for the client to approve as a basis for proceeding to Stage D. D: Design development Develop concept design with fully coordinated Drawings will typically illustrate the design for each building element and the size and (previously called Detailed structural and services systems; update outline character of the project in sufficient detail for the Client to agree planning and spatial Proposals, and often still specification and cost plan. Submit detailed arrangements, elevational treatment, environmental systems, buildability, materials and referred to as ‘Scheme Design’) planning application as required. internal/external appearance. Drawings should be at a scale suitable for planning application, and the design sufficiently developed for the client to approve as a basis for proceeding to Stage E. E: Technical design Prepare technical design(s) and specifications, Drawings will typically illustrate the finalised proposals for each building element and the (previously called Final sufficient to complete the co-ordination of all details of all principal construction materials, components, junctions, interfaces, interior Proposals, and before that project components and elements; information and exterior finishes. Drawings should be at a scale suitable for building regulations ‘Detail Design’) for statutory approvals/construction safety. application. This stage essentially completes the design phase, except for those elements subject to design development by specialist sub-contractors in later stages. F: Production information F1 Prepare production information in sufficient The RIBA Outline Plan of Work includes diagrams illustrating different sequences for the detail for tenders to be obtained; with completion of tender information (F1) and construction information (F2) for various performance specifications where procurement methods. appropriate. Apply for statutory approvals. F2 Prepare further information for construction as required under building contract. Review buildability and construction safety. 1.1 Layout plan (note that the Ordnance Survey continue to use the 1:2500 scale) SW_440_Ch 1.indd 3 SW_440_Ch 1.indd 3 2/10/2012 1:42:36 PM 2/10/2012 1:42:36 PM
- 20. 1-4 Design information and dimensional coordination is common practice to include conventional 2D details within the drawing set. Using callouts, these can be cross-referenced to their location on the model. Overall this approach simplifies management of the drawing set helping to ensure it that the information provided remains consistent. Atypicalsystemwillallowfortheprojectmodeltocommencewith simple massing diagrams and evolve to fully detailed construction drawings. In particular the concept of the single data model allows for additional software be employed for specific applications such as: 1 Providing photo-realistic perspective still images and animated views of the project. 2 Studying environmental planning issues such as sun paths, day- lighting, acoustics and escape simulations 3 Checking for clashes between structure, components and services. This may be carried out visually and in certain instances automatically at an early stage in the project to help avoid costly mistakes occurring on-site. 4 Using the data as a basis for component manufacture. Thecasestudyattheendofthischapterillustratessomeofthepracti- cal benefits of this approach. 1.2 Site plan 1.3 Location drawing 1.4 Location drawing (sketch plan) SW_440_Ch 1.indd 4 SW_440_Ch 1.indd 4 2/10/2012 1:42:36 PM 2/10/2012 1:42:36 PM
- 21. Exploring the Variety of Random Documents with Different Content
- 22. established and admired as a woman of taste and uncommon social and literary attainments. Her books have gained deserved popularity and wide circulation. Longstreet being now a major-general, with three brigades, the new brigadiers are to be introduced. R. S. Ewell took our old brigade. He was a distant relative of mine and one of the strangest of warriors; had served with distinction in Mexico, and all his life against Indians. He was without a superior as a cavalry captain and of the most extraordinary appearance. Bald as an eagle, he looked like one; had a piercing eye and a lisping speech. A perfect horseman and lover of horses (racers), he never tired of talking of his horse "Tangent," in Texas, who appears to have never won a race and always to have lost his owner's money. But the latter's confidence never weakened and he always believed in "Tangent." General Ewell became a very distinguished soldier, and justly so. To uncommon courage and activity he added a fine military instinct, which could make him a good second in command in any army. He was not long with us. His fortunes were with Stonewall Jackson in the Valley operations, and he rose to be major-general and lieutenant-general. In the latter rank he commanded the Second Corps at Gettysburg, having previously lost a leg in the second Manassas campaign. His command suffered great loss in the slaughter of Malvern Hill. The morning after, I found him doubled up on the floor of a little shanty, his head covered up; the ground was covered with our slain. Raising himself he instantly recognized me, and lisped out, "Mather Thorrel, can you tell me why we had five hundred men killed dead on this field yesterday?" That was all; the soul of the brave General was fit to burst for the awful and useless sacrifice. It was a fearful blunder somewhere and has not yet been boldly and clearly lighted up. Kemper, a fine Virginian colonel, succeeded Ewell in the command of the Fourth Brigade, and served well until he was left for dead in front of his men in Pickett's charge at Gettysburg. Our Second Brigade was also Virginian. One evening at dark I was in my narrow office when an officer was announced. I turned and had
- 23. quite a start at my visitor's appearance. It was George Pickett, just made brigadier-general, and reporting for command. A singular figure indeed! A medium-sized, well-built man, straight, erect, and in well-fitting uniform, an elegant riding-whip in hand, his appearance was distinguished and striking. But the head, the hair were extraordinary. Long ringlets flowed loosely over his shoulders, trimmed and highly perfumed; his beard likewise was curling and giving out the scents of Araby. He was soon made at home, and having already received Longstreet's instructions, was assigned to his brigade. Pickett became very friendly, was a good fellow, a good brigadier. He had been in Longstreet's old Army regiment, and the latter was exceedingly fond of him. Taking Longstreet's orders in emergencies, I could always see how he looked after Pickett, and made us give him things very fully; indeed, sometimes stay with him to make sure he did not get astray. Such was the man whose name calls up the most famous and heroic charge, possibly, in the annals of war. Pickett's charge at Gettysburg stirs every heart that beats for great deeds, and will forever live in song and story. Afterwards his division was relieved to rest and recruit, and grew strong and fit. It was, however, badly mauled at Five Forks by Sheridan, although its commander is said to have made excellent disposition of his troops and fought them gallantly. The Third Brigade was of South Carolina regiments under command of Brig.-Gen. Richard H. Anderson, a West Point graduate and an experienced officer of the old Army. Of him and also the artillery attached to the division there is more to be said later. At the Centerville camp Major-General Earl Van Dorn commanded a division. A small, handsome man, the very picture of a thorough light cavalryman, he enjoyed a high reputation from service in Mexico and against the Indians. Soon after he was transferred to a
- 24. command in Mississippi, and there falling into a private quarrel was killed. Maj.-Gen. G. W. Smith also had a division near Centerville. From this officer much was expected. He had left the Academy with high honors, and served many years with distinction. He resigned from the Army to become Street Commissioner in New York, a lucrative office, and thence he came South for service. There was no opportunity to show his abilities in the field until the battle of Seven Pines in May-June, 1862, and then General Lee taking command of the army, Smith withdrew, and was, I think, not again heard of in active field work. After the war he wrote a book, his "Apologies," in which he threw all the blame on his once bosom friend, James Longstreet, and upon General Johnston for field work, up to the time of his retirement. Jubal Early, brigadier-general, was one of the ablest soldiers in the army. Intellectually he was perhaps the peer of the best for strategic combinations, but he lacked ability to handle troops effectively in the field; that is, he was deficient in tactical skill. His irritable disposition and biting tongue made him anything but popular, but he was a very brave and able commander. His appearance was quite striking, having a dark, handsome face, regular features, and deep piercing eyes. He was the victim of rheumatism, and although not old was bent almost double, like an aged man. Of high scholarly and fine political attainments, he never married, but led the life of a recluse in Virginia, entirely apart from social and public affairs. D. R. Jones, brigadier-general, was also near us. A very agreeable, lovable man, tall and stately, he made a brave appearance, and well merited the sobriquet of "Neighbor Jones," as they pleasantly called him at West Point. His wife, a relative of President Davis, was much with him in camp, and a very decided character by the side of her indulgent husband. He could not figure with much success, his health being poor, and after Sharpsburg was transferred to some easier service elsewhere, and soon after died.
- 27. CHAPTER V Our National Hymn Singing among the troops—Van Dorn—Longstreet—Smith and "I Puritani" for National hymn—Surgeon Francis Sorrel, C. S. A.—Life in Richmond—Troops passing through —Toombs and his brigade—General D. H. Hill. Among the troops at Centerville there was much singing, some of it very sweet and touching. "Lorena," set to a tender, sentimental air, was heard everywhere. "My Maryland" was a great favorite, and of course "Dixie" was always in evidence. There were, however, other sweet Southern melodies that the soldiers took up, seemingly mellowing stern hearts and bringing tender memories of home. There was constant talk of a National air, "Dixie" being thought by some as of not sufficient dignity. "My Maryland" had many advocates, but there were some that thought the noble strain of the great Liberty duet from "I Puritani" was the thing for the Confederacy. General Van Dorn was enthusiastic about it. At the banquet at Longstreet's, after the flag presentation, the talk turned on this air, and Van Dorn began to sing it. "Up on the table and, show yourself; we can't see you!" said Longstreet. "Not unless you stand by me!" shouted Van Dorn; and no sooner said than Longstreet, G. W. Smith, and Van Dorn, the ranking major-generals, were clinging to each other on a narrow table and roaring out the noble bars of "I Puritani." Johnston and Beauregard stood near with twinkling eyes of amusement and enjoyment. So much for wine and "entoosy moosy," as Byron calls it; but for all this good start, the soldiers declined the impressive air and stuck to their Dixie. It was always gratifying to me to note the good equipment in which the troops from my State were sent to the front for the Confederacy.
- 28. Governor Brown was thorough in doing the best for them that the blockade of the coast and his factories permitted. They came forward with good clothing, shoes and underwear, which, although of home make, were warm, comfortable and serviceable. My brother, Dr. Francis Sorrel, was many years my senior. He had served in the United States Army as assistant surgeon, but had resigned and was in California when the war began. He immediately came to share the fortunes of his State. Dr. Moore, the Confederate Surgeon-General, without delay had him appointed to full rank and assigned for service as his close confidential assistant (the pair were forever rolling cigarettes). There his influence and powers were considerable and the Doctor was always helpful to his friends. He was instrumental in assigning Dr. James B. Read, of Savannah, to the officers' hospital in Richmond, and in Read's hands it became celebrated. He kept a good lookout for his two junior brothers in the field and we had many evidences of his thoughtfulness. With a wide acquaintance in Richmond, he knew the principal members of Congress and was liked by all the Cabinet. His previous service in the United States Army put him in good touch with many high officers, and his position in all respects was enviable. Occasionally I managed to make a short visit to Richmond, and then my brother gave me introductions to pleasant men and charming women. There may be more to say of him later. Life at Richmond at this time—January, February, March, April, 1862 —seemed gay and happy, with but little outward sign of apprehension or anxieties for the future. Food supplies were abundant and the pinch for clothing and shoes was being eased by the remarkable achievement of the several States in equipping their contingents for the field. Most of the troops passed through Richmond en route to the Peninsula, and there was much excitement and cheering. Main Street was thronged with people shouting wildly as the regiments marched down to Rocketts, where they were to take boat for part of the route.
- 29. General Toombs was quite conspicuous. Every one knows that that luminous intellect embraced no soldier's talent. It might have been so with study, but the Georgian was for once and all a politician, and in the wrong shop with a sword and uniform on. He marched his troops down Main Street, past the crowds at Spottswood Hotel, with childlike delight. He put himself at the head of one regiment and moved it out of sight amid hurrahs, then galloping back he brought on another, ready himself for cheers, until the brigade was down the street and near the embarkation. It was somewhat amusing, but a harmless entertainment for the brilliant orator and statesman. Being quite without notes I had almost omitted a jotting about one of Longstreet's brigadiers at Centerville—a marked and peculiar character. This was General D. H. Hill, not long with us. He was soon made major-general and sent elsewhere to command. Hill was a small, delicate man, rather bent, and cursed with dyspepsia, which seemed to give color to his whole being. He was out of West Point with a good class number, was a capable, well-read soldier, and positively about the bravest man ever seen. He seemed not to know peril and was utterly indifferent to bullets and shell, but with all these qualities was not successful. His backbone seemed a trifle weak. He would take his men into battle, fight furiously for some time and then something weakened about him. Unless there was some strong character near by, like Longstreet, for instance, on whom he leaned, his attack would be apt to fail and his first efforts go unrewarded. His speech was bitter, although a most devout Presbyterian elder. He had resigned long before from the United States Army, and had a large school in North Carolina. He was accustomed to sneer at cavalry, and once went so far as to say he had "yet to see a dead man with spurs on." It may be imagined what Stuart's gallant troopers thought of him. But Hill had brains, and rose. He was later on sent West to command in Bragg's army, was promoted to lieutenant-general, and is said to have failed grievously at Chickamauga, for which Bragg suspended him from command; and he was not, I think, restored to any service in the
- 30. field. He was really a good man, but of sharp prejudice and intemperate language. If there was one department of the army well administered amid almost impossibilities, requiring most ingenious and inventive resources, it was the Ordnance, under Colonel Gorgas. Hill took a hatred to it because a gun burst in action, and his imputations on the faith of the department and its abilities were quite unworthy of him or of any good soldier.
- 32. CHAPTER VI The Peninsula and Battle of Williamsburg, May 5, 1862 Arrival at Yorktown—Major-General Magruder—His skilful defense—Lines at Warwick River—Major-General McClellan —Retreat from Yorktown—Battle of Williamsburg, May 5— Death of Colonel Mott, Nineteenth Mississippi—Destruction of armored ram Virginia—Charge by Georgia Hussars— Explosives behind rearguard rebuked—Promoted major. But I must hasten to the Peninsula, where at Yorktown and along the lines of the little Warwick River, McClellan and Johnston are frowning at each other; the former, as usual, tripling the Confederate force and bawling for more men. Persons and things I have left behind will probably come into these jottings in the loose way they fall from the pen. Longstreet with his staff and some of his regiments were among the first arrivals to face McClellan and gave great relief to Magruder. This officer, a major-general, commanding some 10,000 to 12,000 men, had offered a most extraordinary and successful defense. It was a wonderful piece of bluff and could have won only against McClellan. Yorktown was strongly armed and well defended. Thence stretching across the Peninsula was a sluggish little stream known as the Warwick River. It was fordable in almost all places, in some nearly dry-shod. Magruder's engineers had strengthened the defenses by some dams that gathered a good spread of water to be passed in an attack. The Warwick, of many miles extent, was necessarily thinly defended. Magruder put his whole force behind it, an attenuated line, up and down which he constantly rode in full sight of the enemy. He was known in the old Army as "Prince John," from the splendor of his
- 33. appearance and his dress. Of commanding form and loving display, he had assembled a numerous staff, all, like himself, in the most showy uniforms. To these he added a fine troop of cavalry, and when the cavalcade at full gallop inspected the thin lines of the Warwick, it was a sight for men and gods. I am persuaded he so impressed "Little Mac" that he sang out for more men and thus lost his opportunity. In very truth he was so strong and Magruder so weak that the Union ramrods should have sufficed to break the defense and gobble up the magnificent "Prince John." Longstreet's arrival was therefore a great relief, and soon Johnston had his army in full position, making McClellan almost frantic; he more than doubled Johnston's actual strength. A strong attack should have prevailed to drive us away; and if briskly followed, eventually into the York River. But Johnston knew his man, as did indeed every Confederate leader later on. Lee, Longstreet, Jackson, the Hills all knowing his points, while serving in the U. S. Army, could now rightly measure him. McClellan was a lovable man, an admirable organizer, but with little taste for battle unless largely outnumbering his opponent. Here in the trenches occurred remarkable scenes. Many of the Southern regiments had enlisted for only twelve months and the time expired in April. Re-enlistments and elections of the officers took place under fire of the enemy! Our men were splendid, and with rare exceptions they refused home and re-enlisted, this time for the war. Inactivity continued for some time, Longstreet commanding the center with his own and other troops, until it was soon apparent to Johnston that Richmond was too much exposed to attacks on the north side of the James River. The capital must be covered; besides, both our flanks were endangered by the enemy's immense superiority on the water. Preparations therefore began for a move, and on the night of May 3 the army was successfully drawn from its trenches and started on its deliberate, well-ordered retreat. On May 5 our rearguard was overtaken and attacked in force at Williamsburg, Longstreet in command, with a considerable part of the army. It was a stubborn, all-day fight, with serious losses on
- 34. both sides, but the enemy was beaten off and we resumed the march that night, the Federals having enough of it. We were not again molested. This was our first severe fight, and the steadiness and order of officers and men appeared to be very satisfactory. I was promoted to be major soon afterwards, the commission dating May 5, the day of the action. There was a gruesome but affecting sight during the battle. Colonel Mott, of high reputation, had brought from his State the Nineteenth Mississippi Infantry. It was hotly engaged in a long, fierce fight, and Mott fell. His black servant in the rear immediately took a horse and went to the firing line for his master's body. I met the two coming out of the fire and smoke. The devoted negro had straddled the stiffened limbs of his master on the saddle before him, covered his face with a handkerchief, and thus rescued his beloved master's body for interment with his fathers on the old Mississippi estate. The celebrated L. Q. C. Lamar was lieutenant-colonel of the regiment, and succeeded to the command, until forced by physical disability, he retired to Richmond for other service. The army moving on soon neared the capital and took up the several positions assigned its divisions. McClellan's huge force following, threw itself across the Chickahominy, and the siege of Richmond may be said to have begun. On the withdrawal of the army from the Peninsula, Norfolk and Gloucester Point became indefensible and the destruction of immense quantities of material both for field use and for construction had to be submitted to. The blow was not made lighter by the loss of the famous Virginia, formerly the Merrimac, that did such havoc at Newport News. She could not be permitted to fall into the enemy's hands and was of too deep draft for service on the James River. Her commander, Admiral Josiah Tatnall, was therefore reluctantly forced to her destruction. She was blown up and disappeared. Other vessels, cruisers and gun-boats, boilers, engines, and great quantities of material for construction had to be destroyed for similar reasons. The loss was bitter to us, as so much could have been done with it all for a little fighting navy.
- 35. It was during the action at Williamsburg that I was ready to shout for joy at seeing my old troop, the Georgia Hussars, in a gallant charge. Their regiment, the Jeff Davis Legion, had been prematurely thrown at the enemy in a position he was thought about leaving. The cavalry colonel was wrong. Our Georgians went forward in fine style, expecting to carry everything, but quickly found themselves in a very hot place. The enemy was not retiring, but on the contrary gave the Legion so warm a reception as to empty many saddles. They all came back pell-mell, "the devil take the hindmost," my Hussar comrades wondering what their colonel had got them "into that galley for!" It was a severe lesson but a salutary one, and the regiment was not again caught that way. Longstreet saw them close by as they dashed forward, and said, "They must soon come back; the colonel is ahead of the right moment." General Johnston was present on the field all day, but seeing Longstreet, the rearguard commander, carrying things very handsomely, generously forbore any interference and left the battle to his handling. He sent the latter such additional troops as he had to call for from time to time. When night came it was horrible. There were many dead and wounded and the weather nasty; the roads ankle deep in mud and slush. But the march had to be again taken up. On the retreat from Yorktown, Brigadier-General Rains was commanding the rearguard. He was a brother of the other Rains who at Augusta, Georgia, achieved the apparently impossible task of supplying ammunition. Both brothers were given to experiments in explosives and fond of that study. When Gabriel began moving out on our march he amused himself planting shells and other explosives in the roadway after us to tickle the pursuers. Hearing this I reported the matter to Longstreet, who instantly stopped it. He caused me to write Rains a rather severe note, reminding him that such practises were not considered in the limits of legitimate warfare, and that if he would put them aside and pay some attention to his brigade his march would be better and his stragglers not so
- 36. numerous. This officer did not remain long on duty in the field. His talents, like those of his more celebrated brother, lay elsewhere. After getting into position before Richmond, less than a month intervened between the reorganization and strengthening of the army and change of its commander. I shall therefore defer any observations that I may recall as to its composition and personnel until it took its more permanent form under Lee, contenting myself with some stray reflections on the battle of Seven Pines, which by the deplorable wounding of Johnston gave us for leader Robert E. Lee.
- 38. CHAPTER VII Battle of Seven Pines, May 31, 1862 Position taken in front of Richmond—Reception at President Davis's—Sketch—Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State—Storm-bound—Richmond—General Johnston wounded—Von Borcke, the German volunteer—His armament. Our positions were so near Richmond as to permit frequent visits there during the pleasant month of May. McClellan was hugging himself in security and reinforcements beyond the Chickahominy, and the earthwork defenses of Richmond which we were guarding seemed to us then all-sufficing. Later, we could realize how little they were worth without men and guns and rifles and a leader in the field. These defenses had been scientifically constructed by the engineers headed by General Lee and Maj.-Gen. J. F. Gilmer. The latter was a distinguished officer not long since resigned from the United States Army, had married in Savannah in the family of dear friends of ours, and when the war broke out at once placed his unquestioned engineering abilities at the service of the government. On one of my visits to the city I was persuaded by my brother, Dr. Sorrel, to stay the night and attend, a reception at the President's. It was interesting and striking. The highest and most brilliant of the Southland were there; bright, witty, confident, carrying everything with a high hand. The men generally in full uniform and the women in finery, that seems somehow always to turn up for them under all circumstances. After presentation to Mr. and Mrs. Davis I had a good look at that remarkable man. A most interesting study, calm and self-contained, gracious with some sternness; his figure was straight,
- 39. slim and elegant. A well-poised, ample head was faced with high- bred features and an expression that could be very winning and agreeable. His wife, Varina, was a rather large woman, handsome and brilliant, a bit inclined to be caustic of speech, but withal a good and gracious help to her husband. Her devotion when he was a prisoner was later beautifully manifested. Senators and Congressmen were there in abundance. Our own representative, Julien Hartridge, characteristically indifferent to such assemblages, was taking his pleasure elsewhere. Mr. Benjamin was a most interesting character—a short, squatty Jewish figure. His silvery speech charmed all hearers with its wit, persiflage and wisdom. His wonderful legal abilities made him facile princeps in equity law. His after career was extraordinary. When the collapse of the Confederate Army came he was still in Mr. Davis's Cabinet and joined his chief in flight. Separating, however, Benjamin escaped to one of the West India Islands and thence to London. It seems his nativity had actually been in a British Colony, and this fact and his great legal acquirements, with some routine attendance at the courts, quickly permitted his admittance to the bar and he was Q. C. in almost no time. He immediately took up an immense special practise and made much money. I had the pleasure of meeting him in 1872 in Paris, at a breakfast given by Mr. Francis Corbin in his splendid hotel on the Faubourg St. Germain. Needless to say, Mr. Benjamin was delightful. It was on one of these visits to my brother that I nearly came to trouble. I intended to ride back to camp quite early, but he had visits for me to make with him and pressed me so affectionately that I was late in starting back. Then a furious storm of rain and wind nearly drowned my good horse and myself and I was concerned for the late hour at which I finally reported to my chief. I found him provoked at my absence, because much had happened. In the afternoon a council of war had agreed with the commander-in-chief to attack McClellan the next morning. The opportunity was a good one because McClellan had posted his forces so that the Chickahominy
- 40. cut them in two and they might be destroyed in detail. I was not too late, however, for the duties, and both Longstreet and myself were soon in good humor again. Orders for the dispositions of the troops were quickly gotten out and the time and line of march given. We had six strong brigades and D. H. Hill's four were to join us under Longstreet, besides a strong force of artillery and a body of cavalry on the right. When the day came (May 31) the movement began, and never was the opening for battle more unsatisfactory. The same storm that put McClellan's army in decided peril by destroying his bridges and cutting communication between his two wings, impeded our march at every step. Little rivulets were now raging torrents. Bridges had to be improvised and causeways made by which the column could be moved. Everything seemingly lost us time, and our attack, instead of being early in the day, was delayed until 4 p. m. There shall be no attempt to describe or discuss this battle. G. W. Smith with a large command was on our left. General Johnston with him and Major-General Huger with a strong division was expected to support our right, but for some reason we did not get it. D. H. Hill with his four brigades and our six, attacked with great fury. Smith's attack on the left was retarded and unsuccessful. We made quick progress, but with heavy losses in our ten fine brigades. The enemy could not stand before them and Casey's division, posted at Seven Points, gave way after heavy losses and was crushed. Cannon and colors fell into our hands. Darkness was then coming on and no supports, much to Longstreet's chagrin. Further attack on our part was deferred until the morning. Meantime, while Smith was making on the left his abortive attack, our gallant General Joseph E. Johnston had been struck down by a severe wound and borne from the field. The second in command was G. W. Smith, but as operations for the day had ceased there was no occasion for him to make any change in existing dispositions of the troops, and Gen. Robert E. Lee was the next day placed in command of the Army of Northern Virginia.
- 41. Seven Pines should under all circumstances have been a magnificent victory for us. It was really far from that, and while encouraging the soldiers in fighting and the belief in their ability to beat the enemy, it was waste of life and a great disappointment. Walton, of Longstreet's staff, was wounded in the head, the bullet making a long furrow in his bald scalp. Here we saw for the first time the German Von Borcke, who, attached later to Stuart's cavalry, made some reputation. He had just arrived and could not speak a word of English; was splendidly mounted on a powerful sorrel and rode well. He was an ambulating arsenal. A double-barreled rifle was strapped across his back, a Winchester carbine hung by his hip, heavy revolvers were in his belt, right and left side; an enormous straight double-edged sharp-pointed cuirasseur's saber hung together with sabertasche to his left thigh, and a short "couteau de chasse" finished up his right. Besides, his English army saddle bore two large holsters, one for his field-glasses, the other for still another revolver, bigger and deadlier than all the others. Von Borcke was a powerful creature—a tall, blonde, active giant. When I next saw him he had discarded—taught by experience—all his arsenal except his good saber and a couple of handy revolvers. He stayed with us to the end and received an ugly wound in the throat.
- 43. CHAPTER VIII Battles of the Chickahominy, June 26 to July 2, 1862 General Lee in command—Sketch—Reinforced—Preparing for campaign—General Lee's staff—Longstreet second in command—His division—Artillery reorganized— Washington Artillery of New Orleans—Colonel E. P. Alexander commanding artillery—General W. W. Mackall reports—Sketch—Civilian prisoners at Fort Warren— General Miles and President Davis—The battles around Richmond—McClellan's defeat—Stonewall Jackson not on time—Ochiltree and Eastern fighting—Lord Edward St. Maur a visitor—McClellan on James River in position— Later we take again positions by Richmond. When General Lee took command it was my first sight of him. He had been employed in the northwest Virginia mountains, on the South Atlantic Coast, and at Richmond, generally as adviser to the President. His appearance had, it seems, changed. Up to a short time before Seven Pines he had worn for beard only a well-kept moustache, soon turned from black to grizzled. When he took us in hand his full gray beard was growing, cropped close, and always well tended. An unusually handsome man, he has been painted with brush and pen a hundred times, but yet there is always something to say of that noble, unostentatious figure, the perfect poise of head and shoulders and limbs, the strength that lay hidden and the activity that his fifty-five years could not repress. Withal graceful and easy, he was approachable by all; gave attention to all in the simplest manner. His eyes—sad eyes! the saddest it seems to me of all men's—beaming the highest intelligence and with unvarying kindliness, yet with command so firmly set that all knew him for the unquestioned chief. He loved horses and had good ones, and rode
- 44. carefully and safely, but I never liked his seat. The General was always well dressed in gray sack-coat of Confederate cloth, matching trousers tucked into well-fitting riding-boots—the simplest emblems of his rank appearing, and a good, large black felt army hat completed the attire of our commander. He rarely wore his sword, but his binoculars were always at hand. Fond of the company of ladies, he had a good memory for pretty girls. His white teeth and winning smile were irresistible. While in Savannah and calling on my father, one of my sisters sang for him. Afterwards, in Virginia, almost as soon as he saw me he asked after his "little singing-bird." The touch of the leader's hand was soon apparent in the reorganization of the army and its increased strength. The Administration reposing a perfect confidence in Lee, gave him all he asked for in men and material that could be furnished. It is proper to add that so moderate was the man and so fully understanding the situation and difficulties of supply, that he rarely asked for what could not be given him. His staff was small and efficient. I suppose that at this date there are some hundreds of men in the South who call themselves members of Lee's staff, and so they were if teamsters, sentry men, detailed quartermasters (commissary men), couriers and orderlies, and all the rest of the following of general headquarters of a great army are to be so considered. But by staff we usually confine ourselves to those responsible officers immediately about a general, and Lee had selected carefully. Four majors (afterwards lieutenant-colonels and colonels) did his principal work. Walter Taylor, from the Virginia Military Institute, was adjutant- general, and better could not be found for this important post. Charles Venable, a scholar and mathematician, and with some study of strategy, together with Charles Marshall, a distinguished lawyer by inheritance from his ancestor, the Chief Justice, and his own attainments, did much of the correspondence under dictation. Talcot was the engineer officer, and Long, of the old Army, a close friend of the General, was ranked as military secretary and did various duties. At a later date Brig.-Gen. R. H. Chilton, A. A. G., was assigned to confidential duties with the General, and was sometimes called chief
- 45. of staff. But Lee really had no such chief about him. The officer practically nearest its duties was his extremely efficient adjutant- general, W. H. Taylor. Maj. H. E. Young was also attached later—an excellent officer. There were possible one or two young lieutenants for personal aids, but this was Lee's staff, although perhaps I have made some omissions. Of course it does not include the important administrative officers like Cole, chief commissary; Corley, chief quartermaster; Doctor Guild, medical director, and his chiefs of ordnance and other organizations. Longstreet was second in command and it soon became apparent that he was to be quite close to Lee. His camps and bivouacs were near by the General's, and thus my acquaintance with him and his staff became quite free and I was often honored by the kind interest of the Commander-in-Chief. In the new organization Longstreet had a powerful division of six brigades, and A. P. Hill (major-general) one of six, also a fine body which Hill happily christened as the Light Division. The artillery was much improved, and loose batteries were gathered and organized into well-found battalions, generally of four batteries of six guns each, and a battalion assigned to each division. The celebrated Washington Artillery of New Orleans was given to us, and glad we were to have such gunners. E. P. Alexander commanded in reserve a fine battalion of six batteries and was to do much good service with it. A word about this splendid fellow. He was from Georgia and a dear friend of mine. Leaving West Point with very high honors, he was immediately commissioned into the Engineers, and sent to the Pacific, whence he came South to fight. His was the happiest and most hopeful nature. He was sure of winning in everything he took up, and never did he open his guns on the enemy but that he knew he should maul him into smithereens. An accomplished engineer, he was often called on both by Lee and Longstreet for technical work and special reconnoitering. His future in peace, after Appomattox,
- 46. was varied and distinguished, and he still is with us, eager, enthusiastic, most interesting, and of undiminished abilities. The Washington Artillery was an ancient and wealthy organization of New Orleans, numbering five well-equipped, well-manned batteries. There were many men of wealth and family serving as gunners. Four batteries under Colonel Walton came to Virginia, the fifth was sent West. Walton was large and imposing in appearance, looking, as indeed did the whole battalion, rather French. This arose from their uniform, which from "kepi" to gaiters was handsomely French, and made them very fine beside our homespun infantry fellows. It was a most efficient organization, serving with Longstreet throughout the war; it always did good service and constantly distinguished itself most conspicuously. Our own staff will not be touched on just yet, preferring to wait for the creation of the two army corps in October, when we were put in more permanent shape for the remainder of the war. At present there had been but few additions to it, since Longstreet's command was limited to a single brigade, and the staff work consequently was sometimes hard on us. I think it was in this month, September, that I rode to one of the lower landings of the James to meet General Mackall, my brother-in- law. He had been a prisoner of war at Fort Warren near Boston, and was to land, exchanged with some others from the Federal steamer. He was quite well and I sent him on to Richmond, where Doctor Sorrel saw to his comfort. Mackall married my father's eldest daughter. He was an army man out of West Point, and an able, accomplished soldier. He should have achieved much in the Confederate war, but circumstances were against him. When it broke out he was lieutenant-colonel in the Adjutant-General's Department, considered a very enviable billet. Stationed on the Pacific, his intimates were J. E. Johnston, J. F. Gilmer, Halleck, and others of that type. The Marylander had a tedious time in Richmond waiting for active service suitable to his abilities. At last he was sent to report to A. S.
- 47. Johnston at Bowling Green, Kentucky. After Shiloh, at Beauregard's earnest request, he was made brigadier-general and ordered to hold Island No. 10, a fortified position in the Mississippi, immediately to fall by reason of other combinations. In less than a week after assuming command the inevitable happened. The island was surrendered and the garrison made prisoners of war. Mackall was sent to Fort Warren, from which he was exchanged in 1863. He then took duty with Bragg's army as chief of staff; and after Bragg with J. E. Johnston, one of his dearest friends, until the General was supplanted by Hood. Mackall was afterwards given a command at Mobile, from which, however, he soon had to withdraw his force by reason of the successes of the Federal fleet. And there, I think, his active service ended. He was of a high order of mind and of the finest and nicest elevation of character; there was something supercritical, however, that would stand in his way without reason. When General Mackall was exchanged out of Fort Warren he told me of two other prisoners, civilians, Andrew Low and Charles Green. The latter had married my cousin, and both were Englishmen of the regular holdfast, energetic type. They constituted the most important business house in Savannah, were making quantities of money, but had quarrelled and were about separating on the worst terms, when Seward's detectives, suspicious of their movements (they had both married in Savannah and were truly Southern and Confederate), clapped them in Fort Warren. There by the irony of fate they were the sole occupants of the same casemate, these quondam friends, now bitter, non-speaking enemies. The situation was difficult and rather enjoyed by some gentlemen outside who knew of the partners' troubles. Treatment of prisoners of war at Fort Warren (Boston Harbor) appears to have been proper and unobjectionable. The governor, Colonel Dimmock, was a gentleman and knew what was due to his own reputation, as well as what his prisoners had a right to expect. There were marked contrasts elsewhere, as at Fort Johnston, but in all the four years there was yet to be found a prison commandant surpassing the brutalities of Miles. His chief distinction then appears
- 48. to have been in manacling the helpless President of the Confederate States, who was advanced in years, feeble in health, with no friends near, and that in the strongest fortress in the United States, with a large garrison and a guard literally standing over the prisoner night and day, and not a Confederate organized force in existence. Lee was an aggressive general, a fighter. To succeed, he knew battles were to be won, and battles cost blood, and blood he did not mind in his general's work. Although always considerate and sparing of his soldiers, he would pour out their blood when necessary or when strategically advisable. His army had become much strengthened, troops filled its ranks from Georgia, South and North Carolina, being drawn from the coast, where they were doing nothing. His divisions had among them Longstreet's, A. P. Hill's, Magruder's, D. H. Hill's, McLane's, D. R. Jones's, Huger's, and Whiting's—a splendid force, nearly eighty thousand men, including Jackson's. The latter was in the Valley, soon to be with us. Lawton had just taken his immense brigade of six thousand men from Savannah to reinforce him, and the Georgians were having some lively marching and fighting in "Stonewall" Jackson's way. It was evident that the General was soon to make his great attack to crush McClellan, whose dispositions were so faulty as to offer a tempting mark. His army greatly outnumbered ours. He had thrown it across the Chickahominy and its two wings were again exposed. There were quiet but intense preparations for the important movement. It was of great extent and covered nearly seven days. Jackson was to move secretly and swiftly from the Valley and join Lee in the attack on the Federal right. He was late, and when Lee crossed at Mechanicsville, June 26, A. P. Hill was thrown at the defenses on Beaver Dam, and was nearly sacrificed. His losses were pitiable, as were D. H. Hill's in the same attack. Had Jackson been in position the enemy would have melted before us. He had promised to be there on the morning of the 26th. On the 27th, Longstreet, A. P. Hill, Whiting, and others stormed the heights at Gaines's Mill, suffering heavy loss, but defeating the enemy badly, taking many prisoners, guns and colors, and driving him in panic after the retreating
- 49. McClellan. There was great maneuvering on the 26th, and a severe combat at Savage's Station. On the 30th the enemy showed front at Fraser's Farm, and Longstreet, supported by A. P. Hill, instantly attacked with great fury. The enemy was stubborn and contested every foot. Jackson was to be with us, and had he been, our success was undoubted, but for some reason he could not get through White Oak Swamp, and denied us. Of Huger on the right we also heard nothing. The combination had failed. The enemy was thus suffered to escape, but with heavy loss. Our own was far from light. Malvern Hill followed with its bloody fields and crest. The reckoning there was awful and apparently for no good. McClellan abandoned the hill at night and soon found himself safe at Harrison's Landing under cover of his cruisers and gun-boats. His army was beaten and dispirited and the siege of Richmond broken up; but "Little Mac" raised a faint cry of partial victory and did not fail to torment poor Mr. Lincoln for more men; "heavy reinforcements could alone save the army," etc. Jackson's firmest friends have been obliged to admit some faults in their hero. As to these movements—either from miscalculation or something else, he was fatally late on the 26th. That he was not on hand at Fraser's Farm was also a serious disaster. Some of Munford's cavalry had got through White Oak Swamp, bad as it was with a heavy rain falling, and it would seem that a soldier so great and energetic as Jackson would have found means to push through to the help of fighting, hard-pressed comrades. It is possible that he was overdone with work and fatigue, but his men should have been there as planned. I saw him on the 28th, and he seemed brisk enough. Longstreet had sent me after Gaines's Mill to find him and establish connections and communications. He was cheerful and pleasant. "Explain, Major, to General Longstreet where I am and how my troops are lying, and say, with my compliments, I am ready to obey any orders he may send me." When I set out to find him, Tom Ochiltree, fresh and breezy from Texas, was with us for a week as a volunteer by
- 50. Longstreet's consent. Ochiltree said, that familiar with fighting in Texas, he wanted to see how we did it in the East. He had also a great desire to see the celebrated "Stonewall" before returning home. He asked permission to ride with me. We trotted off together, our route taking us by an extensive field-infirmary, where the surgeons were at their bloody work on the wounded. We halted for a few minutes. The scene was sickening and cured Ochiltree of battle sights. "Sorrel," he said very seriously, "this gives me enough; I don't want any more. It seems now I have seen everything—too much, nothing for me to do here. Better for me to ride back to Richmond and take train for Texas. Sorry not to see 'Stonewall,' but I travel the other way. Good-by and good luck to you." And off he went after just about four days' service with the Confederates in the East. During these movements there was a young Englishman with us, our guest. He had brought letters to authorities in Richmond. It was Lord Edward St. Maur, a scion of the ducal house of Somerset. He was about twenty-one, just from the University, where he had taken high honors, and was around now with an Englishman's curiosity. A singularly handsome young man he was, with pure olive skin and beautiful features. He was always courteous, always reserved. He came as a neutral for observation, and in all the freedom of our fighting week and rough bivouacs nothing stirred him from that attitude. In truth, I don't think he approved of us. I afterwards heard he was something of a prig but destined for high political life. The battle of Fraser's Farm broke out in the afternoon with great suddenness and severity. I had given St. Maur a mount and we happened to be on the line among the men when firing began, but notwithstanding the cannonading and heavy musketry he was quite cool. "This is not my place," he said, "and with your permission I shall retire," doing so with entire deliberation; he so placed himself as to see something and we talked it over when we met at night. When McClellan took cover at Harrison's Landing, St. Maur was given an officer and flag of truce and soon landed in the home of his fathers. A very careful, neutral chap. I was sorry for his end—
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