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Chapter 07 Cloud Computing and Remote Access
TRUEFALSE
1. An enterprise-wide VPN can include elements of both the client-to-site and site-to-site models.
(A) True
(B) False
Answer : (A)
2. After L2TP establishing a VPN tunnel, GRE is used to transmit L2TP data frames through the
tunnel.
(A) True
(B) False
Answer : (B)
3. The MD5 hashing algorithm is not susceptible to the possibility of hash collisions.
(A) True
(B) False
Answer : (B)
4. PPP can support several types of Network layer protocols that might use the connection.
(A) True
(B) False
Answer : (A)
5. Windows, UNIX, Linux, and Mac OS clients are all capable of connecting to a VPN using PPTP.
(A) True
(B) False
Answer : (A)
MULTICHOICE

6. Which type of cloud service model involves hardware services that are provided virtually,
including network infrastructure devices such as virtual servers?
(A) IaaS
(B) PaaS
(C) SaaS
(D) XaaS
Answer : (A)
7. What cloud service model involves providing applications through an online user interface,
providing for compatibility with a multitude of different operating systems and devices?
(A) IaaS
(B) SaaS
(C) XaaS
(D) PaaS
Answer : (B)
8. Which of the following is NOT an encryption algorithm used by SSH?
(A) SHA-2
(B) DES
(C) RSA
(D) Kerberos
Answer : (A)
9. The SSH service listens on what TCP port?
(A) 20
(B) 21
(C) 22
(D) 23
Answer : (C)
10. The original version of the Secure Hashing Algorithm (SHA) was developed by the NSA, and

used a hash of what length?
(A) 128 bit
(B) 160 bit
(C) 256 bit
(D) 512 bit
Answer : (B)
11. What protocol below only provides the framework for authenticating clients and servers, but
relies on other encryption and authentication schemes to verify the credentials of clients or servers?
(A) MS-CHAP
(B) MS-CHAPv2
(C) EAP
(D) TKIP
Answer : (C)
12. When using public and private keys to connect to an SSH server, where must your public key be
placed before you can connect?
(A) In an authorization file under your home directory on your computer.
(B) In an authorization file on the host where the SSH server is.
(C) In the /etc/ssh/keys folder.
(D) In the /var/run/ssh/public folder.
Answer : (B)
13. What security principle provides proof of delivery and proof of the sender's identity?
(A) utility
(B) integrity
(C) availability
(D) non-repudiation
Answer : (D)
14. The combination of a public key and a private key are known by what term below?

(A) key set
(B) key team
(C) key pair
(D) key tie
Answer : (C)
15. Digital certificates are issued by organizations known as what term?
(A) certification authorities
(B) certification registrars
(C) identity verifiers
(D) certificate exchanges
Answer : (A)
16. What security encryption protocol requires regular re-establishment of a connection and can be
used with any type of TCP/IP transmission?
(A) L2TP
(B) TLS
(C) IPsec
(D) SSL
Answer : (C)
17. At what layer of the OSI model does the IPsec encryption protocol operate?
(A) Physical layer
(B) Network layer
(C) Transport layer
(D) Application layer
Answer : (B)
18. The PPP headers and trailers used to create a PPP frame that encapsulates Network layer
packets vary between 8 and 10 bytes in size due to what field?
(A) priority

(B) FCS
(C) FEC
(D) encryption
Answer : (B)
19. When using a site-to-site VPN, what type of device sits at the edge of the LAN and establishes
the connection between sites?
(A) VPN proxy
(B) VPN server
(C) VPN transport
(D) VPN gateway
Answer : (D)
20. Amazon and Rackspace both utilize what virtualization software below to create their cloud
environments?
(A) VMware vSphere
(B) Oracle VirtualBox
(C) Parallels
(D) Citrix Xen
Answer : (D)
21. What protocol below is a Microsoft proprietary protocol first available in Windows Vista?
(A) L2TP
(B) PPTP
(C) TTLS
(D) SSTP
Answer : (D)
22. What authentication protocol sends authentication information in cleartext without encryption?
(A) PAP
(B) MS-CHAP

(C) MS-CHAPv2
(D) EAP
Answer : (A)
23. How often should administrators and network users be required to change their password?
(A) 60 days
(B) 90 days
(C) 120 days
(D) 180 days
Answer : (A)
24. What encryption protocol was designed as more of an integrity check for WEP transmissions
rather than a sophisticated encryption protocol?
(A) Kerberos
(B) TKIP
(C) AES
(D) EAP
Answer : (B)
25. A SecurID key chain fob from RSA security generates a password that changes how often?
(A) every 20 seconds
(B) every 30 seconds
(C) every 60 seconds
(D) every 70 seconds
Answer : (C)
26. What two protocols below are Data Link Layer protocols designed to connect WAN endpoints in
a direct connection, such as when a client computer connects to a server at an ISP using a dial-up or
DSL connection and modem?
(A) OpenVPN
(B) SLIP

(C) PPTP
(D) PPP
Answer :
27. What two different types of encryption can be used by IPsec during data transfer?
(A) Secure Sockets Layer (SSL)
(B) Authentication Header (AH)
(C) Encapsulating Security Payload (ESP)
(D) Advanced Encryption Standard (AES)
Answer :
28. The key management phase of IPSec is reliant on which two services below?
(A) Internet Key Exchange (IKE)
(B) Internet Security Association and Key Management Protocol (ISAKMP)
(C) Authentication Header (AH)
(D) Encapsulating Security Payload (ESP)
Answer :
29. What two key lengths are the most popular for the SHA-2 hashing algorithm?
(A) 160
(B) 256
(C) 512
(D) 1024
Answer :
30. What two options below are AAA services?
(A) OpenSSH
(B) OpenVPN
(C) RADIUS
(D) TACACS+

Answer :
SHORTANSWER
31. The _________________ cloud service model provides virtual environments online that can be
tailored to the needs of developers.Answer : Platform as a Service (PaaS)
32. A _________________ is a service that is shared between multiple organizations, but not available
publicly.Answer : community cloud
33. A variant of TLS is ___________________, which provides authentication like SSL/TLS, but does not
require a certificate for each user.Answer : Tunneled Transport Layer Security (TTLS)
34. In Kerberos, a temporary set of credentials that a client uses to prove that its identity has been
validated is known as a _____________.Answer : ticket
35. When PPP is used over an Ethernet network, it is known as ________________.Answer : PPPoE
Answer : Point to Point over Ethernet
MATCH
36. Match each correct item with the statement below.
ESSAY
37. What are the three tenets of the CIA triad, and how do they provide assurances that data will be
protected?
Graders Info :
To protect data, encryption provides the following assurances:
confidentiality-Data can only be viewed by its intended recipient or at its intended destination.
●
integrity-Data was not modified after the sender transmitted it and before the receiver picked it
●
up.
availability-Data is available and accessible to the intended recipient when needed, meaning the
●
sender is accountable for successful delivery of the data.

38. Describe how public key encryption works.

Graders Info :
In public key encryption , data is encrypted using two keys: One is a key known only to a user (that
is, a private key), and the other is a public key associated with the user. A user' s public key can be
obtained the old-fashioned way- by asking that user- or it can be obtained from a third-party source,
such as a public key server. A public key server is a publicly accessible host (such as a server on the
Internet) that freely provides a list of users' public keys, much as a telephone book provides a list of
peoples' phone numbers.
39. Describe the TLS/SSL handshake process as initiated by a web client accessing a secure
website.
Graders Info :
Given the scenario of a browser accessing a secure Web site, the SSL/TLS handshake works as
follows
The browser, representing the client computer in this scenario, sends a client_hello message to
1.
the Web server, which contains information about what level of security the browser is capable of
accepting and what type of encryption the browser can decipher. The client_hello message also
establishes a randomly generated number that uniquely identifies the client and another number
that identifies the SSL session.
The server responds with a server_hello message that confirms the information it received from
2.
the browser and agrees to certain terms of encryption based on the options supplied by the
browser. Depending on the Web server' s preferred encryption method, the server may choose to
issue to the browser a public key or a digital certificate.
If the server requests a certificate from the browser, the browser sends it. Any data the browser
3.
sends to the server is encrypted using the server' s public key. Session keys used only for this one
session are also established.
40. Describe the three way handshake process as used by CHAP.
Graders Info :
The handshake process used by CHAP is as follows:
challenge-The server sends the client a randomly generated string of characters.
1.
response-The client adds its password to the challenge and encrypts the new string of characters.
2.
It sends this new string of characters in a response to the server. Meanwhile, the server also
concatenates the user's password with the challenge and encrypts the new character string, using
the same encryption scheme the client used.
accept/reject-The server compares the encrypted string of characters it received from the client
3.
with the encrypted string of characters it has generated. If the two match, it authenticates the
client. But if the two differ, it rejects the client's request for authentication.

41. How is GRE used by the PPP protocol?
Graders Info :
After PPTP establishes the VPN tunnel, GRE (Generic Routing Encapsulation), developed by Cisco, is
used to transmit PPP data frames through the tunnel. GRE encapsulates PPP frames to make them
take on the temporary identity of IP packets at Layer 3. To the WAN, messages look like
inconsequential IP traffic-the private information is masked inside a new layer of IP headers. But the
points at each end of the tunnel only see the original protocols that were safely wrapped inside the
GRE frame. Encapsulating alone does not provide security, though, so GRE is used in conjunction
with IPsec, an encryption protocol, to increase the security of the transmissions.

Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents

the benefit of rains which, falling higher up, may fill the washes, for
the summer thunder-storms are very erratic in their favors.
The Hopi farmer sets out to plant, armed only with a dibble which
serves as plow, hoe, and cultivator combined. Arriving at the waste
of sand which is his unpromising seed-field, he sits down on the
ground, digs a hole, and puts in perhaps twenty grains, covering
them with the hands. Whether he has any rule like
One for the cutworm,
One for the crow,
One for luck,
is doubtful, but in the years when cutworms are likely to be plentiful
he plants more corn to the hill.
One hill finished, he gets up, moves away about ten feet, sits down,
and goes through the same process. He never thins the corn, but
leaves the numerous stalks close together for shade and protection
from the winds. His care of the field consists merely in hoeing the
weeds and keeping a watch on the crows, which he frightens away
by demoniac shouts. His scarecrows are also wonders of ingenuity,
and many a time one takes them for watchful Indians.
When the corn is fit for roasting ears the Hopi get fat and there is
feasting from morn till night. Tall columns of smoke arise from the
roasting pits in the fields. These large pits are dug in the sand,
heated with burning brush, filled with roasting ears, and closed up
tightly for a day. The opening of a pit is usually the occasion of
frolicking and feasting, where laughter and song prevail. Some of
the corn is consumed at once in making puddings and other dishes
of which the Hopi prepare many, and what remains is dried on the
cob and hung in bunches in the houses for the winter.
The ears of the Indian corn are close to the ground and are hidden
by the blades, which touch the sand. The blades are usually tattered

and blown away by the wind, so that by the time the corn is ripe,
the fodder is not of much value. The ripe corn is gathered and
laboriously carried by back-loads up the steep mesa to the houses,
where it is stored away in the corn chamber. Here the ears are piled
up in symmetrical walls, separate from the last year’s crop, which
may now be used, as the Hopi, taught by famine, keep one year’s
harvest in reserve. Once in a while, the women bring out the old
corn, spread it on the roof to sun, and carefully brush off each ear
before returning it to the granary, for in this dry country, though
corn never molds, insect pests are numerous.
Among the superstitions connected with corn the Hopi believe that
the cobs of the seed corn must not be burned until rain has fallen on
the crop for fear of keeping away or “drying up” the rains.
No cereal in the world is so beautiful as Hopi corn. The grains,
though small, are full and highly polished; the ears are white, yellow,
red of several shades, a lovely rose madder, blue, a very dark blue or
purple which the Hopi call black, and mottled. A tray of shelled corn
of various colors looks like a mosaic.
In the division of labor, the planting, care of the corn in the fields
and the harvesting belong to the men. When the brilliant ears are
garnered, then the women’s work begins. No other feature of the
Hopi household is so interesting as the row of three or more slabs
placed slantwise in stone-lined troughs sunk in the floor; these are
their mills. They are of graded fineness, and this is also true of the
oblong hand stones, or manos, which are rubbed upon them with an
up and down motion as in using a washboard. Sometimes three
women work at the mills; the first woman grinds the corn into
coarse meal on the coarse stone and passes her product over to the
second, who grinds it still finer, and the third finishes it on the last
stone; sometimes one woman alone carries the meal through the
successive stages, but it is a poor household that cannot furnish two
grinders. The skill with which the woman spreads the meal over the
grinding slab by a flirt of the hand as the mano is brought up for the
return stroke is truly remarkable, and the rhythmic precision of all

the motions suggests a machine. The weird song sung by the
grinders and the rumble of the mill are characteristic sounds of the
Hopi pueblos, and as the women grinders powder their perspiring
faces with meal while they work, they look well the part of millers.
Little girls are early taught to grind, and they often may be prevailed
upon to display their accomplishment before visitors.
The finely ground meal is piled and patted into conical heaps on the
flat basket trays, making quite an exhibition of which the Hopi
women are very proud, much meal indicating diligence as well as a
bountiful supply of the staff of life. Grinding is back-breaking work,
and one humanely wishes that the Hopi women, and especially the
immature girls, could be relieved of this too heavy task.
While corn-meal enters into all Hopi cooking as the chief ingredient,
most of it is made into “paper bread,” called piki, resembling more
than anything else the material of a hornet’s nest. This bread is
made from batter, colored gray with wood ashes, dexterously spread
very thinly with the hand over a heated slab of stone. Piki bakes
quickly, coming free from the slab and is directly folded up into
convenient compass and so crisp is it that it crackles like paper.
Sometimes it is tinted with attractive colors for festal occasions, such
as the Kachina ceremonies.
Before a dance the women busily prepare food and the girls go
about speechless, with mouths full of meal, “chewing yeast” for the
corn pudding. This and other ins and outs of the kitchen make the
knowing traveler rather shy of the otherwise attractive-looking Hopi
food.
Surely corn is the “mother” of the Hopi. All the powers of nature are
invoked to grant a good crop by giving rain and fertility, and the
desire for corn is the central motive of the numerous ceremonies of
the villagers of Tusayan. If the prayers of the Hopi could be
formulated like the “Om mane padme hum” of the Hindus, it would
be in the smaller compass of these words, “Grant us corn!” Nor are
these simple villagers ungrateful for such blessings. Kopeli used to

stand looking over his thriving cornfield and say with fervor, “Kwa
kwi, Kwa kwi,” “thanks, thanks,” and it was evident that the
utterance was made with true thankfulness and a spirit of devotion.
It is difficult to imagine the ancient people without corn; but very
long ago, as the legends tell, they did not know this cereal. Certain it
is they were not then pueblo dwellers and had not spread far in the
Southwest. They lived in the places where there was game, and for
the same reason that the important food animals lived in such
places,—the presence of vegetation that would sustain life.
Their life was along the foot hills of well-watered and timbered
mountains rising from plains, where with the flesh of game and
seeds and roots of plants they could supply their semi-savage wants.
Long perhaps they roved thus as hunters until they drifted to the
land of promise—the semi-desert where agriculture of grain plants
was born and there they received “mother corn.” Henceforward all
the former sources of food wrested from a niggard Nature became
as nothing to this food of foods, but even to this day the Hopi have
not forgotten their old-time intimate knowledge of the resources in
fields not sown by human hands. With corn, which possesses a high
food value and is easily raised, stored, and preserved, the Hopi and
their Pueblo brethren spread without fear throughout the semi-arid
lands.
It has been pointed out that a constant diet of corn produces
disagreeable physiological effects, and this is suggested for the use
of chile and other condiments, the mixture of corn food with meat
and vegetable substances, and, in fact, for the multifarious ways of
preparing and cooking corn. This necessity for variety also gives an
explanation of the resourcefulness of the Hopi housewife and has
acted as a spur to her invention of palatable dishes.
The vocabulary of corn in the Hopi language is extensive and
contains words descriptive even of the parts of the plant that are
lacking to most civilized people. The importance of corn is also
reflected in the numerous words describing the kinds of meal, the

dishes made from corn or in which corn enters, and of the various
ways in which it is prepared by fire for the consumption of the ever-
hungry Hopi. To give an incomplete census of corn foods, there are
fifteen kinds of piki or paper bread, three kinds of mush; five of
short-cake; eleven of boiled corn; four kinds baked or roasted in the
coals; two cooked by frying; four stewed and eight of cooked shelled
corn, making fifty-two varieties.
After the paper bread, perhaps the most popular food is pigame, or
sweet corn mush, wrapped in corn-husk and baked in an
underground oven. Another standby is shelled corn soaked and
boiled till each grain swells to several times the normal size. The
Hopi like their food well-cooked and know the art of making each
starch grain expand to the limit. A book of Hopi cookery would be
bulky, but how interesting to the housewife who would know how to
make plain food appetizing without milk or eggs, and who would
learn new and strange combinations! There are cakes made from
dried fruits, chopped meat, and straw, put on the roof to dry;
dumplings formed around old hammerstones, corn dodgers, pats of
corn-meal mush wrapped in corn husk and boiled or baked, and
many other styles of food that would seem strange to other than a
Hopi epicure.
When it is time to dine, a large bowl of stew is placed on the floor as
the piece de resistance and beside it a tray of piki. Each member of
the family breaks off a piece of piki, and, holding it between thumb
and finger, it is dragged through the stew much like a seine to catch
as many particles of meat as possible, then deposited far back in the
mouth so that the stew adhering to the fingers may be cleared off
with a resounding smack of the lips. A traveler to Hopi in 1869
describes a more formal meal which consisted of mutton, dried
peaches, blue piki, coffee, and a drink made by steeping the roasted
heart of agave in water. This writer says:
You take a small piece, lay a fragment of mutton and some
peaches upon it or a little of the sweet liquid and bolt the mass,

spoon and all. This dinner, though prepared and cooked by
Indians, tasted better than many a meal eaten by us in border
settlements cooked by whites.
Hopi women assiduously gather the seeds of grasses and other
plants, which they grind up and add to corn-meal to improve the
flavor of the bread, or, perhaps, a prized bread is made entirely of
the ground seed of some desert plant. Oily seeds, such as those of
the piñon, pumpkin, and melons are ground to form shortening in
various cakes and to add richness to stews. Often food is colored
with harmless vegetable dyes, no doubt with the deep-laid scheme
on the part of the mother of the household to cause the familiar fare
to be attacked with renewed zest. Our tradition of “spring lamb with
mint sauce” is duplicated by stewed rabbit with nanakopshi greens,
which, with various other herbs, are put to appropriate uses by the
master of the Hopi culinary art.

Network+ Guide to Networks 7th Edition West Test Bank

IV
THE WORKERS
The Hopi believe in the gospel of work, which is evenly divided
between the men and the women.
When it is said that people work, there is, unconsciously perhaps, a
desire to know the reason, which is rarely a subject of curiosity
when people amuse themselves. Come to think of it, the answer is
an old one, and a Hopi, if asked why he works, might put forward
the first great cause, nusha, “food.”
Not only must the Hopi work to supply his wife and little ones, but
he must do his share for his clan, which is the large family of blood-
relations, bound together by the strongest ties and customs of
mutual helpfulness. This family is an object of the greatest pride, a
little world of its own, in which every member from the least to the
greatest has duties and responsibilities. So all labor—men, women,
and the little ones, who add their tiny share. The general division of
work gives the woman the affairs of the household, and the man the
cultivation of the fields. Men plant corn and the older women often
help hoe it, and the women and children frequently go down to the
fields and watch the crops to keep off birds.
When the harvest is gathered, taken up the mesa, and put into the
granary, man’s interest in it ceases, except in the matter of eating a
large share. Never was a Hopi who was not hungry. Much of the
woman’s time is taken up in grinding corn and baking bread. The
water-carrying falls to her, and this duty might give rise to a

suspicion that she has the larger share of the burdens, if the Hopi
were not compelled to be frugal in the use of water. Besides the
duties mentioned, she may also add that of potter, basket maker,
house builder, and sometimes carver of dolls and maker of
moccasins. Then the children must be cared for, but everyone takes
a hand at that, including the children themselves. If it were not for
the numerous ceremonies, woman’s work in Hopiland would be
much easier. Grinding, baking, water-carrying, and the bother and
hurry of preparation for various events continue with painful
iteration. The Hopi housewife can give full condolence to her white
sister who has borne the burdens of a church festival, and the plaint
that “woman’s work is never done” would sound familiar to her ears.
Still, rarely is she heard to bewail her lot, and it may be depended
on that no maidens bloom in idleness about her house.
But the men also follow crafts, and of these, carding, spinning,
dyeing, and weaving are exclusively man’s work in contrast with the
Navaho, among whom such matters are woman’s work. His also is
the task of wood-gathering, which takes him far afield, since there is
hardly a growing thing in the neighborhood worth collecting for fuel.
Coal there is in the ground in plenty, but the Hopi make less use of it
than did their ancestors, and the householder sets out from time to
time with a burro or two for the distant mesas, where the stunted
cedars grow, to lay in wood for cooking. Each year the cedars get
farther away, so that at some future time the Hopi may have to
make use of the neglected coal.
A Hopi is in a fair way to become a great man among his kin when
he owns horses and a wagon. In consequence of such wealth, he
usually shows his pride by the airs he assumes over his less
fortunate tribesmen, and justly, too, because hauling supplies for the
schools and traders brings in the silver dollars that replenish the
larder with white man’s food. Ponies are cheap, and twenty can exist
as well as one on the semi-starvation of the desert, so a Hopi
teamster often takes along his whole herd when on a freighting trip,

to make sure of arriving at his journey’s end, and a look at his
horses will prove him a wise man.
Seemingly the men work harder making paraphernalia and costumes
for the ceremonies than at anything else, but it should be
remembered that in ancient days everything depended, in Hopi
belief, on propitiating the deities. Still if we would pick the threads of
religion from the warp and woof of Hopi life there apparently would
not be much left. It must be recorded, in the interests of truth, that
Hopi men will work at day’s labor and give satisfaction except when
a ceremony is about to take place at the pueblo, and duty to their
religion interferes with steady employment much as fiestas do in the
easy-going countries to the southward.
Really, the Hopi deserve great credit for their industry, frugality, and
provident habits, and one must commend them because they do not
shun work and because in fairness both men and women share in
the labor for the common good.
An account of the arts which are carried on in the Hopi towns may
prove interesting to the reader who would like to know something of
the methods of the moccasin maker, potter, weaver, carver, basket
maker, and house builder, examples of whose handiwork are
scattered widely among collectors of artistic and remarkable things.
As though to keep up the dignity of the Peaceful People the wife of
“Harry,” the new Snake chief of Walpi, frequently wears the
cumbrous foot-gear common along the Rio Grande. In spite of the
scarcity of deerskins, every Hopi bride must have as part of her
trousseau a pair of these remarkable foot-coverings, which require a
large deerskin for their manufacture. When the burdensome
ceremony of marriage is over the moccasins are laid away or worn
out and never again may the woman expect to have her measure
taken for another pair.
But as moccasins are a part of the men’s costume without which
they cannot run well over the yielding sand, and as there is no

village shoemaker, every man must make his own or go barefoot.
Frequently in the villages one meets a moccasin maker, chewing at
the rawhide and busily plying his awl and sinew while he goes
gadding about. Just before the Snake Dance, when every Snake
priest must provide a pair of new moccasins for himself, this art is
very much in evidence.
The moccasin maker takes pride in hiding his stitches, and it must
be said that his sewing is exceptionally good in spite of the crude
tools of his craft. With the same skill he displays in other crafts, the
Hopi prepares the leather for the indispensable moccasins. The
simplest way of giving color to the leather is to rub red ocher or
other clay into the soft-tanned skin, as is seen in the red moccasins
of the Snake dancers. A warm brown is given to the leather with an
infusion of the bark of the water birch, and a black dye is made by
burning piñon resin with crude native alum. Sometimes the esthetic
tastes of a young man are gratified by moccasins dyed with aniline
red or blue according to his fancy.
If the visitor will give an order for a pair of totchi, he may see the
whole process at his leisure. A piece of well-curried cowhide,
preferably from the back of the animal, is produced, the outline of
the foot is marked out on it and a margin is left by the cutter for the
turning up of the sole. This is all the moccasin maker seems to
require, and his formula for the height of the instep has not been
divulged, but it must be effective, because moccasins are made to fit
with greater art than is displayed by many civilized shoemakers.
The soles are buried in damp sand to make them pliable, and the
front section of the top is sewn around the edge reaching to about
the ankle bones. The moccasin is then turned inside out and the
ankle section sewn on. Tying strings are added, or if especial style is
desired, silver buttons made by Navaho from dimes or quarters take
their place.
The Hopi live a very long way from the range of the deer, a fact
which accounts largely for their use of woven fabrics. But deerskins

must always have been in demand, and these were got in exchange
with the Navaho, Havasupai, and other neighbors. In this way in old
times buffalo skins and pelts of animals came to Tusayan, and Hopi
bread and blankets went to remote mountains and plains.
It would be interesting to know whether the Hopi formerly were
sandal people or moccasin people, and this knowledge would reveal
a great deal that is now mere guesswork as to their history. The
sandal people would mean those of the south who were of Mexico,
where no moccasins seem ever to have been worn. The moccasin
people would be those of the north, the tribes of our mountains and
plains, among whom this foot-wear is typical. Perhaps the Hopi
belong to both classes. The cliff-dwellers wore sandals, and for
winter had boots of network to which turkey feathers were skilfully
fastened as covering. The sandals found in the cliff-houses are
variously woven from rushes or agave strips, or maybe a plain sole
of leather with the toe cord, but those worked of cotton showing
ingenious designs are worthy of the highest admiration.
Those clans of the cliff-people and the clans from the south that
congregated in Tusayan centuries ago were sandal wearers, while
the resident clans and those coming from the north, perhaps bands
of the Ute,—were moccasin wearers and impressed their language
and moccasins on the Hopi. This was much to the advantage of the
Hopi, granting that they had never thought of better protection than
sandals from the biting winter.
Everyone who visits Tusayan will bring away as a souvenir some of
the work of Nampeo, the potter who lives with her husband Lesu in
the house of her parents at Hano, the little Tewa village on the great
Walpi mesa near the gap. The house belongs to Nampeo’s mother
according to Pueblo property right, wherein she and her husband,
both aged and ruddy Tewa, with their children and grandchildren live
amicably as is usual among the Peaceful People. The house below
the mesa, topped with a glowing red iron “Government” roof, is
Nampeo’s, who thus has two houses, but she spends most of her
time in the parental dwelling at Hano.

Nampeo is a remarkable woman. No feeling of her racial inferiority
arises even on the first meeting with this Indian woman, barefoot,
bonnetless, and clad in her quaint costume. For Nampeo is an artist-
potter, the sole survivor in Hano of the generations of women artists
who have deposited the product of their handicraft in the care of the
dead.
In the household her aged father and mother are final authority on
the interpretation of ancient symbolic or cult representations in art.
Nampeo likewise carefully copies on paper the decorations of all
available ancient pottery for future use. Her archeological methods
are further shown by her quest for the clays used by those excellent
potters of old Sikyatki and by her emulation of their technique.
One noon under the burning August sun, Doctor Fewkes and the
writer climbed the East Mesa, the former to attend the Flute
Ceremony at Walpi and the latter with an appointment to pry into
the secrets of Nampeo, the potter. In the house, pleasantly cool and
shaded, sat the old couple and Lesu. The baby was being secured to
its board for its afternoon nap, while Lesu spun. It was a pleasure to
examine the quaint surroundings and the curious belongings hung
on the wall or thrust above the great ceiling beams,—strings of dried
wiwa, that early spring plant which has before now tided the
Peaceful People over famine, gaily painted dolls, blankets, arrows,
feathers, and other objects enough to stock a museum. Lesu did the
honors and said among other things that some of the ceiling beams
of the room came from ancient Awatobi, destroyed in 1700.
A small niche in the rear wall of the living room, at the back of which
stood a short notched log-ladder, caused some speculation. Quite
unexpectedly and in a somewhat startling way its purpose was
explained, for, when someone called the absent Nampeo, a pair of
feet were seen coming down the steps of the ladder, followed finally
by Nampeo, who, after a profound bodily contortion, smilingly
emerged from the narrow passage into the room.

Nampeo was prepared to instruct. Samples of the various clays were
at hand and the novice was initiated into the qualities of the hisat
chuoka, or ancient clay, white, unctuous and fragrant, to which the
ancient Sikyatki potters owed the perfection of their ware; the
reddish clay, siwu chuoka, also from Sikyatki; the hard, iron-stained
clay, choku chuoka, a white clay with which vessels are coated for
finishing and decoration, coming from about twelve miles southeast
of Walpi. In contrast with Nampeo’s four clays the Hopi women use
only two, a gray body clay, chakabutska, and a white slip clay,
kutsatsuka.
Continuing her instructions Nampeo transferred a handful of well-
soaked ancient clay from a bowl on the floor by her side to a
smooth, flat stone, like those found in the ruined pueblos. The clay
was thrust forward by the base of the right hand and brought back
by the hooked fingers, the stones, sticks, and hairs being carefully
removed. After sufficient working, the clay was daubed on a board,
which was carried out, slanted against the house, and submitted to
the all-drying Tusayan sun and air. In a short time the clay was
transferred from the board to a slab of stone and applied in the
same way, the reason being a minor one known to Nampeo,—
perhaps because the clay after drying to a certain degree may
adhere better to stone than to wood. Sooner than anyone merely
acquainted with the desiccating properties of the moisture-laden air
of the East might imagine, the clay was ready to work and the
plastic mass was ductile under the fingers of the potter.
Nampeo set out first to show the process of coiling a vessel. The
even “ropes” of clay were rolled out from her smooth palms in a
marvelous way, and efforts to rival excited a smile from the family
sitting around as interested spectators. The concave dish called
tabipi, in which she began the coiled vessel and which turns easily
on its curved bottom, seems to be the nearest approach of the
Pueblos to the potter’s wheel. The seeming traces of unobliterated
coiling on the bases of some vessels may be the imprints from the
coils of the tabipi. As the vessel was a small one, the coiling

proceeded to the finish and the interims of drying as observed in the
manufacture of large jars were not necessary. Then gourd
smoothers, tuhupbi, were employed to close up the coiling grooves,
and were always backed from the outside or inside by the fingers.
Finally the smooth “green” vessel was set aside to dry.
Then a toy canteen was begun by taking a lump of clay which, by
modeling, soon assumed the shape of a low vase. With a small stick,
a hole was punched through each side, a roll of clay was doubled for
the handles, the ends thrust through the holes and smoothed down
inside the vase, through the opening. The neck of the canteen was
inserted in a similar way. Now the problem was to close the opening
in this soft vessel from the outside. Nampeo threw a coil around the
edge of the opening, pressing the layers together, gradually drawing
in, making the orifices smaller until it presented a funnel shape.
Then the funnel was pressed toward the body of the canteen, the
edges closed together, soldered, smoothed, and presto! it was done
and all traces of handling hidden. Anyone knowing the difficulties will
appreciate this surprisingly dextrous piece of manipulation.
Afterward, Nampeo made a small vase-shaped vessel, by modeling
alone, without the addition of coiling as in the shaping of the
canteen.
The ware when it becomes sufficiently dry must receive a wash of
the white clay called hopi chuoka or kutsatsuka, which burns white.
Thereupon it is carefully polished with a smooth pebble, shining from
long use, and is ready for decoration. The use of the glaring white
slip clay as a ground for decoration was probably brought from the
Rio Grande by the Tewa; ancient Hopi ware is much more artistic,
being polished on the body or paste, which usually blends in
harmony with the decoration.
Nampeo exhibited samples of her paints, of which she knows only
red and dark brown. The red paint is yellow ocher, called sikyatho,
turning red on firing. It was mixed on a concave stone with water.
The dark brown paint is made from toho, an iron stone brought from
a distant mesa. It was ground on a slab with a medium made from

the seed of the tansy mustard (Sisymbrium canescens). The brushes
were two strips of yucca, mohu, one for each color. With these
slender means, without measurement, Nampeo rapidly covered the
vessels with designs, either geometrical or conventionalized, human
or cult,—figures or symbols. The narrow brush, held like a painter’s
striper, is effective for fine lines. In broad lines or wide portions of
the decoration, the outlines are sharply defined and the spaces are
filled in. No mistakes are made, for emendations and corrections are
impossible.
Quite opportunely the next day, an invitation to see the burning of
pottery came from an aged potter who resides at the Sun Spring.
When the great Hopi clock reached the appointed place in the
heavens, the bowed yet active potter was found getting ready for
the important work of firing the ware. In the heap of cinders, ashes,
and bits of rock left from former firings, the little old woman scooped
out a concave ring. Nearby was a heap of slabs of dry sheep’s
droppings, quarried from the floor of a fold perched on a ledge high
up the mesa and brought down in the indispensable blanket. In the
center of the concave kiln floor a heap of this fuel was ignited by the
aid of some frayed cedar bark and a borrowed match from the
opportune Pahana, “people of the far water,” the name by which
white men are known. When the fire was well established, it was
gradually spread over the floor to near the margin and the decorated
bowls brought from the house were set up around with the concave
sides toward the fire, while the potter brought, in her blanket, a
back load of friable sandstone from a neighboring hillock.
Under the first heat the ware turned from white to purple gray or
lavender, gradually assuming a lead color. They were soon heated
enough and were ready for the kiln. Guarding her hand by the
interposition of a fold of the blanket, the potter set the vessels, now
quite unattractive, aside, proceeded to rake the fire flat and laid
thereon fragments of stone at intervals to serve as rests or stilts for
the ware. Larger vessels were set over smaller and all were arranged
as compactly as possible. Piece by piece, dextrously as a mason, the

potter built around the vessels a wall of fuel, narrowing at the top,
till a few slabs completed the dome of the structure, itself kiln and
fuel.
Care was taken not to allow the fuel to touch the vessels, as a
discoloration of the ware would result, which might subject the
potter to the shafts of ridicule. Gradually the fire from below creeps
up the walls till the interior is aglow and the ware becomes red hot.
Little attention is now needed except closing burned out apertures
with new pieces of fuel; the potter, who before, during the careful
and exact dispositions, has been giving little ejaculations as though
talking to a small child, visits the kiln intermittently from the nearby
house. Here she seeks refuge from the penetrating, unaromatic
smoke and the blazing sun.
The Hopi have an odd superstition that if any one speaks above a
whisper during the burning of pottery the spirit inhabiting the vessel
will cause it to break. No doubt the potter had this in mind while she
was whispering and was using all her blandishments to induce the
small spirits to be good.
She remarked that when the sun should hang over the brow of the
mesa at the height indicated by her laborious fingers, the ware
would be baked, the kiln a heap of ashes, the yellow decoration a
lively red and the black a dark brown on a rich cream-color ground.
Next day, with true foresight, she brought her quaint wares to the
camp and made a good bargain for them, incidentally asking,
“Matches all gone?”
One woman at least in Tusayan is a weaver of blankets. Anowita’s
wife enjoys that distinction because she is a Navaho, among whom
weaving is woman’s work. The Hopi housewives have enough to do
keeping house, a thing not burdensome to the Navaho, and as has
been explained, the Hopi men hold a monopoly of the spinning and
weaving.

Time out of mind the Hopi have grown cotton in their little fields,
and the first white men that made their acquaintance were
presented with “towels” of their weaving as a peace offering. In the
cliff-houses of the ancient people are found woven fabrics of cotton
and rugs made of strips of rabbit fur like those now to be seen in the
pueblos. The ancient people also had feather garments made by
tying plumage to a network of cords. In the ruins of the pueblos one
often finds cotton seeds which have been buried with the dead, and
the braided mats of yucca or bark and bits of cloth fortunately
preserved show that the people of former times were skilful
weavers. There is no reason to doubt that the Hopi stuffs were
prized for their excellence throughout the Southwest in the early
times as they are now.
When the Spaniards brought sheep among the pueblos, the weavers
and fabric makers seem to have appreciated the value of wool at
once, and the ancient garments of feathers and skins quickly
disappeared. Cotton remained in use only for ceremonial costumes
or for cord employed in the religious ceremonies. The rabbit-fur
robes which once were made throughout a vast region of the
Rockies from Alaska to the Gulf of California were largely displaced
by blankets, in later years, gorgeously dyed and cunningly woven.
Long before the introduction of trade dyes the Hopi were satisfied
with sober colors; the dark blue and brown given to the yarn by the
women were from the plants. Even now the Hopi weavers stick to
their colors and refuse to perpetrate the zigzags of the Navaho. For
this reason the women of all the pueblos of the Southwest dress in
dark blue and brown, as the Hopi are purveyors of stuffs for wear to
all their fellow house-dwellers of Indian lineage. Good cloth it is, too,
and worthy of its renown, for it wears exceedingly well. More than
one generation often enjoys its service, and when the older folks get
through with their blanket dresses, the little ones have garments
fashioned from them for their own apparel.
If one will examine the Hopi blankets, he will be surprised at the
skilful weaving they show. The blanket dress often has the body of

plain weaving in black and the two ends bordered with damask or
basket weave in blue. Sometimes a whole blanket is of damask,
giving a surface that, on close inspection, has a pleasing effect. The
women’s ceremonial blanket of cotton with blue and red borders
sometimes show three kinds of weaving and several varieties of
cording. The belts also have a wonderful range of patterns. On the
whole, one is led to believe that the Hopi are more adept at weaving
than their rivals, the Navaho.
The carding and spinning are thoroughly done, the resulting yarn
being strong, even, and tightly twisted with the simple spindle.
Sometimes the spinner dresses and finishes the yarn by means of a
corn cob smoothed by long use. The women, by virtue of their skill
in culinary matters, are usually the dyers, and the dye they concoct
from sunflower seeds or blue beans is a fast blue. In old times
cotton was prepared for spinning by whipping it with slender
switches on a bed of sand, and this process is yet required for the
cotton used for the sacred sashes. Now nearly every family is
provided with wire cards purchased from traders. These cards look
quite out of place in the hands of priests in the kiva, where they are
used in combing the cotton for the sacred cord used in tying the
feathers to the pahos.
When the kiva is not in use for a ceremony it is common to find
there a weaver busy at his rude loom and growing web. To the great
beams of the roof is fastened the upper yarn beam of the loom, and
secured to pegs in holes in the stone slabs of the floor is the lower
yarn beam. Between these is tightly stretched the warp. The weaver
squats on the floor before the loom, having ready by him the few
simple implements of his craft, consisting of a wooden knife or
batten highly polished from use, for beating down the yarn, a
wooden comb also for pressing home the woof, and the bobbins
which are merely sticks with the yarn wrapped back and forward
spirally upon them. He picks out a certain number of warp threads
with the batten, passes through the bobbin, beats the yarn home
with great patience, and so continues, making slow headway.

There are several reasons why the kiva is used by the weavers.
These subterranean rooms, usually the property of the men, are cool
and quiet, and the light streams down from overhead across the
surface of the web, allowing the stitches to be seen to good
advantage. The best reason is that the kiva ceiling is high enough to
allow the stretching of the warp to the full length of a blanket, which
cannot be done in the low living rooms of the dwellings.
Belts, garters, and hair tapes are made on a small loom provided
with reed or heddle frame, and usually this is woman’s work.
Strangely enough the belt loom is a kind of harness, for the warp is
stretched out between the woman’s feet and a yoke that extends
across her back. The yarn used for belts is bought from the trader.
The old belts are marvels of design and are among the most
pleasing specimens of the art work of the Hopi.
With the introduction of dyed trader’s yarns and coal-tar colors has
come a deterioration in the work of the Navaho weavers. Among the
Hopi this is not noticeable, but, no doubt, for this reason the
embroidery on the hems of the ceremonial blankets, sashes, and
kilts is gayer than in former times when subdued mineral colors and
vegetable dyes only were available.
Every visitor to the Hopi pueblos is attracted by the carved wooden
figures painted in bright colors and decorated with feathers, etc.,
that hang from the rafters of the houses. “Dolls,” they are usually
called, but the Hopi know that they are representations of the
spiritual beings who live in the unseen world, and a great variety
there is of them. Thousands of these figures are made by the Hopi,
many to be sold to visitors, a thing no Zuñi would do, because in
that pueblo these images have a religious character and are hidden
away, while the Hopi decorate the houses with them.
The carvers of these strange figurines must be granted the
possession of much skill and ability in their art, which is carried on
with a few simple tools. The country far and near is ransacked for
cottonwood, this being the wood prescribed for masks, dolls, prayer-

sticks, etc. The soft cottonwood, especially the root, is easily worked
with the dull knives that the Hopi possess. On every hand is soft,
coarse sandstone for rubbing the wood into shape, and much of the
work is not only finished, but formed by this means. For this reason
the rocks around a Hopi village are covered with grooves and pits
left by the workers in wood.
If any parts, such as ears, hair, whorls, etc., are to be added to the
figures, they are pegged on quite insecurely. Some of the terraces
which surmount the kachina masks are remarkable structures built
up of wood pegged together. A little string, a few twigs and pieces of
cottonwood suffice the Hopi for the construction of flowers and
complicated parts of the decoration of dolls and masks or other
ceremonial belongings. Corn husks, dyed horsehair, woolen yarn,
deerskin, cotton cloth, twigs, basketry, and feathers are worked in
and the result, though crude, is effective.
But in the realm of mechanical apparatus the Hopi is even ahead of
the toy makers of the Schwartzwald. For the Palulukong ceremony
he arranges startling effects, causing the Great Plumed Snake to
emerge through screens, out of jars, or from the ceiling of the kiva,
to the number of nine appearances, each requiring artful devices.
The head of the Snake is a gourd furnished with eyes, having the
mouth cut into sharp teeth, a long tongue, a plume, and the whole
surface painted. The body is made up of wooden hoops over which
cords run and is covered with cloth. Often two of these grotesque
monsters are caused, by the pulling of cords, to advance and
withdraw through flaps in the screen and to struggle against each
other with striking realism. Nothing in Hopiland is more remarkable
than this drama, as one may gather from Dr. Fewkes’ account of it
given at another place.
Little of the Hopi’s skill as a carver and decorator goes to the
furnishing or building of the house; almost all is taken up with
ceremonial matters. Previous to a few years ago chairs were
unknown, as was any other domestic joinery, except the Hopi head
masks, prayer-sticks and the thousand objects used in his pagan

worship, in the manufacture of which he was master of all
expedients. As a worker in stone and shell he still knows the arts of
the ancient times, but lacks the skill of his forebears. The turquoise
mosaics of old days so regularly and finely set on the backs of sea
shells, have given place to the uneven scraps of turquoise set in
confusion on bits of wood, as on the woman’s earrings. Many
devices have gone out entirely, and it is probable that no Hopi could
make an axe of hard stone like the old ones or chip a finely
proportioned arrowhead. The hand-stones for grinding corn are still
made, and a woman pecking away at one with a stone hammer is
not infrequently seen and heard.
The Hopi were never metal-workers, because free metals are scarce
in the Southwest. Their name for silver, with which they became
familiar in the shape of coins, is shiba, “a little white cake.” Gold they
regard with suspicion, since it resembles copper or brass, with which
they have been deceived at times by unscrupulous persons. A few
workers in silver have produced some crude ornaments, but the Hopi
gets his buttons, belt ornaments, etc., from the adept Navaho,
silversmiths by trade, through whom also strings of beads come
from the pueblos of the Rio Grande.
The rocks all over the Southwest bear witness that the Hopi can
draw. In thousands of instances he expressed his meaning in
symbols or in compositions representing the chase of the deer or
mountain goat. One of these groups on the smooth rocks near
Holbrook, Arizona, shows a man driving a flock of turkeys, and is
exceedingly graphic. On the cliff faces below Walpi are numerous
well-executed pictographs, and occasionally one runs across recent
work on the mesa top that excites admiration. With sculpture in the
round the Hopi has done nothing remarkable because his tastes and
materials have never led in this direction. A few rather large figures
rudely carved from soft sandstone may be seen around the pueblos,
and numerous fetiches, some of very hard stone, representing
wolves, bears, and other animals, are still in the keeping of the
societies. Some of these are very well done, but show little progress

in sculpture. The visitor must beware of the little fetiches whittled
from soft stone and offered for sale as genuine by the guileful Hopi
in quest of shiba.
The industry which the Hopi woman has all in her own hands is
basket-making, and the work is apportioned to such as have the skill
and fancy for it, as if there were a division of labor. The women of
the three towns on the East Mesa do not make baskets at all, those
of the Middle Mesa sew only coiled baskets, while the women of
Oraibi weave wicker baskets exclusively. Thus, there is no difficulty
in saying just where a Hopi basket comes from, and there is also no
excuse for not recognizing these specimens of Hopi woman’s work at
first glance, as they have a strong individuality that separates them
from all other baskets of the Indians.
If one should visit the most skilful basket-maker of the Middle Mesa,
Kuchyeampsi, that modest little woman, might be seen busily at
work, and from her a great deal about the construction of coiled
baskets could be learned. But it would take some time and patience
to find that the grass whose stems she gathers for the body of the
coil is named takashu, which botanists know as Hilaria jamesii, and
that the strips which she sews over and joins the coil are from the
leaves of the useful mohu (Yucca glauca).
Then when Kuchyeampsi comes home laden with her basket
materials one must take further lessons in stripping the yucca
leaves, splitting them with the thumb-nail to uniform size, and
dyeing some of them various colors, for which anilines are principally
used in these degenerate days. One must have an eye for the colors
of the natural leaves of the yucca and select the yellow or yellowish
green of the old leaves, the vivid green of the young leaves, and the
white of the heart leaves, for the basket weaver discriminates all of
these and uses them in her work.
Of course Kuchyeampsi has all her material ready, the strips buried
in moist sand, the grass moistened, and she may be starting a
plaque. The slender coil at the center is too small to be formed with

grass stems, so she builds it up of waste bits from the leaf-stripping,
wrapping it with yucca strips, and taking only a few stitches with the
encircling coil, since the bone awl is too clumsy for continuous
stitching at the outset. After the third round the bone awl is plied,
continuously piercing through under the coil and taking in the
stitches beneath strips. As a hole is made the yucca strip is threaded
through and drawn tight on the grass coil, and so the patient work
goes on till the basket is complete. The patterns which appear on
the baskets are stored up in the maker’s brain and unfold as the coil
progresses with the same accuracy as is evinced by the pottery
decorator. The finish of the end of the coil gives an interesting
commentary on Hopi beliefs. It is said that the woman who leaves
the coil end unfinished does not complete it because that would
close her life and no more children would bless her.
At Oraibi one may see the women making wicker tray-baskets. Three
or four slender sumach twigs are wickered together side by side at
the middle and another similar bundle laid across the first at right
angles. Then dyed branches of a desert plant known as “rabbit
brush” are woven in and out between the twigs, and as the basket
progresses she adds other radial rods until the basket is large
enough. She finishes the edge by bending over the sumach ribs,
forming a core, around which she wraps strips of yucca.
One must admire the accuracy with which the designs are kept in
mind and woven into the structure of the basket with splints of
various colors or strips of tough yucca. The translation of a design
into the radiating sewing of the coiled basket or the horizontal filling
of the wicker basket shows the necessity of the different treatments,
contrasting with the freedom which it is the potter’s privilege to
display on the smooth surface of her ware. So far as known the Hopi
women never fail in applying their designs, however intricate.
Frequently these designs represent mythical birds, butterflies,
clouds, etc.
Among the Hopi certain of the villages are noted for their local
manufactures. Thus Walpi and Hano are practically the only towns

where pottery is made, the Middle Mesa towns are headquarters for
coiled baskets, and Oraibi furnishes wicker baskets. Perhaps the
meaning of this is that these arts belong to clans, who have
preserved them and know the secrets, and with the dying out of the
workers or migration of the clans the arts have disappeared or have
been transformed. Another cause which will suggest itself is the local
abundance and quality of the materials required to be found in the
surrounding plains and mountains.
Basketry has at least as many uses as pottery among the Hopi, and
a number of kinds besides the familiar plaques with symbolical
decoration have been eagerly sought by collectors. The crops from
the fields are borne to the houses on the mesas in carrying baskets,
resembling a pannier, which are worked of wicker over a frame of
two bent sticks crossed at right angles. In the house the coiled and
wicker trays heaped high with corn meal, the basket for parched
corn and the sifting basket near the corn grinding stones, will be
found. In the bread-baking room is the coarse, though effective, piki
tray, and occasionally one may still see a neatly made floor mat. The
thin checker mat of ancient days has long since gone out of use, but
formerly, the dead were wrapped in such mats before they were
placed in the earth.
Over the fireplace is a hood of basketry plastered to prevent
burning. The wicker cradle to which the infant hopeful is bound must
not be forgotten. Several small globular wicker baskets for various
purposes may also be displayed among the household belongings.
The mat of grass stems in which the wedding blanket is folded is
also a kind of basketry, as are the twined mats for covering the
hatchway of the kiva and the twined fence around the fields.
With all their own resources, the Hopi are great collectors of baskets
from other tribes. One must not be surprised to see in use in the
Hopi houses the water bottles coated with pitch and the well-made
basket-bowls from the Havasupai of Cataract Canyon, the Pimas of
southern Arizona, and other tribes touched by Hopi commerce.

The vizors of old masks used in the ceremonies were of basketry,
generally a section cut from a Ute basket-bowl, which shows one of
the most interesting employments of baskets among the Hopi. The
highly decorated trays may also be said to have a sacred character
from their frequent appearance in the ceremonies, where they are
used to contain prayer-sticks, meal, etc. Appropriately the women’s
ceremonies display many baskets on the altars, and in the public
dances each woman carries a bright plaque. One of the episodes of
these ceremonies is full of action when women throw baskets to
men who struggle energetically for them. On this account these
ceremonies have been called Basket Dances.
One of the frequent sights in a Hopi town is a woman carrying a
heaped-up plaque of meal of her own grinding as a present to some
friend. This usually happens on the eve of a ceremony, like our
Christmas gifts, but no one must fail to notice that an equal present
is religiously brought in return.
The Hopi value their baskets; they appreciate fully a pretty thing,
and this explains why one of the Sichomovi men, who is rich in
Havasupai baskets, has had the good taste to decorate the walls of
the best room of his house with these trophies of Cataract Canyon.
Judging from the number of ruins in the Southwest, it might be
thought that the former inhabitants spent much of their time in
laying up walls and considered the work easy. What these ruins do
show in an emphatic way is the organization of the builders and
what mutual aid will accomplish.
Dismiss the idea of the modern architect, builder, laborers, brick
makers, planing mill hands, plumbers, etc., combining to get ready a
dwelling for a family, and substitute in their place all the Indian
relatives, from the infant to the superannuated, lending willing hands
for the “raising.” The primitive architect is there, builders too, of skill
and experience and a full corps of those who furnish builders’
supplies, including the tot who carries a little sand in her dress and

those who ransack the country round for brush, clay, beams, stones,
and water.
Before going farther it must be understood that house-building is
women’s work among the Hopi, and these likewise are the house-
owners. It seems rather startling, then, that all the walls of the
uninhabited houses and the fallen walls of the ruins that prevail in
the Southwest should be mainly the work of women’s hands, whose
touch we might expect to find on the decorated pottery, but not on
the structures that cause the Pueblo people to be known as house-
builders. From this one begins to understand the importance of
woman in these little nations of the desert.
Let us suppose that an addition is to be made to a Hopi village of a
house containing a single room, built without regard to the future
additions which may later form a house cluster. The plan of such a
house would be familiar to any Hopi child, since it is merely a
rectangular box. When the location has been determined, word is
passed around among the kinsfolk and the collection of stones,
beams, etc., is begun. Cottonwood trees for many miles around are
laid under contribution. Some beams may be supplied from trees
growing nearby along the washes and in the cornfields, and some
may require journeys of eighty or a hundred miles, representing
immense labor. Beams are precious, and in this dry climate they last
indefinitely, so that one may not be surprised to find timber in the
present houses from Awatobi or older ruins, or from Spanish mission
times. It is also probable that often when pueblos were abandoned,
they were revisited later and the timbers torn out and brought to the
new location, thus the ruins might appear more ancient than they
really are. With the advent of the burro, the horse, and the iron axe,
timbering became easier than in the stone age, but it was still no
sinecure.
Stones are gathered from the sides of the mesa not far away, those
not larger than a moderate burden being selected. The sand-rock of
the mesa is soft and with a hammer-stone convenient masses may
be broken off. At present there is a quarry on the Walpi mesa; the

blocks gotten out by means of axes are more regular than those in
the old houses, which show little or no traces of working. Between
the layers of rock are beds of clay which require only moistening
with water to become ready for the mason.
The architect has paced off the ground and determined the
dimensions of the house, giving the arm measurement of the
timbers to the logging party who, with the rest, have got the
materials ready. The next step is to find the house-chief and secure
from him four eagle-feather prayer-plumes. These are deposited
under the four corner stones with appropriate ceremony of breath-
prayers for the welfare of the house and its occupants. The plumes
are dedicated to the god of the underworld, the sun, and other
deities concerned with house-life. The builder then determines
where the door shall be and places an offering of food on either side
of it; he then walks around the site from left to right, sprinkling a
mixture of piki crumbs and other food with tobacco along the line of
the walls, singing to the sun his kitdauwi, “house song”; Si-si, a-hai,
si-si, a-hai, the meaning of which has long been forgotten.
The walls are laid in irregular courses, mortar being sparingly used.
The addition of plastering to the outside and inside of the house
awaits some future time, though sometimes work on the outside
coat is put off to an ever vanishing mañana. When the house walls,
seven or eight feet in height and of irregular thickness from
seventeen to twenty-two inches are completed, the women begin on
the roof. The beams are laid across the side walls at intervals of two
feet; above these and parallel with the side walls are laid poles;
across these is placed a layer of rods or willow brush, and above this
is piled grass or small twigs. A layer of mud comes next, and when
this is dry, earth is placed on it and tramped down until hard. The
roof, which is complicated and ingenious, is nearly level, but
provision is made for carrying off the water by means of spouts.
When the roof is finished the women put a thick coating of mud on
the floor and plaster the walls. At Zuñi floors are nearly always made
of slabs of stone, but in Hopi mud is the rule. The process of

plastering a floor is interesting to an onlooker. Clay dug from under
the cliffs, crushed and softened in water and tempered with sand is
smeared on the floor with the hand, a little area at a time. The floor
may be dry and occasionally the mud gets too hard; a dash of water
corrects this. When the mud dries to the proper stage, it is rubbed
with a smooth stone having a flat face, giving the completed floor a
fine finish like pottery. As an extra finish to the room a dado is
painted around the wall, in a wash of red ocher by means of a rabbit
skin used as a brush. Formerly a small space on the wall was left
unplastered; it was believed that a kachina came and finished it, and
although the space remained bare it was considered covered with
invisible mud.
Before the house can be occupied the builder prepares four feathers
for its dedication. He ties the nakwakwoci or breath feathers to a
willow twig, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof-
beams. The builder also appeases Masauah, the God of Death, by an
offering in which the house is “fed” by putting fragments of food
among the rafters or in a niche in the door lintels, beseeching the
god not to hasten the departure of any of the family to the
underworld. At the feast of Soyaluna in December, the feathers,
forming the “soul” of the house, are renewed, and at this season
when the sun returns northward, the village house-chief visits the
houses which have been built within the year and performs a
ceremony over them.
A hole is left in one corner of the roof, under which the women build
the mud fireplace, with its knob andirons and the column of pots
with the bottoms knocked out which form the chimney. Over the
fireplace, a chimney hood, usually supported on posts, is
constructed of basket-work, plastered over with mud. A row of
mealing stones slanted in sunken stone boxes in the floor must not
be forgotten, and no one in Hopiland could set up housekeeping
without a smooth stone slab to bake piki upon. Some of the houses
have a low bench along one or two sides of the room which forms
convenient seats. The windows are small, being often mere chinks,

through which the curious spy without being seen. Stones are
usually at hand, by means of which, and mud, windows and doors
may be closed when the family go off on a rather protracted stay.
This one-room house is the nucleus of the village. When the
daughters marry and require space for themselves, another house is
built in front of and adjoining the first one, and a second story may
be added to the original house. Thus the cluster grows, and around
the spaces reserved for streets and plazas other clusters grow until
they touch one another and rise three or four stories, the inner
rooms being dark from the addition to the later houses and these
become storage places.
While the old houses were entered from the trapdoors in the roof,
the new houses have doors at the ground level and often windows
glazed in the most approved style. Frequently in the march of
progress doors are cut into the old houses, and the streets begin to
assume the appearance of a Mexican town; but the old nucleus
buried under the successive buildings rarely shows and may be
traced with difficulty. In winter the people withdraw from the
exposed and retire to the old enclosed rooms, huddling together to
keep warm, enlivening the confinement with many a song, legend,
and story.
So much for the woman builders of Tusayan, to whom all honor.[1]
[1] One who desires to pursue this subject in more detail should consult
Mindeleff’s paper on Pueblo Architecture in the 8th Annual Report Bureau
American Ethnology, 1886-1887.

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